NATO Operations Research Articles

Parliamentary acceptability of EU military deployments in member states: beyond rubber-stamping?

ABSTRACT This article examines national parliamentary debates in 13 EU member states of eight CSDP military deployments underway between 2016 and 2021. It reviews discussions about whether, and why, to send troops on EU missions and operations, and the extent to which these debates differ from expectations in the literature derived from involvement in NATO operations. The survey includes small states, which have been previously excluded from such analysis. Drawing on a dataset of 411 statements by national parliamentarians from across Europe, the article employs eight discursive frames to understand how MPs articulate their acceptance (or not) of CSDP deployments. We supplement this with detailed data on national troop contributions. We find that CSDP debates in national parliaments resemble those of ‘high-salience’ deployments when considering frame usage and party position. We present limited evidence supporting the claim that small states frame deployment debates similarly to large states.

Generalized methodology of valuate using the satellite repeater connection for targeted purpose.

Providing electronic communication services to military formations that protect the state in the conditions of repelling a full-scale military invasion of the Russian Federation, requires the creation of a communication system (SZ) of the Armed Forces (AF) of Ukraine, which has the necessary properties to perform the assigned tasks as intended [1; 2]. According to the standard AJP-3 «Joint doctrine of the conduct of NATO operations» [3], increasing the combat capabilities of the combined forces and supporting operations (combat operations) is carried out, including through the use of satellite communications. The potential capabilities of satellite communication, such as broadcasting, high reliability and quality of communication channels, independence from distance, physical and geographical conditions, and high mobility, allow to ensure the communication of subscribers of the electronic communications system of the armed forces, which is a combat platform that allows the system management to receive network information services in real time. Modern satellite repeaters (SR) can have up to several dozen transponders of several frequency bands [4–6]. Satellite communication systems, which include several SRs, can provide high bandwidth of radio channels and the possibility of transmitting large volumes of information through them and allow solving the problem of creating global information and telecommunication systems and networks. The satellite communication system of the AF of Ukraine should be able to change the configuration for a specific service area depending on the needs of certain types of satellite networks, and therefore the satellite communication system of the AF of Ukraine should be based, including on SR communication of commercial appointment. The article proposes a generalized methodology for evaluating satellite communication relays of the SSR of the AF of Ukraine, the novelty of which is its general orientation for satellite communication systems built according to different architectural principles, using different frequency-orbital resources and providing different services using a methodological approach, which is based on the provisions of qualimetry and the calculation of integral and relative efficiency indicators, which takes into account the characteristic indicators of individual satellite repeaters.

Language Lessons Learned? NATO Requirements and Norwegian Officer Cadets

This study establishes the extent to which Norwegian officer cadets have reached NATO English-language capability targets (NCT) on their graduation with a bachelor’s degree in Military Studies. It further investigates their opinions about the role of English language in the context of the officer profession. Cadets (n = 104) from the three military academies (Army, Navy, Air Force) filled in a Likert-scale questionnaire and afterwards tested on their language in accordance with NATO Standardization Agreement 6001. Analyses of test results showed that while very few cadets reached the NCT for officers working on international staffs; a larger number, however, reached the NCT for officer deployments to NATO operations, exercises, or training. While questionnaire respondents considered the English language instruction offered during their studies relevant to the military profession, the absence of a summative assessment of language proficiency would appear to influence motivation for language training efforts. We conclude that, in order to reach NCT, military educational institutions would do well to increase their focus on the NATO language standard and consider their future assessment practices.

Отбранителните способности на механизираните и танковите форми- рования – предизвикателства и значимост

Defense policy objectives are achieved by building and continuously developing appropriate defense capabilities to counter contemporary challenges, risks and threats and achieving defense capabilities to effectively participate in the full range of NATO and EU-led operations. To ensure that the development of defense capabilities is directed to the operational needs identified by the armed forces and is consistent with the missions of the Armed Forces, it is necessary to determine the importance of each of the imperatives/capability elements, as well as the extent to which the proposed directions for their improvement. For the purposes of research on the topic: „Directions for improving the capabilities of mechanized and tank formations in planning and conducting tactical actions in a defensive operation” the method of expert evaluation was applied and the results of the study are presented.

