Nationalist Association Research Articles

Implicit Nationalism: The Missing Link in the Study of Nationalist Attitudes?

By combining research on banal and unconscious nationalism with cognitive psychology, this article outlines a novel framework for so-called “implicit nationalism.” In the first part of the article, I detail how different events, symbols, and discourses affect nationalist attitudes and sentiments beyond conscious awareness and control. I argue that certain events and symbols affect implicit—but not necessarily explicit—nationalism by changing the accessibility of implicit nationalist associations. In the second part of the article, I use this framework to analyze the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study consists of a natural experiment, including respondents from Germany, Brazil, and the United Kingdom. Winning the World Cup increased implicit nationalism in Germany, and losing decreased implicit nationalism in Brazil and the United Kingdom. Importantly, winning and losing had no corresponding effect on explicit nationalism in any country. The article concludes by discussing the implications for research on nationalism and implicit cognitions.

Особенности социального положения русских националистов (на материале публикаций представителей общественных объединений русских националистов)

The aim of the study of this article is to determine the social status and environment of Russian nationalists. The study is based on the relationship of social reality and ideology. The latter is not only a cover for or justification by certain social groups of their momentary interests (private ideology), but also a reflection of the social position that they occupy (total ideology). As a research method used a classical analysis of documents. The analysis was primarily carried out by publications of leaders of public associations, which, as it seems, are a marker of groups occupying counter-elite social and political positions. The social status and environment of representatives of Russian nationalist associations in the Russian Federation is determined. In particular, it was found that the only significant resource for nationalists is ideological, which they seek to convert into electoral support. In addition to the indicated, apparently, they have at their disposal a certain amount of educational and qualification resource. The economic resource available to Russian nationalists allows us not to think about “daily bread,” but it makes it possible to use it to increase our social status. It seems that nationalism is the lot of relatively closed social groups, mainly residents of large cities. Free ideological niche formed after the collapse of the USSR; loss of previous social status; the system of economic and socio-political relations of modern Russia, which provides little chance for those who intend to carry out an upward social movement other than by seizing political power, have become the reasons for the choice of the ideology of nationalism by the indicated social groups.

Влияние пантюркизма в республиках ПФО (на материале националистических организаций Башкортостана). Часть 2

The article is a logical continuation of the previously published research on the subject of pan-Turkism in the modern Republic of Bashkortostan (Vlast’ 06, 2022). It is devoted to identifying the main features of the genesis, directions, nature, degree and trends of the influence of pan-Turkism in the socio-political and religious life of the Volga Federal District on the material of the Republic of Bashkortostan and the political mythology that has developed around it. The task is to consider the national and religious directions of the influence of pan-Turkism in the Republic of Bashkortostan. An analysis is carried out on the example of Bashkir nationalist associations Union of Bashkir Youth and Bashkir People Congress. The authors conclude that the manifestations of pan-Turkism in the Bashkir nationalist organizations under consideration sporadically concern mainly elements of attributes and have an imitative character of a cargo cult. A separate comprehensive study of the religious direction of this problem is considered promising.

ПАНГЕРМАНСКАЯ АГИТАЦИЯ И КИТАЙ: О ЗАДАЧАХ ГЕРМАНСКОЙКОЛОНИАЛЬНОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ В КИТАЕ В КОНЦЕ XIX–НАЧАЛЕ ХХ ВЕКА

The article analyzes Pan-German propaganda regarding German colonial policy in China (late 19th – early 20th centuries) and describes German-Chinese diplomatic relations in the context of the establishment of the German colonial presence in Kiautschou, as well as the role and significance of the Pan-German League in forming imperial colonial discourse. Key points concern the development of public opinion in Germany regarding colonial policy with the participation of the Pan-German League. The ideas of living space, racial superiority and imperial power, actively developed in the second half of the 19th century, were reworked into the ideology of social radical nationalist associations of the Wilhelmine era, which were systematized in the context of Pan-Germanism. The German colony at Kiautschou was to become a “Musterkolonie”, reflecting the intention of the German elite to compete with the existing colonial empires and avoid fighting, unlike previously, with the local native populations of Africa and Asia, as well as with the governments of economically and politically underdeveloped countries. Pan-German colonial propaganda, oriented, among other things, to this task, nevertheless had as its goal the formation of public opinion within the Reich. The solution to this problem, given the high publication activity within the country (the publication of Alldeutsche Blatter and the purchase of mass periodicals), was due to strategic goals related to direct influence on the Reich government. In the context of Pan-Germanism, the structurization of the previously isolated colonial movement took place, which, thanks to the efforts of the Pan-German League, became one of the leading factors of public opinion.

