National Security Doctrine Research Articles

As Forças Armadas e a barbárie no Araguaia: a repressão à Guerrilha entre 1972 e 1974

The article discusses the repression of the Araguaia guerrilla, situating it in the logic of the Doctrine of National Security, military doctrine that was modified in the context of the cold war and provided the basis for the repressive activities in military dictatorships in Latin America. Shows the unfolding of the action of the armed forces, particularly the army, in the process of destruction of the guerrillas, their reclassification according to the precepts of the National Security Doctrine and the extermination of the guerrillas. It was also ap-repression of peasants as decommissioning component of the guerrilla movement. In this work we focused on the sources produced by the Armed Forces during the years 1972 and 1973.

Monsters Everywhere: A Genealogy of National Security

This article, based on the 2014 Stuart L. Bernath Lecture, traces the emergence of as a foreign policy doctrine that came to define the safety of the United States in extremely broad terms, both geographically and ideologically. Doing so reveals that has its own history. The concept was invented by fusing long-standing, traditional concerns about U.S. territorial sovereignty with a newer, thoroughly revolutionary desire to protect and promote America's core values on a global scale. Franklin D. Roosevelt's legacy looms large in the history of American foreign relations, but it was his use of fear to invent the modern doctrine of national security that is possibly its most consequential aspect. After a couple of false starts, a fusion of geographical and ideological security took place during the world crisis of the late 1930s and the world war that followed. The results have defined U.S. foreign policy ever since. Language: en

The New Bush National Security Doctrine and the Rule of Law

The New Bush National Security Doctrine and the Rule of Law

Political Intelligence and National Security in Ecuador: A Retrospective Reading

Political Intelligence and National Security in Ecuador: A Retrospective Reading Fredy Rivera Vélez, Katalina Barreiro Santana Abstract The political debate that has developed around the doctrine of national security in Latin America has been extensive. Nevertheless, we note with curiosity that there are few academic studies that analyze the existing linkage between institutional logic power frameworks and the strategies for the application of political intelligence that prioritized this military doctrine over civil intelligence. This article focuses on the figure of the “Pesquisa” in Ecuador during the Cold War. This term refers to that civil agent or police officer linked to the National Public Security Office whose mission was to infiltrate social movements, opposition political parties, labor unions, trade unions, universities, etc. His intelligence objectives or targets included people or individuals who were assumed to represent a threat to the internal security of the State, but also those government officials that often mixed their private life with the public sphere or maintained links with foreigners within a context of limited internationalization, in a country with parochial characteristics. With little instrumental and professional analysis capacity, the “pesquisas” and their networks built personal relationships with the authorities of the Presidency of the Republic or functionaries of the ex-Government Ministry – now the Interior Ministry – reproducing the political patterns of patronage, personal favors and clientelism. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v2n3-4a7

