ABSTRACT Russia’s perceived expansionist aims and the United States' shift towards an “America First” policy have driven NATO member states to boost defence spending significantly. At the recent NATO summit in The Hague, members agreed to raise defence expenditures to 5% of GDP, allocating 3.5% to military capabilities and 1.5% to infrastructure and cybersecurity. This paper explores the implications of this target, focusing on which NATO countries are best positioned to meet it and which may struggle. It compares current defence spending with the new goals, assessing the fiscal feasibility of these increases through taxation or public debt. The analysis also considers how strong domestic defence industries may benefit certain states economically. The study evaluates which member states are likely to gain from increased military spending and which may fall short, highlighting the uneven capacity among NATO members to adapt to this ambitious defence agenda.

ABSTRACT Recent geopolitical changes have given rise to new challenges placing significant pressure on NATO member states to increase their military spending. Consequently, the question of whether these expenses stimulate economic growth has re-emerged in public debate. This paper provides new evidence regarding this longstanding question which is becoming even more relevant. Using time-series analysis, a growth model has been estimated using an ARDL approach to cointegration to examine the long-run relationship between these variables in a sample of 15 NATO countries over the last 50 years or so. The results show that in eight of these countries – namely Belgium, Canada, France, Greece, Italy, Sweden, Turkey and United States –, military expenditure is positively and statistically significant. The evidence suggests that military spending does not harm growth and may even contribute to it in the long-run. Nevertheless, higher levels of expenditure in relation to that of other countries does not necessarily correspond to a stronger relationship with growth. This implies that the economic effects of increased military spending are highly heterogeneous across member states. It is hoped that the findings presented in this paper can be of use for both academics and decision-makers alike, especially in the current challenging international context.

ABSTRACT This article interrogates the changing security order in Europe and the various dynamics prompted in EU–NATO member states in the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. We look into how during the first years of the conflict mainstream and far-left/far-right political parties in Finland, France, Germany and Sweden came to de-politicize support for Ukraine and the EU–NATO as security providers. We also examine the effects of the changing US foreign and security policy at the hands of the second Donald Trump administration, there has been a distinct re-politicization of the same. Our findings point to that re-politicization has occurred both between European political parties as well as inside political parties.

ABSTRACT Despite rising geopolitical tensions, particularly Russian aggression on NATO's eastern flank, defence spending among NATO member states has become increasingly divergent. While some states increase military expenditures, others fall short, even though they operate under the same alliance rules and external pressures. Existing studies often attribute this variation to threat perception or economic capacity, using the 2% GDP benchmark as a standard. This study moves beyond threshold-based explanations by arguing that defence spending also functions as a strategic signal. States use military expenditures to convey reliability and commitment to multiple audiences. I develop a multi-level signaling theory in which defence spending signals upward to the anchor state and inward to NATO partners, highlighting alliance credibility and accountability. Using panel data from 29 NATO members (2014–2022) with beta, OLS, and fixed-effect models, I show that material assistance, political globalization, and institutional linkage influence defence spending behavior, offering a signaling-based account.

The article examines the organizational and pedagogical foundations of national and international cooperation in the training of personnel for Ukraine’s security and defense sector. The relevance of the research is determined by the need to modernize the national system of military and special education under the conditions of security sector reform, alignment of educational standards with NATO and EU requirements, and the challenges of hybrid warfare, cyber threats, and information influence. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the organizational and pedagogical principles of national and international cooperation in the training of security and defense professionals and to present the author’s concept of enhancing interdepartmental interaction among higher education institutions. The methodological basis includes comparative analysis, systematization, and generalization of international experience, as well as the study of regulatory frameworks and strategic documents governing professional military education in NATO member states. The research results reveal the main trends in integrating the national personnel training system into the European educational space and highlight existing barriers and resources for improving cooperation efficiency. The proposed concept envisages the creation of an integrated training system based on unified standards, joint educational programs, mutual recognition of qualifications, and mechanisms of academic mobility. The necessity of interdepartmental coordination, the development of international partnerships, and participation in joint research programs and training initiatives under NATO and EU auspices is substantiated. The findings have theoretical and practical significance for improving Ukraine’s professional training system for the security and defense sector and ensuring its interoperability with international standards.

