National Patriotism Research Articles

Another Example of Stereotypes on the Early American Frontier: The Imperialist Historians and the American Indian

The Imperialist historians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries approached American history only from the perspective of Anglo-Saxons. The Indians were denigrated and ignored as a significant factor in the history of the United States. This paper identifies and analyzes these biases. By the 1890's a new generation of historians was beginning to question the patriotic nationalism of George Bancroft and other nineteenth century writers. The diplomatic and social rapprochement between Great Britain and the United States, the scientific history being taught in German universities, and the impact of Darwinian theory combined not only to break Americans out of their relatively cultural parochialism but also influenced a group of historians who urged a broader and more impartial focus for historical investigation (Wright 1966:25-35). This Imperialist school asserted that Colonial-Revolutionary America could be understood solely within the context of the entire British empire. Only by viewing the colonies from the perspective of London, they maintained, could a complete and unbiased history of the colonial period be written. Adopting a Darwinian view of social change and stressing the significance of the physical environment, the Imperialists - most notably its leading figures, George L. Beers, Herbert L. Osgood, Charles M. Andrews and Lawrence H. Gipson - wrote multivolume histories of the evolutionary development of colonial institutions and society under the influence of largely impersonal forces. They rejected earlier views of the burden placed on the colonists by British imperialist administration. The oppression of the British empire, they contended, was not the root cause of the Revolution.

Direct and compound nucleus effects in nuclear photodisintegration: Carl Shakin, Department of Physics and Laboratory for Nuclear Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts

Consumer ethnocentrism has enormous importance in international management and marketing area. Consumer ethnocentrism is strongly connected with xenophobia, morality and rationality, patriotism nationalism and economic and war animosity elements. CETSCALE (Consumer Ethnocentric Tendencies Scale) (Shimp and Shara, 1987) was developed to evaluate emotional dimension of purchasing imported goods regarding the imp lication to economic animosity, rationality and morality. Patriotism and Nationalism Scale (Kosterman and Feshbach's, 1989) was developed scale to evaluate levels of patriotism. Animosity Scale (Klein et al., 1998) was developed to evaluate levels of animosity, such as general d islike for a country, war and the economic animosity. In the current study, a total of 200 students from the department of Nursery Education of the University of Western Macedonia filled in the three scales. The study proposes a structural equation model which describes factors affecting Greeks students’ consumption punching behavior, such as: xenophobia, morality and rationality in respect of ethnocentrism, patriotism and nationalism and economic and war animosity. In addition it evaluates its construct valid ity by estimating both convergent and discriminant valid ity, while evaluating the internal consistency of the proposed model itself, and estimates how the instrument determines the reasonable relations among the latent factors mentioned above, and how it describes the reasonable results and assigns the quality of data fit within it. The specific model can be used by researchers to evaluate the effect of different aspects of ethnocentrism in the market economy.

Is It Safe to Invest in Mexico?

YIELDS OF 7 TO 10% on public utility stocks, 8 to 12% on mortgage bonds, and 18 to 24% on short term commercial loans immediately suggest great risk to American investors and financial analysts. To Mexicans, on the other hand, they are at best only reasonable and conservative returns-barely sufficient to induce them to invest. There are sound reasons why such yields can be obtained with comparative safety in Mexico. To understand the reasons, one must look to the institutional structure of Mexico and to the psychology of the Mexican government official. The Mexican is an extremely proud individual with strong national patriotism. To the north, he sees a Colossus-alien in language, law, religion, and culture -which by force of arms took from him the territory that now comprises such rich and rapidly growing states as Texas, California, Colorado, New Mexico and Arizona. If he speaks English (as many men of his class do) the United States Marine Hymn conveys a quite different message from that of an American. He admires the wealth and power of the United States while criticizing the institutions and traditions that generated them. He has been brought up in and conditioned to accept as normal and proper a State in which Government intervention and regulation is extensive. He lives in a society where the population is exploding rapidlymuch of it in poverty, by U. S. standards. Though opposition parties exist, for all practical purposes, PRI (the Party of Revolutionary Institutions) is the only important party. Its leaders are committed to their heritage of revolutionary slogans and their traditional belief that Government must own, or control, many aspects of the economy. Consequently, the emotional set of the educated Mexican is toward greater nationalism. He is also strongly inclined to regard landed property as the only safe investment and to invest his surplus funds in land and more land. These elements tend to inhibit the rapid generation of capital in private hands, though a middle class is now developing. Americans who know little of Mexico firsthand have an impression of the Alamo, the Mexican War, and perhaps of Pancho Villa and the shelling of Tampico and Vera Cruz, as well as a vague memory of the expropriations of the oil, railroad, and mineral holdings of American companies and individuals. Such impressions, and a knowledge that every so often the peso is devalued, do not incline individuals to invest in Mexico, despite high yields.