Violence, Policing, and Citizen (In)Security

Violence, Policing, and Citizen (In)Security Michelle D. Bonner (bio) Violent Democracies in Latin America. Edited by Enrique Desmond Arias and Daniel M. Goldstein. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010. Pp. vii + 324 $89.95 cloth. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822346388. Fear and Crime in Latin America: Redefining State-Society Relations. By Lucía Dammert. New York: Routledge, 2012. Pp. xv + 179. $130.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780415522113. Outlawed: Between Security and Rights in a Bolivian City. By Daniel M. Goldstein. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012. Pp. xi + 327. $89.95 cloth. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822353119. Seguridad: Crime, Police Power, and Democracy in Argentina. By Guillermina Seri. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2012. Pp. ix + 228. $130.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781441145789. Policing Democracy: Overcoming Obstacles to Citizen Security in Latin America. By Mark Ungar. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press; Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011. Pp. xxiv + 389. $60.00 cloth. $30.00 paper. ISBN: 9780801898587. The authoritarian regimes that governed Latin America from the mid-1960s to the late 1980s were often violent, and governments justified their violence through the National Security Doctrine.1 Postauthoritarian Latin America remains violent but in a different way. Insecurity is now one of the most pressing issues on the public agenda. In most countries, levels of crime are worrisome. For example, the crime rate in Honduras—including homicide, assault, kidnapping, rape, theft, attempted robbery and theft, and drug offenses—was the highest in the world in 2009 (Ungar, 50, 106). In most countries, police remain violent, corrupt, and ineffective. Police reform is elusive or temporary. Nonstate actors such as paramilitaries, vigilantes, and private security have stepped in to provide “security” and in the process contribute to greater insecurity. In response, many national and international actors have adopted the term “citizen security” as a way of reconciling the idea of security with democracy and distancing it from the authoritarian past. The relationship between security and democracy is an uneasy one that begs for conceptual clarity and a better understanding of the conflicting demands [End Page 261] from citizens for both greater rights and iron-fist policing. Over the last decade a new and growing area of scholarship on policing, violence, and security has taken on this challenge. Given the magnitude of the problem, it is not surprising that scholars have come at the issue in multiple ways. Some have chosen to focus on a particular issue, such as violence, crime, or policing, and aim to define it and understand its forms, causes, and possible solutions. Other scholars have taken a more institutional approach, assessing the structure of the police or criminal justice institutions, analyzing attempts at reform, and proposing better methods for reform. Both approaches (institutional and noninstitutional) and all four areas of study (violence, crime, policing, and criminal justice institutions) are interconnected and necessary if we are to achieve a better understanding of the current form of democracy that has emerged in the region and find the best path forward. The five books under review here make important contributions to this literature. While only one of the reviewed books takes an institutional perspective, they all force us to ask similar key questions: What do we mean by security? What is the relationship between rights and security? What role do the police play in security? And, most provocatively, what is the relationship between security, neoliberalism, and democracy? These questions are threads that join the volumes together, yet each book also tackles its own question and provides a unique contribution to the field of inquiry. Violence and Democracy Like most of the books reviewed here, in Violent Democracies in Latin America, editors Enrique Desmond Arias and Daniel M. Goldstein argue that if we are to understand violence in the region and its relationship to democracy, we cannot limit our analyses to state institutions. They argue that such analyses point to either the failings of democracy in Latin America, exemplified by modifying the term with adjectives (e.g., illiberal, disjunctive, or delegative democracy), or to the false assumption that the region is on a natural evolutionary path in which institutions will lead the way to less violence and greater democracy. Instead, Arias...

The Coming Financial Wars

ABSTRACT: Since 9/11, the United States has waged a new brand of financial against rogue regimes, terrorist groups, and criminal syndicates. By leveraging American global economic predominance, the US has isolated such actors from the financial system. domain of financial warfare, however, is now no longer the sole province of the US and presents challenges from enemies and competitors. (1) ********** On 8 October 2012, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad publicly bemoaned that the Iranian economy was under direct economic assault, with oil sales cut, bank transfers banned, and the value of the Iranian rial and foreign currency reserves plummeting. He admitted plainly, The enemy has mobilized all its forces to enforce its decision, and so a is underway, on a very far-reaching global scale.... [W]e should realize that this is a kind of through which the enemy assumes it can defeat the Iranian nation. (2) He was right. Over the past decade, the United States waged a new brand of financial warfare, unprecedented in its reach and effectiveness. This hidden war has often been underestimated or misunderstood, but it is no longer secret and has since become central to America's national security doctrine. In a series of economic pressure campaigns, the United States financially squeezed and isolated America's principal enemies of this period--al Qaeda, North Korea, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Far from relying solely on the classic sanctions or trade embargoes of old, these campaigns have consisted of a novel set of financial strategies that harness the international financial and commercial systems to ostracize rogue actors and constrict their funding flows, inflicting real pain. America's enemies have realized they have been hit with a new breed of financial power. And they have felt the painful effects. Al Qaeda has found it harder, costlier, and riskier to raise and move money around the world and has had to adapt to find new ways to raise capital for its movement. documents found in Osama bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan, reflect a terrorist leader and movement in search of new sources of money. This development was not new--from 9/11 on, the movement struggled to maintain its core financing. In statement after statement--intended for donors and sometimes only for internal consumption--al Qaeda admitted that it has been choked financially. In a 9 July 2005 letter to Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi, leader of al Qaeda in Iraq, Ayman al-Zawahiri, then al Qaeda's number two, asked for money, noting that of the lines [of financial assistance] have been cut off. (3) campaign against North Korea had a direct and immediate impact. In the wake of financial pressure unlike any the regime had seen while under international sanctions, North Korea found its bank accounts and illicit financial activity in jeopardy. A North Korean deputy negotiator at the time quietly admitted to a senior White House official, You finally found a way to hurt us. (4) Iranians, too, have suffered the economic effects of a targeted financial assault. On 14 September 2010, former Iranian president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani urged the Iranian Assembly of Experts to take seriously the painful sanctions and financial pressures imposed by the United States and the international community. Throughout the revolution, he said, we never had so many sanctions [imposed on Iran] and I am calling on you and all officials to take the sanctions seriously. (5) journalist Moises Naim opined that the financial pressures on Iran biting, the sanctions are very very powerful. They are the most sophisticated economic and financial sanctions imposed on a country ever. (6) All of these assaults derive from a blueprint for financial warfare developed years ago by the United States. It is defined by the use of financial tools, pressure, and market forces to leverage the banking sector, private-sector interests, and foreign partners to isolate rogue actors from the international financial and commercial systems and eliminate their funding sources. …