US-Polish Relations: Stability of the Euro-Atlantic Community in the Focus of NATO

The issue of stability in the Euro-Atlantic community is related to NATO’s activities and the interaction of European states with the United States. In turn, an important place in the security environment of the European subcontinent is occupied by Poland, due to the geopolitical position of the state (critical influence on the stability in Central and Eastern Europe) and its activities in cooperation with the United States within NATO.
 US cooperation with Poland has some conceptual background and determined by Warsaw’s participation in NATO operations, military and defense cooperation with NATO allies. There is a certain cyclical nature in US-Polish relations, given the political priorities of both countries (priorities of American Presidents’ administrations and activities especially of the Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland), however, the security sphere is becoming an element of expanding allied relations. In connection with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, US cooperation with Poland has gained new significance both in the format of strengthening bilateral cooperation and in the regional context.
 In turn, a tendency to change the European architecture of regional security due to the transformation of the Western European security complex in accordance with the theory of B. Buzan is existed, given the military threat from Russia, which determines the strengthening of Poland’s role in NATO, cooperation with the United States in the Euro-Atlantic community.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ПЛАНУВАННЯ ЛОГІСТИЧНОГО ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ БАГАТОНАЦІОНАЛЬНИХ ОПЕРАЦІЙ ЗБРОЙНИХ СИЛ КРАЇН-ЧЛЕНІВ НАТО

The authors of the article analyzed the peculiarities of planning logistic support of multinational operations carried out by the armed forces of NATO member countries. The planning process at the operational level was taken as a basis. The process of planning logistical support is fully integrated into the general process of operational planning and is complex, which requires solving the tasks of timely delivery and replenishment of weapons, military equipment and material and technical means of the troops in order to achieve the optimal level of logistics for the performance of tasks. Operational level logistics covers a large volume of tasks, the main ones of which are: management and provision of material and technical means; maintenance and repair of weapons and military equipment, their movement and transportation; organization of logistics from suppliers to troops, etc. Logistics is vital to any military operation. Without this type of security, it would not be possible to conduct and support operations, in particular, those conducted outside the territory of NATO member states. The procedure for the work of logistics support officials of the joint headquarters, which is created to plan the use of forces and means in a joint operation, is considered. The scheme of the organization of logistical support of a multinational NATO operation in the general system of operational planning, as well as the scheme of the organization of operational planning during the development of a plan for the joint supply of material means (logistics support plan) is presented. The procedure for carrying out a logistical assessment of the situation is revealed and an example of determining the necessary information for carrying out a logistical assessment is given.

“I can't come to the words”: Effects of including military flavour when testing the oral proficiency of Norwegian joint terminal attack controllers

Joint Terminal Attack Controllers (JTACs) direct close-air-support during NATO operations, however, non-native speaker JTACs struggle to meet the NATO English proficiency requirement. This paper examines the effects of including more “military flavour” (Green & Wall, 2005) in the oral proficiency interview (OPI) for JTACs, developed in accordance with NATO Standardisation Agreement (STANAG) 6001. The new test format, called the “OPI+” included linguistic tasks associating military content domains with the linguistic functions traditionally elicited in the OPI, allowing for comparisons to be made between the two. The test was tried on the Norwegian JTAC selection course (N = 25). Test-taker performance was holistically rated in accordance with STANAG 6001, and candidate output on four OPI+ tasks later transcribed and analysed using discourse analytic measures. Findings suggest that while adding more professional flavour to the test of speaking will improve face validity, test-takers' qualitative and quantitative performance will not be significantly affected, as long as the language functions elicited remain the same. Moreover, when it comes to testing the professional language JTACs need in the target language use situation, the standard STANAG 6001 OPI test format apparently leaves something to be desired.