Влияние пантюркизма в республиках ПФО. Часть 1.

The article is devoted to identifying the main features of the genesis, directions, nature, degree and trends of the influence of pan-Turkism in the socio-political and religious life of the Volga Federal District on the material of the Republic of Bashkortostan and the political mythology that has developed around it. The task is to consider the national and religious directions of the influence of pan-Turkism in the Republic of Bashkortostan. An analysis is carried out on the example of Bashkir nationalist associations Union of Bashkir Youth and Bashkir People Congress. The authors conclude that the manifestations of pan-Turkism in the Bashkir nationalist organizations under consideration sporadically concern mainly elements of attributes and have an imitative character of a cargo cult.

ИНФОРМАЦИОННАЯ АКТИВНОСТЬ РАДИКАЛЬНЫХ НАЦИОНАЛИСТИЧЕСКИХ ОБЪЕДИНЕНИЙ В СОЦИАЛЬНЫХ СЕТЯХ РУНЕТА И ТЕРРОРИЗМ

The purpose of the study is to identify the main trends in the activities of radical nationalist communities in the online space and their links to terrorist organizations in order to be able to predict future activity.   Methodological basis of the research: the principle of historicism played a certain role in the study, namely, the comparative historical method was used to identify the factors determining nationalism and the activities of radical nationalist organizations. The study also used the method of content analysis and traditional general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, generalization, abstraction, analogy.   Research results. The activities of radical nationalist associations banned within the territory of the Russian Federation continue in the online space, access to the offline space is insignificant. The liquidation of extremist sites is not carried out systematically, but episodically and by the decision of hosting providers, while new sites appear and revive in other sectors of the Russian online community. The alarming trend of the past two years has been violent incidents committed by individualists, not connected with a certain terrorist group, and the ideological attitudes of these persons are variable. The Internet space is regularly updated with new photos, audio and video narratives of the extremist content, while counter-narratives are provided very limitedly. There is a gradual atomization of violence, which leads to a decrease in the number of victims of terrorist attacks, but at the same time the fight against terrorism is becoming more difficult. Prospects for the study. The results of the study can be used in scientific research in the field of political science, conflictology, in expert and analytical activities, and will also find application in adjusting state policy priorities, identifying trends and processes that produce risks and threats to national security, developing scientifically based management decisions to reduce socio-political and economic threats and risks to the stable development of the state.  

Problems of ethno-confessional relations in Western Belarus during the second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1921–1939) (on the example of the assumption Zhirovitsky monastery)