This article offers a comprehensive analysis of the national security strategies of Ukraine’s neighboring countries from 2000 to 2024. It systematically examines key strategic documents from Russia, Belarus, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Moldova, tracing the evolution of Ukraine’s role within their security perceptions and doctrines. The study highlights the dynamic and often volatile security landscape of Eastern Europe, with particular emphasis on the profound impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war, which has fundamentally reshaped the strategic outlook of Ukraine’s neighbors. A clear divergence in attitudes emerges: EU and NATO member states, along with Moldova, increasingly regard Ukraine as a vital partner and ally in ensuring regional security, whereas Russia and Belarus perceive Ukraine more as a source of threat or an object of influence rather than a genuine partner. Drawing on an extensive array of official documents – including national security strategies, defense concepts, and related policy papers – the research analyzes how shifting political and security realities are reflected in the official rhetoric and priorities of these states. The article details Poland’s strategic transformation, evolving from viewing Ukraine as a stabilizing partner to positioning it as a central actor in countering Russian aggression and safeguarding regional stability. Similarly, Romania’s documents progress from indirect references to Ukraine as a regional partner toward explicit endorsement of its European integration and a firm stance against Russian threats. In stark contrast, Russia’s national security strategies reveal a shift from early 2000s partnership rhetoric to overt hostility and justification for intervention post-2014, portraying Ukraine increasingly as a destabilizing factor and a geopolitical battleground with the West. Belarusian strategies, though less overt, reflect a gradual shift from pragmatic neighborly relations toward heightened focus on risks and challenges linked to Ukraine, especially amid worsening ties with NATO. The study further explores the nuanced positions of Slovakia and Hungary. Slovakia acknowledges emerging security challenges stemming from the Russian-Ukrainian conflict while maintaining support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Hungary, conversely, moves from unequivocal partnership to a more cautious stance, prioritizing the rights of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine and conditioning its support for Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration on the protection of these minority rights. Moldova’s perspective is also examined, illustrating Ukraine’s transition from a regional partner to a critical guarantor of Moldova’s national survival amid Russian threats. The article outlines key trends and risks impacting regional security and discusses their implications for Ukraine’s foreign and security policies. The findings underscore the necessity of understanding both the official strategic positions and their practical implementation. Ultimately, the study concludes that Ukraine’s role within the security frameworks of its neighbors has grown increasingly central – especially among EU and NATO countries – while Russia and Belarus have adopted progressively adversarial and interventionist policies. This research contributes valuable insights into the evolving security architecture of Eastern Europe and highlights Ukraine’s pivotal role within it.

The article provides a comprehensive review of modern personal respiratory protection equipment used in the armies of NATO member states. Particular attention is paid to military gas masks of a new generation that are used in conditions of increased threats of chemical, biological and radiation damage, as well as in conditions of combat operations characteristic of modern conflicts. The design features, principles of operation and technical characteristics of filtering and insulating gas masks used in the armed forces of the United States of America, Great Britain, Germany, the Czech Republic and other NATO countries are analyzed. Special attention is paid to technical solutions that increase the effectiveness of protection, improve ergonomics and ensure the convenience of using gas masks in combination with combat equipment, individual means of armor protection, modern helmets and optical-electronic sighting devices. Attention is paid to ensuring the compatibility of gas masks with communication equipment, ventilation modules and systems for protecting the organs of vision. The results of the study indicate a high level of effectiveness of modern military gas masks, and also determine the key directions of their further development as one of the critically important elements of individual protection of military personnel, civilians and personnel of critical infrastructure facilities in conditions of combat operations. The results obtained may be useful for specialists of radiation, chemical and biological protection units, designers, engineers, military personnel, as well as specialists involved in the development and modernization of military personal respiratory protection equipment. In addition, the data presented are of practical interest for persons responsible for providing personal protective equipment to personnel of critical infrastructure facilities and civilians in conditions of increased risk of man-made accidents or military threats. Keywords: personal respiratory protection equipment; gas mask; radioactive dust; chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear protection.

Integration among women in professional military service remains a relatively rare topic in the literature on the subject, despite its significant importance for the psychological well-being and professional functioning of female soldiers. The aim of this article is to identify and analyze selected positive practices used or implemented in NATO member states, aimed at supporting and developing integration among female soldiers. The article offers examples of institutional and grassroots solutions, with particular emphasis on networking initiatives, a possible source of inspiration for identifying adequate solutions in the Polish context.