Dictaduras y gobiernos autoritarios en Iberoamérica en el siglo XX

Latin America launched in the second half of the twentieth century an example ofpolitical destabilization due to initiatives such as the National Security Doctrine,which was fostered by U.S. special scope in most countries of the Americancontinent. The product of political destabilization and coups implementingdictatorial and authoritarian political systems was the norm. Military regimes, inmany cases, prolonged their existence for decades and were in the systematicviolation of human rights the basis of their livelihood. Executions,disappearances, arrests and exile formed their code of conduct as most effectiveway to control dissent. Protests against these outrages by the affected familiesand representative associations succeeded in promoting democratic governments,public policies to clarify what happened and give dignity and justice to therepressed.

The national security doctrines of the American presidency: how they shape our present and future

The national security doctrines of the American presidency: how they shape our present and future

Hacia la construcción de un estado del arte de la seguridad y defensa nacional en Colombia

El presente artículo pretende contribuir en la construcción de un estado del arte de la seguridad y defensa nacional en Colombia, siguiendo una metodología crítico hermenéutica en la revisión de los principales avances acerca del objeto de estudio. El trabajo está estructurado en cuatro ejes temáticos de exposición. El primero se enfoca en establecer el problema de la conceptualización del tema; el segundo muestra claramente la influencia que tuvo la doctrina de la seguridad nacional de los EE.UU. en América Latina; el tercero determina los fundamentos para la interpretación constitucional que sirven de sustrato jurídico; y el cuarto presenta la nueva corriente internacional de la seguridad humana como un concepto rápidamente evolucionado y adoptado por el sistema internacional. La conclusión muestra cómo este campo, en de su naturaleza dinámica, no ha sido bien conceptualizado hasta ahora e incluso se ha visto influenciado por los estados extranjeros. Se propone aplicar los límites constitucionales esbozados y vincular el nuevo concepto transnacional de seguridad humana.

A ditadura civil-militar uruguaia: doutrina e segurança nacional

Este artigo analisa a interpretação que os militares uruguaios fizeram da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, entendendo que ela foi o fator basilar da política repressiva estatal que colocou a proteção da Segurança Nacional como premissa principal, justificadora e legitimadora da disseminação do terrorismo de Estado. A leitura feita sobre a Guerra Fria, a ameaça do "inimigo interno" e a ameaça da "subversão" foram elementos mobilizadores presentes nos comunicados oficiais e nas palavras dos principais representantes da ditadura civil-militar que atingiu o Uruguai.

Was Political Realism the Theoretical Basis for the National Security Doctrine? Reflections on the Matter

This paper will investigate to what extent the following idea, which became very popular during the last third of the twentieth century in Latin America, is true: that political realism was the ideological foundation of the National Security Doctrine. In other words, did the theorists of the National Security Doctrine inspire their postulates on key authors of this international relations paradigm? If so, did they use political realism to build their own political culture and their authoritarian-bureaucratic regimes, with a sharp military style? Bearing in mind that the specificities of this kind of regimes are already well-known, little attention will be paid to it in this text. As a matter of fact, this paper will focus on how realism operates ideologically, in order to check the applicability of the aforementioned relation.