Towards Secure and Interoperable Underwater Acoustic Communications: Current Activities in NATO IST-174 Research Task Group

Although the area of underwater acoustic networking is getting mature and critical for a wide variety of commercial applications, the lack of secure underwater communication standards presents a major impediment for adopting these networking technologies within NATO operations. The NATO Research Task Group IST-174 “Secure Underwater Communications for Heterogeneous Network-enabled Operations” aims to study and to demonstrate secure underwater communications in a holistic approach. In particular, this group's ambition is to define waveforms, network protocols and architectures that will enable underwater connectivity in a secure and interoperable way. To that effect, this paper presents various security concepts and communication systems currently under development that could be included in those standardisation efforts.

In Search of Monsters to Destroy: NATO’s Prosecution of the Kosovo Intervention in the Just War Theory

Many commentators believe that the NATO bombing campaign in the spring of 1999 in Kosovo answered the call for ethical humanitarian intervention. NATO responded with an aerial bombardment to stop Serbian aggression. Some analysts argue that the NATO response was destructive, costly, and a humanitarian disaster. Others proclaim it as appropriate, necessary, and just. On the specific ethical viewpoint, the just war theory, which has evolved throughout centuries to form the ethical justification for military action, offers strict criteria at the most basic level. Numerous scholars have already touched upon the ethical criteria for going to war. There remains, however, a gap in the literature regarding NATO behavior during the bombing campaign. I argue that, on many occasions, NATO operations violated jus in bello criteria, making the bombing campaign inhumane and ethically inexcusable.

Mobile Nuclear-Hydrogen Synergy in NATO Operations

An uninterrupted chain of energy supplies is the core of every activity, without exception for the operations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. A robust and efficient energy supply is fundamental for the success of missions and a guarantee of soldier safety. However, organizing a battlefield energy supply chain is particularly challenging because the risks and threats are particularly high. Moreover, the energy supply chain is expected to be flexible according to mission needs and able to be moved quickly if necessary. In line with ongoing technological changes, the growing popularity of hydrogen is undeniable and has been noticed by NATO as well. Hydrogen is characterised by a much higher energy density per unit mass than other fuels, which means that hydrogen fuel can increase the range of military vehicles. Consequently, hydrogen could eliminate the need for risky refuelling stops during missions as well as the number of fatalities associated with fuel delivery in combat areas. Our research shows that a promising prospect lies in the mobile technologies based on hydrogen in combination with use of the nuclear microreactors. Nuclear microreactors are small enough to be easily transported to their destinations on heavy trucks. Depending on the design, nuclear microreactors can produce 1–20 MW of thermal energy that could be used directly as heat or converted to electric power or for non-electric applications such as hydrogen fuel production. The aim of the article is to identify a model of nuclear-hydrogen synergy for use in NATO operations. We identify opportunities and threats related to mobile energy generation with nuclear-hydrogen synergy in NATO operations. The research presented in this paper identifies the best method of producing hydrogen using a nuclear microreactor. A popular and environmentally “clean” solution is electrolysis due to the simplicity of the process. However, this is less efficient than chemical processes based on, for example, the sulphur-iodine cycle. The results of the research presented in this paper show which of the methods and which cycle is the most attractive for the production of hydrogen with the use of mini-reactors. The verification criteria include: the efficiency of the process, its complexity and the residues generated as a result of the process (waste)—all taking into account usage for military purposes.

CONSOLIDATING GAINS AND THE CONSOLIDATION AREA IN NATO DOCTRINE

Consolidating gains is an integral part of combat operations that leverages tactical, operational, and strategic level advantages to retain the initiative and create irreversible momentum towards the desired end state (TRADOC, 2017). How successfully armed forces consolidate their gains often informs the outcome for how a conflict is viewed today. Successfully consolidating gains in NATO operations have a clear impact at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels of war. By increasing the importance of consolidating gains and incorporating the consolidation area as a new geographic framework within Alliance doctrine, NATO will be better prepared to maintain the initiative, while creating the required momentum to achieve the military and political end state.

