Neighborhood Effects Research Research Articles (Page 1)

Neighborhood effects research focuses on the residential neighborhood, assuming it as the main spatial context relevant to individual outcomes. Individuals, however, are mobile and visit various spatial contexts other than the residential neighborhoods. This article conceptualizes contextual exposures to socioenvironmental factors in daily activity spaces and their relationship with residential exposures. By introducing regression toward the mean, we argue that mobility-based contextual exposures are, on average, less extreme than residential exposures. Previous neighborhood effects studies therefore tend to underestimate actual spatial contextual effects when they misrepresent residential neighborhood effects as the total contextual effects. Despite improved measurement accuracy with the transition from residence- to mobility-based exposures, we suggest the complexities remaining in the estimation of spatial contextual effects from a geographic perspective. These complexities include a possibly limited extent of neighborhood effects regression across neighborhoods and asymmetrical dispersion of between-individual contextual exposures within each neighborhood.

Prior research has assessed the ways in which neighborhoods promote or inhibit children's development but has paid less attention to delineating the particular processes through which neighborhoods are linked to child outcomes. This study combines geospatial data with survey data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Cohort of 2010–2011, a nationally representative sample of kindergarteners followed through 5th grade (N ~ 12,300), to explore how differences in neighborhood resources (parks and services) and stressors (crime and neighborhood disadvantage) are associated with variations in parental inputs—school involvement and provision of out‐of‐home enrichment activities. Using multilevel models assessing within‐ and between‐family associations, we found mixed evidence concerning how neighborhood features are linked to parental inputs. Considering within‐family changes in neighborhood contexts, concentrated disadvantage negatively predicted parental inputs, particularly following a move to a more disadvantaged neighborhood. Results were more consistent between families: concentrated disadvantage was associated with lower school involvement and out‐of‐home enrichment, while community services and parks were associated with more involvement and enrichment. Neighborhood crime was not associated with parental inputs. Results shed light on methodological limitations of neighborhood effects research and suggest the need for more rigorous methods, such as natural experiments which can capture exogenous changes in neighborhood processes.

Scientists have, for some time, recognized that development unfolds in numerous settings, including families, schools, neighborhoods, and organized and unorganized activity settings. Since the turn of the 20th century, the body of mainstream neighborhood effects scholarship draws heavily from the early 20th century Chicago School of Sociology frameworks and have been situating development in neighborhood contexts and working to identify the structures and processes via which neighborhoods matter for a range of developmental outcomes, especially achievement, behavioral and emotional problems, and sexual activity. From this body of work, two new areas of developmental scholarship are emerging. Both areas are promising for advancing an understanding of child development in context. First, cultural-developmental neighborhood researchers are advancing neighborhood effects research that explicitly recognizes the ways that racial, ethnic, cultural, and immigrant social positions matter for neighborhood environments and for youths' developmental demands, affordances, experiences, and competencies. This body of work substantially expands the range of developmental outcomes examined in neighborhood effects scholarship to recognize normative physical, emotional, cognitive, behavioral, social, and cultural competencies that have largely been overlooked in neighborhood effects scholarship that espoused a more color-blind developmental approach. Second, activity space neighborhood researchers are recognizing that residential neighborhoods have important implications for broader activity spaces-or the set of locations and settings to which youth are regularly exposed, including, for example, schools, work, organized activities, and hang-outs. They are using newer technologies and geographic frameworks to assess exposure to residential neighborhood and extra-neighborhood environments. These perspectives recognize that time (i.e., from microtime to mesotime) and place are critically bound and that exposures can be operationalized at numerous levels of the ecological system (i.e., from microsystems to macrosystems). These frameworks address important limitations of prior development in context scholarship by addressing selection and exposure. Addressing selection involves recognizing that families have some degree of choice when selecting into settings and variables that predict families' choices (e.g., income) also predict development. Considering exposure involves recognizing that different participants or residents experience different amounts of shared and nonshared exposures, resulting in both under-and over-estimation of contextual effects. Activity space scholars incorporate exposure to the residential neighborhood environments, but also to other locations and settings to which youth are regularly exposed, like schools, after-school settings, work, and hang-outs. Unfortunately, the cultural-development and activity space streams, which have both emerged from early 20th century work on neighborhood effects on development, have been advancing largely independently. Thus, the overarching aim of this monograph is to integrate scholarship on residential neighborhoods, cultural development, and activity spaces to advance a framework that can support a better understanding of development in context for diverse groups. In Chapters I and II we present the historical context of the three streams of theoretical, conceptual, and methodological research. We also advance a comprehensive cultural-developmental activity space framework for studying development in context among children, youth, and families that are ethnically, racially, and culturally heterogeneous. This framework actively recognized diversity in ethnic, racial, immigrant, and socioeconomic social positions. In Chapters III-V we advance specific features of the framework, focusing on: (1) the different levels of nested and nonnested ecological systems that can be captured and operationalized with activity space methods, (2) the different dimensions of time and exposures or experiences that can be captured and operationalized by activity space methods, and (3) the importance of settings structures and social processes for identifying underlying mechanisms of contextual effects on development. Structures are setting features related to the composition and spatial arrangement of people and institutions (e.g., socioeconomic disadvantage, ethnic/racial compositions). Social processes represent the collective social dynamics that take place in settings, like social interactions, group activities, experiences with local institutions, mechanisms of social control, or shared beliefs. In Chapter VI, we highlight a range of methodological and empirical exemplars from the United States that are informed by our comprehensive cultural-developmental activity space framework. These exemplars feature both quantitative and qualitative methods, including method mixing. These exemplars feature both quantitative and qualitative methods, including method mixing. The exemplars also highlight the application of the framework across four different samples from populations that vary in terms of race, ethnicity, gender, age, socioeconomic status (SES), geographic region, and urbanicity. They capture activity space characteristics and features in a variety of ways, in addition to incorporating family shared and nonshared activity space exposures. Finally, in Chapter VII we summarize the contributions of the framework for advancing a more comprehensive science of development in context, one that better realizes major developmental theories emphasizing persons, processes, contexts, and time. Additionally, we offer a place-based, culturally informed developmental research agenda to meet the needs of an increasingly diverse population.