The objective of the article is to examine the impact of domestic political dynamics in Bulgaria and Poland on the perceptions of strengthening EU security. The study is based on a postfunctionalist approach, which assumes a growing ideological and cultural mobilisation of mass public opinion against solutions proposed at the EU level. Two hypotheses are presented, the verification of which requires a combination of factor, decision, and comparative analysis. The research results show that the peripheral geographical location of both states has had a positive impact on the emergence of a domestic political consensus on how to ensure state security, although Poland is more stable in this respect. It also tries to show that cultural and historical differences between Bulgaria and Poland do not result in fundamental discrepancies in the perception of all-European security. The main difference between these States is the presence of a relatively strong pro-Russian faction in Bulgaria and its almost complete absence in Poland. However, preliminary research indicates that the existence of a moderate pro-Russian option is not a factor that significantly influences the European policy of any EU and NATO member states.

The Russian Federation’s armed aggression against Ukraine in 2022 constitutes one of the most significant challenges to the security architecture of Central and Eastern Europe. Russia’s military policy and ongoing modernisation efforts pose a tangible threat to regional stability, compelling Central and Eastern European states to reassess their defence strategies and enhance cooperation within NATO. This is particularly urgent given the Russian Federation’s engagement in both conventional and hybrid operations. Consequently, the threat to NATO member states – especially those situated on the so-called “eastern flank” – is intensifying, necessitating greater cohesion among NATO allies and increased investment in defence and armed forces modernisation. This article aims to examine the reforms undertaken within the Russian Armed Forces following the dissolution of the USSR and to evaluate their implications for regional security. The central research question explores how successive stages of military modernisation have influenced the operational capabilities of the Russian army and the utilisation of its military potential in pursuit of the Federation’s security policy objectives. The paper is of a review nature and is based on the analysis of available academic sources.

Due to the acute toxicity and extreme lethality, yet the non-selective type of activity of CWA’s (chemical weapon agents) toward military targets and the civilian population, timely detection and identification of CWA’s is becoming an important element of modern war conflicts. Spectral analysis is employed in nowadays for the engineering of accurate and selective detection of chemical warfare weapons. An analysis of current trends in the development of remote sensing of CWA’s shows the NATO member states and the russian federation have already mastered and are continuing enhancement and modernization of the latest technologies for the development of weapons based on the laser radiation differential absorption spectroscopy (differential absorption LIDARS), Fouriertransformed infrared (FT-IR) spectroscopy for the detection, identification, determination of concentration ranges for revealed CWA contaminated areas, linking them to corresponding geospatial data. The mentioned type of devices is capable of discrimination of main groups of CWA’s like nerve gases, blister substances, explosives as well as industrial toxic compounds at a range of as far as 6 km. The rich possibilities for detection of various industrial toxic substances using long-range stand-off chemical reconnaissance would contribute to increasing the situational awareness of the Armed Forces of Ukraine units that perform combat (special) missions in the territories, where the main chemical industry objects of Ukraine are located. The effective counteraction to recent potential chemical threats depends on the accelerated research and development of the grounds of advanced analytical methods for detecting CWA’s, as well as the settling and development of cooperation with international professional partner organizations would significantly advance the capabilities of the design, scale up the production, move forward the enhancement and modernization of up-to-date chemical reconnaissance equipment.

Under the recent tenure of its 18th government, Lithuania, a comparatively small EU and NATO member state, designed and implemented an ambitious Indo-Pacific policy, consisting of two main components–a radical review of the country’s relationship with China and a ‘strategic diversification’ to more ‘like-minded’ actors in the distant macro-region, including Taiwan. The aim of this article is to evaluate the level of success of this Lithuanian foreign policy endeavour as an attempt by a small state to ‘punch above its weight’ in the international system. Based on a cross-theoretical approach, combining relevant insights from small states studies and foreign policy recognition, and a qualitative methodology, this case study focuses on recognition of Lithuania’s ambitious efforts among the main intended stakeholders, both foreign and domestic. The analysis reveals that, despite inherent risks and challenges of Lithuania’s smallness and peripherality, this policy has thus far been unexpectedly successful.