US Military and Humanitarian Aid to Ukraine in 2014–2020

The article analyzes the military and humanitarian aid of the United States of America to Ukraine in 2014–2020. US policy generally focuses on supporting Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and advancing reform to strengthen democratic institutions, fight corruption, and promote conditional economic growth in competition. It should be noted that the United States does not recognize the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and continues to work with partner states to find a diplomatic solution to the war in Eastern Ukraine. Since 2014, US military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine has been the largest compared to other countries. Over the years, United States security assistance has played a key role in creating a better-trained, better-equipped, and more experienced Ukrainian military, signaling that America is supporting Ukraine. The most significant was American assistance in the field of non-lethal care in 2014–2018. American military and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is provided in order to strengthen the defense capabilities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; for the Armed Forces of Ukraine to meet the military criteria required for NATO membership; to promote the reform and professionalization of the Ukrainian army by implementing the best military standards, practices and procedures; to prevent the spread of an aggression into Europe and to prevent the destabilization of the situation on the continent. These efforts are complemented by enhanced support from key NATO members and security partners. In particular, noting Ukraine's long and significant contribution to NATO operations and missions, as well as its successful progress in reforming the security and defense sector and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, NATO members recognized Ukraine as a partner with enhanced capabilities in June 2020. This status provides a number of benefits to both Ukraine and NATO in areas such as training, regular Alliance engagement programs, operations and missions, and the exchange of information and experience, especially in times of crisis.

ANALIZA EWOLUCJI ZNACZENIA DOMENY MORSKIEJ NATO A INTERES BEZPIECZEŃSTWA RP

The main goal of the paper is to analyse the significance of the sea domain for NATO operation and to explain what is the importance of that in the context of Polish membership in this organization and the impact on the security interest of the Republic of Poland. In addition, the author will try to present what technological and organizational challenges should be overcome in order to be able to successfully carry out the process of building modern surface combatants in Poland. Therefore, the whole text will be divided into three parts described below. The purpose of this paper first part is to show the evolution of the significance of the NATO maritime domain in subsequent periods of thereof functioning. The growing importance of NATO's maritime domain, despite all the changes in the security environment, shows that it is very valuable to participate in the Alliance's naval operations. Experience gathered by the Polish Navy and the Ministry of Defence from involvement in NATO naval activities points to a very broad spectrum of benefits from such participation but the scale of this involvement was insufficient due to a number of factors what will by briefly discussed in the second part of this paper together with an analysis of the potential impact of this component on the broadly understood Polish security interest. The third very important part of the paper is to describe and analyse a set of challenges that must be overcome in order for Poland to implement naval shipbuilding undertaking necessary to support Polish maritime security interest and to ensure the ability to participate in NATO maritime activities.

Air Power Projection in Conduct of NATO Deterrence Activities and Operations

This paper provides an overview and analysis of the role, place and importance of air power for the success of joint military operations in conduct of NATO deterrence activities and operations. Air power has been highly valued in defence, security and in warfare from its very beginning, since the establishment of the first Air Forces. With its modern development it has become crucial for achieving military goals, as well as national ones. The importance of air power is shown through its definition and comparison in the military doctrines of the air forces of certain countries and NATO, where it is obvious how important it is in the structure of national power, security and defence, as well as in collective security and defence of NATO. The emphasis is on the ongoing implementation of NATO military activities and operations and the projection of the Alliance’s air power in deterring Russia’s potential threats to its members in Northeast Europe, in the Baltic region. The current method of projection of air power and the use of its elements in these NATO military activities are discussed and presented. The special features and capabilities provided by the air power, which do not possess other military components and cannot compensate for these effects, give it a key role in supporting and conducting joint military operations, and in enabling the success of their implementation.