The Article by Kirill Solovyov, candidate of cultural studies, is devoted to the problems of ethno-confessional relations in the territory of Western Belarus during the interwar period. Introduction. Given the fact that 2019 was the anniversary year for the young independent Republic of Belarus, and in 2020 the anniversary of the victory In the great Patriotic War in the expert community of Russia and Belarus, as well as in political circles and among the national Belarusian intelligentsia, you can find directly opposite points of view on how the process of national revival took place in the territory of modern Belarus in the period of 1921–1939, how the relations between the Polish government and Polish national associations on the territory of the “Kresov Vskhodnih” and Belarusian nationalist and Russian public emigrant associations were built. As a rule, if a State committed to integral nationalism wants to detach a part of the people from their historical roots, this happens either through cultural or religious assimilation. The article deals with attempts of such religious assimilation by the Polish authorities during the sanation regime of 1921–1939 for example, the existence in Poland of Orthodox Uspensky Zhirovichi men’s monastery. For a sufficient evidence base of the proposed research, the author used the comparative method of historicism in the field of religious studies and the method of “inheritance of culture”, which can be applied in the field of sociology of religion, thanks to which it is possible to show how great the temptation to unify in a multinational young state and turn it into an ethnonational unified community. Materials for the study of this problem were both post-revolutionary emigrant studies on this topic, and modern Belarusian studies concerning the history of inter-Church relations on the territory of the Western Belarusian lands in the interwar period. In the course of a comprehensive study of this problem the author conducted an interesting geocultural analysis of the development of the Polish state in the field of interethnic and interreligious relations which was based on the Polish version of the so-called integral nationalism. The article also traces the trend towards the termination of the Riga Treaty between the RSFSR and the Polish state which became more active after 1926. It should be noted that the Polish state used this trend to plant on the “Eastern borders” of the Polish military colonists – besiegers, who were the military and political support of the new Polish state. Using the example of the existence of the Orthodox Dormition Zhirovitsky monastery on the territory of the second Polish – Lithuanian Commonwealth, the author traces how Orthodox Christians resisted the tendencies of ethnocultural assimilation. The study has shown how necessary it is for the State to not interfere in the Affairs of the Church, and how important it is to avoid the temptation to use the “national” Church in building an independent and sovereign state. This is a serious problem that is typical for those post-Soviet States that plan to build their national identity on the principles of extreme nationalism.

‘Seeds of Spain’: Scouting, Monarchy and National Construction, 1912–1931

The official Spanish branch of the international Boy Scout movement, the Exploradores de España, offers an instructive example of a nationalist association in Spain in the first third of the twentieth century. This article adopts a comparative perspective and studies the Exploradores discourses and practices, the association’s founders and leaders, the scouts’ publications and activities, as well as the organization’s internal conflicts and evolution between 1912 and 1931. As in Britain and many other countries, the movement was endorsed by the royal family and led by military officers and middle-class men – representatives of monarchist civil society. It shared nationalist and regeneracionista (from regenerationism) values, as an agent of nationalization throughout Spanish territory. Like other Boy Scout movements in Europe and the Americas, it pursued the goal of making good patriots, with a knowledge of and ready to defend their fatherland: young hidalgos, the Spanish equivalent of the British gentlemen. Hence this study also explores the gender aspects of Boy Scout ideals. Initially, the Spanish scouts were troubled by an intense religious conflict, which was won by Catholic sectors, so their nationalism became deeply conservative. During the 1920s, the movement was instrumental in the nation-building projects of different governments, especially under the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera (1923–1930). In short, it can be considered one of the main nationalizing agents during this key period in modern Spanish history, and belies the image of supposed passivity and a lack of interest in national construction among Spain’s ruling elites.

Social and Political Activity of Nationalist Associations in the Context of Ethnocultural Processes in Ukraine and the Diaspora in the Period from the Mid-1980s to the Early 2000s

У статті досліджено громадсько-політичну діяльність націоналістичних організацій у контексті етнокультурних процесів в Україні та діаспорі у період від середини 80-х років ХХ ст. до початку 2000-х років. Вперше проаналізовано діяльність Антибільшовицького Блоку Народів (АБН), Всесвітньої Антикомуністичної Ліги (ВАКЛ) і Конгресу Українських Націоналістів (КУН), що виникли за ініціативою провідних діячів на основі національно-визвольної ідеології Організації Українських Націоналістів (ОУН) та відіграли важливу роль у розвитку етнокультурних, державотворчих та націєтворчих процесів в Україні. Показано, що ці націоналістичні організації активно включилися у процес розбудови й становлення державного ладу, закріплення у свідомості українського народу національно-державницької концепції та покладення національної ідеї в основу політичної ідеології й етнокультурної політики. Встановлено, що вони доклали значних зусиль до переорієнтації української влади на націонал-патріотичний лад і боротьбу з пострадянським спадком. До створення та діяльності цих організацій була причетна визначна діячка українського національно-визвольного та світового антибільшовицького руху Я. Стецько. Вона займала провідні посади у цих націоналістичних організаціях, сприяла розвитку націоналістичної ідеології, пропагувала й обстоювала ідею незалежності, брала активну участь у державно-політичному, громадсько-політичному та культурно-просвітницькому житті України. Виявлено, що діяльність націоналістичних організацій під керівництвом Я. Стецько стала менш радикальною, а більш толерантною і компромісною щодо вирішення суспільно-політичних проблем та спрямованою на захист українських національних інтересів, що полягали у збереженні й розвитку української самостійної держави шляхом поміркованого парламентаризму.