A memória de um período e a verdade da história

This article discusses the national and international conjuncture that has produced the violence exercised by the State against society and that, until today, continues to promote the oblivion by refusing to reveal the past. In order to do that, this paper analyzes political forces in confrontation, the theoretical basis of the Cold War and its coercive practices. Besides that, it intends to relate the National Security Doctrine to the period of Military Dictatorship and it shows the struggling theories in the national memory reconstitution and the recomposition of the istorical truth. Key words: Doctrine of National Security, military dictatorship, social movement, democracy, memory and truth.

Gazing Abroad, The Chilean Military’s Reading of International Events: Implications for Doctrine, Ideology, and Behavior, 1945–1975

Chile’s Army Academy of War, founded in 1886, established academic study as an integral part of the new professional soldier’s formation. Henceforth officers specialized in different areas of military science and contemplated contemporary armed conflicts as a means to stay abreast of changes in modern warfare. This article, based on institutional publications and testimonial literature, has two principle objectives. First, it highlights the importance of an indigenous intellectual tradition in Chile’s armed forces. Second, it situates the Chilean military in relation to world events from 1960 to 1975 and demonstrates the significance of wars in Vietnam, South Asia, and the Middle East - among other events - for the ideological, strategic, and tactical dispositions of Chilean officers as they overthrew Salvador Allende, responded to the possibility of war with Peru, and implemented a national security doctrine after 1973. Drawing attention to the voice of Chilean military actors as they evaluated armed conflicts and thought about world events demonstrates the importance of this international context for the military’s doctrine and departs from a certain tendency to overlook the indigenous perspective of South American militaries after 1945.

Education policy and national security in Brazil in the post-1964 context

The aim of this article is to analyse and show in detail the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, the main ideological prop of the 1964 civilian–military coup, on the education policy implemented by the regime. Special attention is given to the MEC-USAID agreements, the setting up of the Meira Matos Commission and the reform of elementary, middle and high school education, which was put into effect by the enactment of Law 5692/1971. It purports to show that their overriding purpose was to adapt the education system to the economic and political model in place at that time, so as to transform it into a tool for the promotion of national security and development as perceived by that doctrine. The article concludes that the changes that took place in Brazilian education can only be fully comprehended in the light of their interaction with the processes that fostered the manifestation of the National Security ideology in Latin America as a whole and Brazil in particular.

La seguridad internacional en la proyección de Chile hacia el Cono Sur: ¿desde la doctrina de la seguridad nacional hacia la construcción de comunidades de seguridad o la emergencia de la securitización?

En este artículo se plantea que la evolución de la realidad internacional del Cono Sur de América en el campo de la seguridad, a partir de mediados de la década del 70, es interpretada por la doctrina de la seguridad nacional y posteriormente por aproximaciones reflectivistas moderadas. Estas últimas, al inicio de los 90, se comienzan a tomar en cuenta en respuesta a los desafíos de la región en el marco de la internacionalización y democratización de las unidades políticas que la componen. Se trata del uso de categorías tales como comunidades de seguridad y autonomía relacional, junto a los aportes de la seguridad humana. No obstante, también destacamos un replanteamiento de las corrientes tradicionales a partir de la vigencia de aproximaciones realistas, las que plantean la securitización de algunos fenómenos, sobre todo los referidos a la construcción de amenazas en torno a la instrumentalización de litigios fronterizos pendientes.

CONCLUSION

The case studies in this special issue demonstrate that the Obama administration's 2010 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) and related nuclear policy initiatives encouraged a number of other nuclear weapon states to likewise reduce the role of nuclear weapons in their national security doctrines and helped pave the way with non-nuclear weapon states for a successful 2010 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. This article reviews the contributing authors’ case study findings regarding key foreign governments that applauded the 2010 NPR and were receptive to President Barack Obama's vision of a world free of nuclear weapons as well as governments that remained skeptical about US disarmament and arms control initiatives. We conclude with an analysis of the lessons that should be learned from the 2010 NPR process: the need for consistent implementation of changes in nuclear weapons doctrine, improved coordination and consultation with allies and other states, and further global education about the likelihood and consequences of nuclear terrorism.