The 53rd Meeting of the Aeromedical Working Group (AMDWG) took place on June 18–20, 2024 at RAF Henlow in the United Kingdom, under the chairmanship of LtCol Dr. Denis Bron of the Swiss Air Force. The meeting was attended by 24 delegates representing 13 NATO member states, as well as representatives of organizations such as SHAPE (Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe), EATC (European Air Transport Command), STO (NATO Science and Technology Organization), and one national partner, Switzerland, together with representatives of private certification services including EURAMI.

Reforming the Special Services of NATO Member States: Main Problems and Ways to Address Them. The article analyzes the processes of reforming the special services of NATO member states in accordance with generally recognized «standards». These include, first and foremost, structural, functional, and personnel changes, as well as their legislative consolidation through the state’s regulatory and legal acts. The article also considers the creation of appropriate public mechanisms that ensure oversight of the activities of special services in the prescribed manner. The analysis of available information has revealed significant differences in the basic approaches to the reform of intelligence and security services among NATO countries, depending on the duration of their membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the level of development of democratic institutions, and the strategic goals set by each state as a result of obtaining membership in the Alliance.

The article reveals the specific features of physical training of assault brigade personnel in NATO countries, which is a key factor in ensuring their combat effectiveness and endurance under the extreme conditions of modern warfare. The organizational approaches to structuring physical training systems in the armed forces of the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and other NATO member states are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the content, methods, and means of physical training aimed at developing general and specific endurance, strength, agility, psychological resilience, and the ability to operate under combat stress. It is determined that the training of assault units has a distinct functional focus and includes elements of CrossFit, combat sports, and shooting drills combined with physical exertion. Emphasis is placed on the importance of individualizing the training process and regularly assessing physical readiness through testing. The generalization of NATO countries’ experience may be valuable for improving the physical training system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, especially in units tasked with assault operations. The research findings may serve as a scientific and methodological foundation for the development of modern physical training programs for military personnel.

The article conducts a comprehensive study of the legal regulation of labor relations of employees of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, taking into account the modern challenges facing the state under martial law. It is emphasized that labor relations in the military sphere have a specific nature, since they combine the norms of general labor legislation and special provisions of military and administrative law. This determines the dualistic nature of regulation: military personnel are subject to public law norms, while civilian personnel are subject to classical labor law norms. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the legislative framework regulating labor relations of employees of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. A number of problems have been identified: the absence of a single generalized regulatory act that would comprehensively regulate labor relations in the military sphere; the presence of legal conflicts between the provisions of the Labor Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine “On Military Duty and Military Service”, as well as special by-laws; imperfection of mechanisms for ensuring the appropriate level of social guarantees and compensation payments to employees and members of their families. Special attention is paid to the problems of legal regulation of working hours, overtime, vacations, the procedure for their provision and material support. It is concluded that the existing model of legal regulation is not flexible enough and does not meet the challenges that arose during the period of large-scale armed aggression against Ukraine. The feasibility of reforming the regulatory framework by harmonizing the provisions of labor and military legislation, developing a separate special law or including the relevant section in the Labor Code of Ukraine is substantiated. It is proposed to focus on the best practices of NATO member states, which provide for comprehensive protection of labor rights of civilian personnel in the military sector, an effective system of social guarantees and transparent mechanisms for monitoring compliance with labor legislation.

The purpose of this article is to analyze and summarize the experience of implementing an electronic portal for monitoring the educational process in a military higher education institution of Ukraine, taking into account regulatory requirements, internal institutional provisions, and international practices of quality assurance in education. The study examines the functional features of the portal, its main structural elements and workflow algorithm, which includes real-time data collection, automatic generation of a results database and statistics, as well as ensuring feedback between the inspector, the instructor, and the leadership. Special attention is paid to the potential of using the electronic system to increase transparency of evaluation, create conditions for professional development of instructors, and strengthen the responsibility of departments for addressing identified shortcomings. The article provides an overview of international experience in digital monitoring of the educational process in military higher education institutions of the USA, NATO member states, and the EU, as well as examples of integrating quality assurance elements based on recommendations and Total Quality Management approaches. The advantages of the portal (efficiency, data accumulation, automatic visualization of results, methodological support) are analyzed, along with the main challenges of its implementation (technical dependence on Internet access, the need for cybersecurity, and standardization of evaluation criteria). The scientific significance of the study lies in highlighting the practical experience of creating and testing an electronic internal control tool that can be used as a model for other military and civilian educational institutions. The practical value of the article consists in identifying effective strategies for digitalizing class monitoring and in developing recommendations for integrating electronic portals into the quality assurance system of education within the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The obtained results can serve as a basis for further research in the fields of digital transformation of education, quality management, and the development of innovative monitoring models in military higher education.