As evidence of the relationship between place and health mounts, more epidemiologists and clinical science researchers are becoming interested in incorporating place-based measures and analyses into their examination of population health and health inequities. Given the extensive literature on place and health, it can be challenging for researchers new to this area to develop neighborhood-effects research questions and apply the appropriate measures and methods. This paper provides a road map for guiding health researchers through the conceptual and methodological stages of incorporating various dimensions of place into their quantitative health research. Synthesizing across reviews, commentaries, and empirical investigations, the road map consists of 4 broad stages for considering place and health: 1) why?: articulating the motivation for assessing place and health and grounding the motivation in theory; 2) what?: identifying the relevant place-based characteristics and specifying their link to health to build a conceptual framework; 3) how?: determining how to operationalize the conceptual framework by defining, measuring, and assessing place-based characteristics and quantifying their effect on health; and 4) now what?: discussing the implications of neighborhood research findings for future research, policy, and practice. This road map supports efforts to develop conceptually and analytically rigorous neighborhood research projects.

Neighbourhood effects research has benefited from the application of sequence analysis which, together with cluster analysis, identifies the main temporal patterns of exposure to residential contexts experienced by different groups of people, such as children. However, given that this is a relatively new approach to measuring exposure to neighbourhood deprivation, studies that have utilised sequence analysis to model residential trajectories and test for neighbourhood effects do not contextualise these population-level findings at the individual-level. The current study sought to investigate the patterns of exposure to neighbourhood deprivation experienced by children in Aotearoa New Zealand over the first eight years of life by utilising two different methodological approaches: at the macro-level, the results of the sequence and cluster analysis suggest that in general, children experienced little neighbourhood mobility; at the micro-level, children experienced greater levels of movement between different levels of neighbourhood deprivation in middle childhood, compared to early childhood, while children in the least and most deprived neighbourhoods experienced less mobility than their peers. Together, these findings provide a comprehensive description of the ways in which children are exposed to different residential contexts over time and advance our understandings of how to document these experiences effectively within quantitative research.

Although there is an abundance of research on the association of school poverty (or socioeconomic status) and test score level, there is very little rigorous longitudinal evidence on the cumulative effects of exposure to differing school contexts. Drawing from methods used first in epidemiology and then in neighborhood effects research, we use population-level longitudinal data from North Carolina to estimate a structural nested mean model that permits proper adjustment for time-varying confounding. Unlike panel data studies using student fixed effects, which often report close to null findings, we find evidence of modest but significant negative effects of school poverty composition on eighth-grade reading and math test scores in models that control for third-grade test scores and baseline treatment status.