Armed Conflict and Human Rights in Colombia

Armed Conflict and Human Rights in Colombia

Las macroformas textuales de los Derechos Humanos: Chile, 1973-1980

This article discusses how Human Rights can be interpreted as elements of discourse in the Civil-Military Regime, between 1973 and 1980. Through both Critical Discourse Analysis and history-graphical projections, the contextual elements from the most significant documents are linked to the diverse empowerment doctrines enforced at that time. In addition, doctrinal and symbolic coherence are perceived, as well as and the character of the ‘protected democracy’ proposed and its direct relationship to neoliberal labor policies, and the National Security Doctrine within which it operates.

A legitimidade da política de segurança democrática e a doutrina de segurança nacional na Colômbia

Este artigo propõe estabelecer uma relação entre a Política de Segurança Democrática e a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional na Colômbia, para, a partir do discernimento dos traços de continuidade entre esses dois discursos, entender as implicações da Política de Segurança Democrática para a configuração do atual cenário político do país. Buscamos identificar essa continuidade por meio de uma análise de três processos: a formação das Forças Armadas colombianas, o papel dos Estados Unidos na política de segurança do país e a formação de grupos civis armados paramilitares. Articulando esses três elementos, argumentamos que o 11 de Setembro provê importante capital político para o empreendimento da Política de Segurança Democrática. Contudo, o seu conteúdo e suas implicações só ficam claros ao restabelecermos sua conexão com a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional.

Russia in the Arctic

There are a number of elements of Russian Arctic foreign policy that have raised concerns among many experts: a highly publicized scientific expedition planted the Russian flag in Arctic waters near the north pole as if it were meant to establish rights to sovereignty in this area; the Russian muitary has resumed regular flights that sometimes pass overly close to the borders of neighbouring circumpolar countries; and Russian fishermen often clash with their Norwegian peers in the so-caUed grey zones in the Barents Sea and near Greenland. All these actions have taken place in the context of a growing rivalry over increasingly accessible resources in the Arctic, as weU as over important sea routes in the area. It should also be noted that the Arctic is a border region, which makes security a touchy issue for aU concerned. Moreover, the existing legal framework dealing with the partition of the seabed in this area is not only highly complex and sophisticated but also leaves many questions unanswered.These considerations at times generate nightmare scenarios for all interested actors as weU as for the entire world. Thus, it becomes relevant to assess Russia's actual interests and goals in the Arctic - beyond its frequently projected scary and assertive image - and to consider what avauable means it has to reach them.THE PATTERN OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICYFirst of all, it is important to mention that Russian Arctic policy is a coherent part of the overall pattern of Russian foreign policy. After a period of economic weakness and difficult decisions, Russia is using its newly acquired wealth to regain great power status, at least at a regional level. Moscow is very concerned about an excessive western, and especially American, presence near Russia's borders, which it most often considers a threat. I argue that Russia's reaction to these threats should be understood as a soft-balancing strategy. In contrast to the classical concept of balance of power, which is meant to depict the state of the international system, or the traditional strategy of hard balancing, which includes the open buildup of military capacities and formal alliances, soft balancing - as introduced to international relations and foreign policy analysis by TV. Paul and his coauthors - is a limited military buildup and security understanding among actors, combined with preventive strategies as well as nonmilitary tools, to discourage, delay, or dismantle unilateral aggressive polides by another great power.1 The ultimate goal of this type of foreign policy strategy is to build the vital economic and military capacities necessary to protect and reinforce national sovereignty. The economy is crucially important for the strategy of soft balancing as it is considered a warranty of the state's security. This is the reason that elements of soft balancing are to be found in vital domains of the national economy.In Russia's case, one of these this vital domains is the energy sector. Indeed, Russia owes a great part of its assertiveness and renewed material capacities to oil and gas revenues. Thus, it is not suprising that it is seen as crucial to protect this source of wealth from any threat, and especially from the US. Vladimir Putin has explicitly called the economy a synonym of security.2 This vision is reflected in the doctrine of national security of the Russian Federation, which states:[The] national interest of the State is to preserve the fundamental stability of the constitutional institutions, national sovereignty, territorial integrity and political, economic and social stability... to develop equitable and mutuaUy beneficial international cooperation. The implementation of Russia's national interest is only possible on the basis of sustainable economic development. That's why our interests in this domain are crucial.3It is very important to add that soft-balancing strategies are guided by zero-sum game logic. As such, they exclude the option of absolute gains and of long-term cooperation in a vital domain. …