Over the past thirty years, Japan has been moving away from the pacifist principles enshrined in the national constitution. Since the beginning of Abe's second term as prime minister in 2012 and to this day, this process has been even more intense. The adoption of doctrinal documents under Kishida at the end of 2022 brings Japan to the same level as NATO member states in terms of military spending and increased military cooperation with the United States. The Prime Minister Ishiba continues the course taken to arm the country, which once again demonstrates the process of moving away from the principles of a pacifi st state, which Japan pledged to become after its own defeat, being an aggressor country in World War II. On the eve of the eightieth anniversary of the Victory over militaristic Japan, offi cial Tokyo is not only developing its national military potential, but is also gradually becoming involved in increasingly close cooperation with the military-political bloc NATO, while promoting the inseparability of the security of the Euro-Atlantic region and the Indo-Pacific space, which could become the main argument for creating NATO analogues in Asia in the medium and long term, especially in the event of an even more serious aggravation with China.

ABSTRACT This study examines the defense contribution decisions of NATO member states, focusing on the dual influences of free-riding and threat perception. It develops a dual-modulation model of interest misalignment and threat levels to explain allies’ spending decisions. Using panel data from 27 countries (1950-2023), UN ideal point scores, and a threat density index, the study employs hierarchical modeling. Results show that in low-threat contexts, interest alignment with the U.S. reduces defense contributions, as free-riding dominates. When threat perception exceeds a threshold, interest alignment’s effect weakens; states prioritize self-help, leading to convergent defense spending. High-threat environments lead interest-misaligned states to pursue unilateral buildup, while aligned states favor contributing through collective arrangements within NATO. A case comparison of Poland and Hungary, post-Russia-Ukraine conflict, illustrates this: Poland increased its defense budget via NATO cooperation, whereas Hungary focused on independent procurement. The UK-Germany contrast further indicates that interest misalignment influences spending when threats are minimal. The findings challenge traditional public goods theory assumptions, revealing complex, multi-level alliance decision-making influenced by U.S. credibility and threat signaling, which could shape the future distribution of defense burdens within NATO.

The article presents a systematic analysis of NATO countries' military-legal models for regulating military service, aiming to identify effective mechanisms suitable for adaptation within the context of Ukraine’s national security and defense. The study encompasses both fundamental legal acts (constitutions, laws, statutes) and departmental regulations aligned with international standards. It is generalized that the legal systems of NATO member states are structured in a cascade–from overarching state principles to specific instructions–ensuring both the stability and flexibility of military governance amid dynamic threats. The research explores several national cases: the United States (UCMJ reform, Blended Retirement System, GI Bill), Germany (Soldatengesetz, social packages for contract soldiers, the legal doctrine of the “citizen in uniform”), France (ethical principles of military status), Poland (integration of voluntary contracts into the Total Defense model), Scandinavian countries (gender-neutral selective conscription), and Canada and Estonia (digital platforms for recruitment and personnel assessment). Special attention is devoted to comparing three models of military service–professional, mixed, and conscription-based–in terms of their social effectiveness, human resource capacity, and mobilization potential. It is demonstrated that NATO countries are gradually converging around key principles: rule of law, civilian oversight, and compliance with international humanitarian law norms and STANAG standards. Within disciplinary law, emphasis is placed on the gradual transition from authoritarian to rights-based models: independence of military prosecutors, access to legal counsel, and the functioning of military ombudsman institutions. The importance of social guarantees–from pension models to veteran reintegration and rehabilitation programs–is emphasized as a strategic component of personnel policy. The comparative analysis results in a set of practical recommendations for implementation: introducing short-term contracts with robust social packages, expanding the legal status of reservists, integrating digital platforms for recruitment and evaluation, and institutionalizing gender equality in personnel policy. The study concludes that the optimal model for Ukraine is a multi-level system of legal regulation of military service, which combines NATO standards with flexible adaptation to national needs.