Operation Allied Force: Unintended Consequences of the NATO Bombing on Children's Outcomes

This is the first paper that estimates the causal effect of the NATO's Operation Allied Force in Serbia in 1999, on children who were in the womb during the bombing. We investigate the in utero effect in terms of short-term outcomes, such as birthweight, as well as medium-term outcomes measured by grades of 15-year-old pupils at the end of primary school. Using the birth records of the Serbian Statistical Office, we estimate difference-in-differences models, combined with propensity score matching. We compare the birthweight of children born in the same year (1999) and in the months just before and after the bombing, and children born in the same months of the previous year (1998). We then exploit the data on educational achievement at the end of primary school, provided by the Ministry of Education, to estimate matching models of the effect of the bombing on individual grades. Our findings suggest that children in utero during the bombing were 2pp more likely to be born with a lower than average birthweight. In the medium-term, we find a statistically significant and negative effect (around −1%) of the bombing on maths grades and Serbian language at primary school, and a 1% increase in the probability to enrol on vocational secondary schools. Overall, our results confirm the importance of the negative effects on children in the aftermath of large-scale disasters, and the necessity of policy interventions to mitigate them.

CONSOLIDAREA AVANTAJELOR ȘI ZONA DE CONSOLIDARE ÎN DOCTRINA NATO

Consolidating gains is an integral part of combat operations that leverages tactical, operational, and strategic level advantages to retain the initiative and create irreversible momentum towards the desired end state (TRADOC, 2017). How successfully armed forces consolidate their gains often informs the outcome for how a conflict is viewed today. Successfully consolidating gains in NATO operations have a clear impact at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels of war. By increasing the importance of consolidating gains and incorporating the consolidation area as a new geographic framework within Alliance doctrine, NATO will be better prepared to maintain the initiative, while creating the required momentum to achieve the military and political end state.

Роль миротворческих операций ООН во внешней политике Дании в 1990-е годы: от образцового миротворца к жесткому атлантисту

Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.

Потенциал реагирования франко-германского тандема на вызовы безопасности

The article focuses on the French and German joint efforts towards strengthening the EU’s ability to address the security challenges and act in the European frontier regions. The authors look closely at the two instruments aimed at developing the EU defense capacity: civil missions and military operations, and the European Intervention Initiative (EI2). In the first part of the article, they argue that after 1992 there was a strong possibility for the UK becoming France’s major partner in the military field, rather than Germany. Nevertheless, eventually, Germany shifted to the position of the key French ally in this area, helping to build the basis for the EU autonomous military potential. The EU has undertaken a number of civil missions and military operations; however, their scale and main parameters are far from the characteristics of such interventions of the UN, NATO, or national military operations. The authors indicate that it is difficult to talk about any “special role” of the Franco-German tandem in this field. Both states can be described as “major donors” for the EU missions and operations rather than champions in the EU security. In several cases there is a lack of synchronization of the countries’ objectives thus their military cooperation sometimes causes serious misunderstandings blocking the fragile coordination on the EU level. In the second part of their research the authors analyze the role of the Franco-German tandem in the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) establishment. The article examines three reasons behind the France’s decision to launch the EI2 initiative in 2018 despite some German objections. The EI2 emerged as a flexible frame for nine countries seeking to carry out offensive operations and interventions outside of the EU and to develop a joint strategic culture. The unique character of the EI2 is evident due to its possibility to engage member countries of the EU, CSFP/PESCO and NATO. The new organization aims to coordinate the work of strategic groups on the broad range of issues. The authors conclude that despite some differences, the Franco-German tandem stimulates a range of projects aspiring to expand its European leadership and to enforce the EU strategic autonomy. Meanwhile, the military leadership of the tandem in the future is not guaranteed, and as the PESCO example shows, there are reasons to start talking about the “quadriga” of players (France, Germany, Italy and Spain), possibly in cooperation with the UK.

The Role of the Polish Military Contingent in the Reconstruction of Ghazni Province

The article outlines the activity of the Polish army as part of NATO operations in Afghanistan. The analysis concerns humanitarian aid in particular, and identifies the most important activities of the PRT (Provincial Reconstruction Team) carried out in the field of reconstruction and security in the city of Ghazni from 2001. The PMC (Polish Military Contingent) worked for the stability of the city, starting in mid-2008. The author concludes that the objectives pursued by the PMC related to the reconstruction of the city of Ghazni increased the level of security of the local community and the overall stability in the region. The methods used in the article (comparative, research, systemic and genetic explanation method) make it possible to examine and present the processes and changes taking place.

Germany’s Participation in Peacekeeping Operations in Africa at Present

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.