Connected in health: Place-to-place commuting networks and COVID-19 spillovers

The neighborhood effects scholarship in urban sociology demonstrates the importance of geographic location to many social outcomes previously thought to be solely determined by individual characteristics (e.g. educational attainment). This article applies the theory and methods of neighborhood effects research to the study of community-based nonprofit organizations. If neighborhood composition and processes matter for individuals, do they also influence organizational outcomes such as resource procurement? An analysis of foundation grantmaking in the city of Chicago reveals that nonprofits’ ability to secure grants is influenced by both organizational and neighborhood characteristics. Larger, younger nonprofits with lower debt ratios, engagement in local networks and a previous record of foundation funding, are more likely to secure foundation support. While organizational factors matter, securing grants is also independently influenced by a nonprofit’s neighborhood location. Nonprofits in neighborhoods with a lower percentage of households in poverty, higher nonprofit density, and evidence of government grant support are more likely to receive foundation grants. We find neighborhood effects for nonprofit organizations for the outcome of resource procurement, specifically securing foundation grants. The article considers implications of these findings for nonprofits and the populations they serve.

BackgroundInductive explorations of neighborhood safety are a notable gap in neighborhood effects research. Thus, the current study explores resident definitions of safety and safety threats in urban, suburban, and rural communities.ObjectiveTo reveal urban residents’ phenomenological conceptualizations of neighborhood safety and perceptions of law enforcement as a safety support and/or a safety threat.MethodsThe researchers conducted semi-structured focus groups with community residents across three counties to gather evidence of what makes them feel safe and unsafe in their communities.Findings/ConclusionsThematic analysis generated five themes of what makes residents feel safe, what they perceived are safety threats, and what they believe law enforcement officers do to promote safety. The article concludes with implications for urban social work practice and research.

Abstract ObjectiveNeighborhood effects research often employs aggregate data at small geographic areas to understand neighborhood processes. This article investigates whether empirical applications of neighborhood effects research benefit from a measurement error perspective.MethodsThe article situates neighborhood effects research in a measurement error framework and then details a Bayesian methodology capable of addressing measurement concerns. We compare the proposed model to conventional linear models on crime data from Detroit, Michigan, as well as two simulated examples that closely mirror the sampling process.ResultsThe Detroit data example shows that the proposed model makes substantial differences to parameters of interest and reduces the mean squared error. The simulations confirm the benefit of the proposed model, regularly recovering parameters and conveying uncertainty where conventional linear models fail.ConclusionA measurement error perspective can improve estimation for data aggregated at small geographic areas.

Racial-ethnic disparities in adolescent sexual risk behavior are associated with health disparities during adulthood and are therefore important to understand. Some scholars argue that neighborhood disadvantage induces disparities, yet prior research is mixed. We extend neighborhood-effects research by addressing long-term exposure to neighborhood disadvantage and estimation bias resulting from inclusion of time-varying covariates. Drawing from the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study, we compare a point-in-time proximal measure of neighborhood disadvantage with a duration-weighted measure using marginal structural models with inverse probability of treatment weights. Findings indicate that multiracial, non-Hispanic black, and Hispanic youth exhibit significantly higher sexual risk and duration-weighted exposure to neighborhood disadvantage than non-Hispanic white adolescents. Duration-weighted exposure is a better predictor of sexual initiation and number of partners by age 15 than a point-in-time proximal measure of neighborhood disadvantage and accounts for a substantial portion of the race-ethnic differences in sexual risk.

Neighborhood effects research is plagued by the inability to circumvent selection effects —the process of people sorting into neighborhoods. Data from two British Birth Cohorts, 1958 (ages 16, 23, 33, 42, 55) and 1970 (ages 16, 24, 34, 42), and structural equation modelling, were used to investigate life course relationships between body mass index (BMI) and area deprivation (addresses at each age linked to the closest census 1971–2011 Townsend score [TOWN], re-calculated to reflect consistent 2011 lower super output area boundaries). Initially, models were examined for: (1) area deprivation only, (2) health selection only and (3) both. In the best-fitting model, all relationships were then tested for effect modification by residential mobility by inclusion of interaction terms. For both cohorts, both BMI and area deprivation strongly tracked across the life course. Health selection, or higher BMI associated with higher area deprivation at the next study wave, was apparent at three intervals: 1958 cohort, BMI at age 23 y and TOWN at age 33 y and BMI at age 33 y and TOWN at age 42 y; 1970 cohort, BMI at age 34 y and TOWN at age 42 y, while paths between area deprivation and BMI at the next interval were seen in both cohorts, over all intervals, except for the association between TOWN at age 23 y and BMI at age 33 y in the 1958 cohort. None of the associations varied by moving status. In conclusion, for BMI, selective migration does not appear to account for associations between area deprivation and BMI across the life course.