Family Matters: Nippon Kaigi and Keeping Things Normal

ABSTRACTThis study focuses on the discourse around social morals relating to the family that appear in written material and videos produced by conservative intellectuals belonging to the Nippon Kaigi (The Japanese Nationalist Association), which further their agenda of surveillance and control over the Japanese population. In particular, we focus on discourse on the contentious issue of fūfubessei (the retention of former family names after marriage). Here we aim to understand (1) the reasoning of their core argument that adopting fūfubessei will lead to the collapse of family, society and the Japanese nation, (2) the ideology behind this argument, and (3) the rhetoric used in attempts to persuade the public. We posit that the hostility towards fūfubessei is a reflection of the broader agenda of conservatism which leverages a moral imperative to protect traditional and normative notions of family and, ultimately, what it means to be Japanese.

Упадок и перспективы восстановления галисийского национализма

The paper observes the history and present situa-tion of Galician nationalism. The study analyzes the development of the nationalist political movement in the region and shows the results of the 2015–2019 local elections for nationalist parties. Their presence in the local parliaments of Galicia, Catalo-nia, and the Basque Country is compared. Four reasons for the decline of Galician na-tionalism are formulated and explained: economic, migration, historical, and national ones. The author considers the 2018 non-partisan nationalist associa-tions such as the Galician Way and the National Ga-lician Assembly, their goals and projects to unite Galician nationalists. These organiza-tions’ activities are positively assessed as they can contribute to the development of culture, lan-guage, and national identity of the region’s resi-dents, which will fail to lead to outbreaks of separa-tism but will vent existing and future nationalist sentiments in case of low economic develop-ment.

Religion as Resistance: Negotiating Authority in Italian Libya

Religion as Resistance: Negotiating Authority in Italian Libya

Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem

ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.

Igniting Change in Colonial Indonesia: Soemarsono's Contestation of Colonial Hegemony in a Global Context

In 1913, Javanese public prosecutor Soemarsono clashed with his colonial superior by refusing him traditional deference, donning European clothes, and actively engaging in nationalist associations. These actions culminated in an overhaul of the appearance of Dutch hegemony and a widespread emancipatory social change in colonial Indonesia. This history is best appreciated from a world historical perspective that includes both long-term historical processes that shaped Soemarsono's world, such as the Indianization of Indonesia, the spread of Islam, and Western colonialism, as well as contemporary global developments, such as the rise of Japan, the Chinese revolution, Islamic Modernism, and the appeal of democratic principles. Soemarsono's awareness of these global perspectives enabled him to successfully ignite change in colonial Indonesia. His story provides an approach that allows historians to emphasize how individual agents make history in a world historical context.

Nación, república y Constitución: La Liga Patriótica Argentina y su Congreso General de Territorios Nacionales

El propósito de este artículo es analizar los discursos expuestos por los participantes del Congreso General de Territorios Nacionales, organizado en 1927 por la Liga Patriótica Argentina, una asociación nacionalista de notoria presencia en la vida política de la República Argentina durante la década de 1920. El congreso fue una respuesta de la Liga a algunos de los problemas que sus miembros observaron no sólo en el estado de las instituciones republicanas, sino también en el caso específico de los Territorios, unidades que no tenían autonomía política y que estaban sujetas a la autoridad del gobierno federal. Los Territorios representaban casi la mitad del territorio argentino, y eran vistos como espacios inexcusablemente abandonados por los gobiernos federales. Así, la liga abrazó la misión auto asignada de “argentinizar” aquellos espacios y sus poblaciones. Entre otros aspectos, esto implicó debatir el estatus institucional de los Territorios, es decir, su reconocimiento como nuevas provincias. Pese a que algunos Territorios habían alcanzado las condiciones legales requeridas para ello, para 1927 esa transformación todavía no había ocurrido. Sin embargo, definir una posición sobre el tema no fue un asunto sencillo para la Liga. Como este artículo se propone demostrar, las dificultades que la Liga tuvo en definir su posición oficial sobre la provincialización de los Territorios puede ser explicada como resultado de los modos en que sus miembros entendieron los conceptos de nación, república y constitución, como las creaciones entre ellos.