Although neighborhood context is a well-recognized factor in the well-being of children and families, little systematic research exists to guide inquiries into the intersection of neighborhood social processes and child and family well-being. Moreover, despite the increased popularity of neighborhood effects research over the last several decades, crucial questions around the debate on how to align research findings with tangible experiences for children and families remain open. This article reviews selected studies that linked neighborhood factors to specific domains of child and family well-being: parenting, safety, health, and educational outcomes. By focusing on neighborliness, a particular form of neighboring, the study aims to shift the focus from macrolevel indicators of neighborhood context, to a more dynamic set of attributes that characterize neighborhood life, with the hope of inspiring others to build upon the findings and begin to translate the conclusions to meaningful policies and programs. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Is neighbourhood effects research in psychosis fit for purpose? Commentary on Eaton et al.

BackgroundIn this review article, we detail a small but growing literature in the field of healthgeography that uses longitudinal data to determine a life course component to theneighbourhood effects thesis. For too long, there has been reliance on cross-sectionaldata to test the hypothesis that where you live has an effect on your health andwell-being over and above your individual circumstances.MethodsWe identified 53 articles that demonstrate how neighbourhood deprivation measured atleast 15 years prior affects health and well-being later in life using the databasesScopus and Web of Science.ResultsWe find a bias towards US studies, the most common being the Panel Study of IncomeDynamics. Definition of neighbourhood and operationalization of neighbourhooddeprivation across most of the included articles relied on data availability rather thana priori hypothesis.ConclusionsTo further progress neighbourhood effects research, we suggest that more data linkageto longitudinal datasets is required beyond the narrow list identified in this review.The limited literature published to date suggests an accumulation of exposure toneighbourhood deprivation over the life course is damaging to later life health, whichindicates improving neighbourhoods as early in life as possible would have the greatestpublic health improvement.

In order to capture individual life chances and their spatial relations, the paper expands the neighbourhood effects research by referring to the capability approach. We conceptualise life chances as the opportunities and freedom to fulfil human needs, which is determined by individual resources. The opportunities and freedoms depend on the life circumstances and underly profound changes during life course, with corresponding changes of the neighbourhoods’ significance for life chances. Instead of “disadvantaged neighbourhoods” we focus on disadvantaged life circumstances in neighbourhoods.

Theory behind neighbourhood effects suggests that people’s spatial context potentially affects individual outcomes across multiple scales and geographies. We argue that neighbourhood effects research needs to break away from the ‘tyranny’ of neighbourhood and consider alternative ways to measure the wider sociospatial context of people, placing individuals at the centre of the approach. We review theoretical and empirical approaches to place and space from diverse disciplines, and explore the geographical scopes of neighbourhood effects mechanisms. Ultimately, we suggest how microgeographic data can be used to operationalise sociospatial context, where data pragmatism should be supplanted by a theory-driven data exploration.

This article draws on recent studies to argue that researchers need to be attentive to the limits of the neighborhood effect as conventionally understood. It highlights the complexities of contextual influences and the challenges in accurately representing and measuring individual exposures to those influences. Specifically, it discusses the idiosyncratic and multidimensional nature of contextual effects, the temporal complexities of contextual influences, the frame dependence of exposure measures, selective mobility bias, and publication bias in neighborhood effects research. It also discusses how contextual uncertainties could be mitigated in future research (e.g., through collecting and using high-resolution space–time data and moving toward frame-independent exposure measures with results that are not affected by how data are organized with respect to space and time).

BackgroundNeighbourhood quality has been connected with an array of health issues, but neighbourhood research has been limited by the lack of methods to characterise large geographical areas. This study uses...

Theory behind neighbourhood effects suggests that different geographies and scales affect individual outcomes. We argue that neighbourhood effects research needs to break away from the tyranny of neighbourhood and consider alternative ways to measure the wider socio-spatial context of people, placing individuals at the centre of the approach. We review theoretical and empirical approaches to place and space from a multitude of disciplines and the geographical scopes of neighbourhood effects mechanisms. Ultimately, we suggest ways in which micro-geographic data can be used to operationalise socio-spatial context for neighbourhood effects, where data pragmatism should be supplanted by a theory-driven data exploration.