War Veterans, Fascism, and Para-Fascist Departures in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1918–1941

This article discusses the role played by war veterans in the various fascist and para-fascist groups present in Yugoslavia in the interwar period. The article finds that significant numbers of veterans and the nationalist associations to which they belonged contributed to proposed or actual departures from the democratic norm in interwar Yugoslavia, and were especially supportive of King Aleksandar Karadjordjevic’s dictatorship of 1929–1934. In this respect, they could be termed ‘para-fascist’. The article also notes that whilst the two groups typically identified in the literature as ‘fascist’, the Croatian Ustashe and Serbian/Yugoslav Zbor, fit into the ‘second-wave’ of 1930s fascist forces not usually marked by a strong presence of First World War veterans, their membership and ideological organisation were nevertheless significantly influenced by both the traditions of the war and the men who fought in it.

The Korean Communist Party Transforming Singanhoe(新幹會) from a Nationalist Association into the National Mass Party of Korea

The Korean Communist Party Transforming Singanhoe(新幹會) from a Nationalist Association into the National Mass Party of Korea

The Rise and Transformation of the Radical Right Movement in Denmark, 1980–2015

ABSTRACTThis article examines the rise and subsequent development and transformation of the new radical right movement in Denmark from 1980–2015. The Danish radical right emerged from xenophobic subcultures as a reaction to increasing immigration during the 1980s and evolved into a social movement of nationalist associations, militant skinheads, and neo-Nazis that attempted to conquer the streets. This attempt was met by an antiracist countermovement, which built up a coalition of left-wing militants and moderate political organizations that put a temporary end to the radical right as a social movement during the second half of the 1990s. However, from 2001 national and international circumstances offered new opportunities for the Danish radical right both in the streets and as a parliamentary voice.

A path towards Fascism: nationalism and large-scale industry in Italy (1910–1923)

In the decade before World War I, close connections developed in Italy between the nationalists and major elements of large-scale industry. As the Italian Nationalist Association, founded in 1910, became the main political reference for industrialists, the ties between nationalism and the business community helped to undermine the liberal state and end the political system established by Giovanni Giolitti. During World War I, the Nationalist Association developed close links with the Ansaldo company and supported it in the ‘parallel wars’ of Italian capitalism. Ansaldo went bankrupt in 1921, but the nationalists were able to establish relations with other entrepreneurs. Their connection with large-scale industry lay behind Mussolini’s decision in 1923 to accept the Nationalist Association into the National Fascist Party. Nationalism not only ensured that important economic forces would support the Fascist regime but its ideology significantly contributed to the building of Mussolini’s dictatorship.

Pedestrian perils on the road to Irish identity in Joyce and Bowen

This article identifies and explores some major facets of an important theme in the works of James Joyce and Elizabeth Bowen that adds to our understanding of the complex ways in which both writers construed Irishness. Striving to acknowledge what they saw as the value of walking without embracing its English nationalist or Romantic associations, these modernists depict walking in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ireland as a beneficial means of expressing and experimenting with different permutations of Irish identity, largely because of the opportunity it presented to negotiate a variety of dangers. By emphasising walking’s taxing and often perilous material realities, Joyce in A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man and Ulysses and Bowen in Seven Winters and The Last September recast the idealised English Romantic view of walking as a darker and more menacing activity that nevertheless offers a useful strategy for articulating fluctuating conceptions of Irishness during the tumultuous period lasting roughly from the death of Parnell through to the Irish War of Independence.