Bismarck and German Nationalism

THE Nazi revolution and the ruin which it brought have placed in doubt many of the previous assumptions of German historical thought.' Of the several problems for which new solutions must be sought one of the most important concerns the influence of Bismarck.2 Does he share responsibility for the growth of that inverted nationalism upon which Hitler rode to power and conquest? The question of Bismarck's nationalism has long been the subject of speculation and controversy. According to one school of interpretation, whose chief representatives were Heinrich Friedjung and Erich Brandenburg,3 he adopted a German national outlook early in his career, certainly after I85I when he became Prussian delegate to the German Bundestag in Frankfurt. This viewpoint has proved tenacious. Recently it appeared again in an article by Otto Becker published in the Historische Zeitschrift.4 Following the same tradition, A. 0. Meyer, author of the most recent biography, took an even more extreme position. To him it appeared axiomatic that the great Prussian Junker was motivated throughout his career by a German national patriotism which was as fundamental to his thought and action as his Lutheran faith and his monarchical loyalty.5 From the evidence, however, it is apparent that before i866 Bismarck gave his primary allegiance to the Prussian state and monarchy. Therefore, Max Lenz, Erich Marcks,6 and Friedrich Meinecke7 concluded that his con-

The Rivalry of Intolerances in Race Relations

much his admirers might wish to have his deeds recalled. When the symbolic and utilitarian functions of war memorials are compatible with reference to a common system of values, the memorial serves to strengthen these values and thereby contributes to the solidarity of the society. In the case of an incompatibility, however, the inconsistent values embodied in the war memorial are dysfunctional for the integration of the group. Thus, if the activities of dance palaces are as important as national patriotism, that is, if this is implied by some war memorial which places them together so that they seem to be merged, then the actual values of the society, which do not hold the former to be compatible with the latter, are being called into question. The consequence is a reduction in the integration of the group. These, then, are some of the general relations between the different functions of war memorials. Obviously no single highly concrete statement can be made about their application in all societies or all sub-communities of a single society. Since the symbolic functions of war memorials take their significance from the cultural values of a society, and since, further, the compatibility of the symbolic, the esthetic, and the utilitarian functions also derives from these values, any particular war memorial can only be considered appropriate or not in terms of the values of a particular society or particular sub-community of that society. Keeping these general relations in view, each particular group must choose a suitable memorial for itself. Since values vary among societies, appropriate war memorials will always, as they have done in the past and still do, take different concrete forms. Owing to the difficulty of suitably combining the several possible component functions, excellent war memorials can only be constructed by the most careful consideration of these functions and their relations in the atmosphere of a particular set of social values.

National Patriotism in Papal Teaching by John J. Wright (review)

322 FRANCISCAN STUDIES decrees of the Biblical Commission concerning the Old Testament, giving the reason for them and their necessity, nature, and purpose. He also deals with historical criticism of the Old Testament and biblical teaching in our sem­ inaries and higher institutes of learning. This chapter is very enlightening and has special interest and utility for the professor of scripture. Throughout the book the bibliography is copious, set in footnotes of smaller type, which do not at all detract from the readableness of the text and are very handy for reference. To this bibliography the author adds bio­ graphical notes which are very helpful in understanding the critical school. An excellent index of names is also appended. The work is not to be considered a direct refutation of Wellhausenism or the critical school. For the greater part the author lets the critics speak for themselves and among themselves, as the title of the book indicates. In­ directly, however, the fallacies and exaggerations of Wellhausenism are brought out in bold relief. In the third chapter the Catholic scholar will find directives for his attitude towards the critics and the work that they have accomplished. An antagonistic attitude should not be taken towards everything that the critics have written; but what good results there may be, should be gleaned and used to strengthen our own position in the defense of Holy Scripture and its explanation, always under the wise guidance of the Church to whom the Scriptures are entrusted. This book is indispensable to the Scripture student and will prove very useful to the Catholic scholar in general. It should be on the shelves of every library. Father Coppens has certainly done a great service for the Catholic student in writing this work. Although at times he complains of the limitations of space imposed upon him, the results are fortuitous, for in the matter of biblical criticism there is often danger of not being able to see the woods for the trees. The author has covered the whole field of critical literature, which is in itself an enormous task, and has clearly and briefly given us the results of his extensive and intensive research. The translators also merit our appre­ ciation for making this work available to English readers. K evin Sm y t h , O. F. M. Ca p . St. Anthony Friary, Marathon, Wis. National Patriotism in Papal Teaching. (A dissertation for the Doctorate in Sacred Theology submitted to the Theological Faculty of the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome.) By John J. Wright. (Boston, Mass.: The Stratford Company, 1942. Pp. LIII + 358.) This is a very timely study in moral theology, which employs the pro­ nouncements of the Sovereign Pontiffs from Leo XIII to Pius XI as the source from which to draw the Church’s doctrine on modern patriotism. Dividing his subject into three major sections, Dr. Wright first determines the nature and object of the virtue of patriotism; he then sets forth the papal teaching on the principal obligations of modern patriotism, and finally dis­ cusses the relation between national patriotism and International Order. BOOK REVIEWS 323 The book will serve as an excellent reference-work for those who seek information concerning papal teaching on the important virtue of patriotism. The list of papal documents on the subject is well-ordered and includes not only encyclical letters, apostolic constitutions, and apostolic letters but also special messages, homilies, allocutions, and discourses of the popes and sev­ eral documents issued by the Dicasteries of the Holy See. This list alone would make the work extremely valuable. In using these papal declarations the author makes clear the attitude of the Holy See towards such interesting questions as the so-called "right of self-determination” invoked in the organization of the political order of Europe after World War I. The documents also aid in the solution of two "difficult cases” which must be pressing problems in Europe today, namely, the moral duty of collaborating with a vicious government or with a govern­ ment set up by a foreign aggressor. As to the first and more difficult case, Dr. Wright finds that "the condemnation of unjust rebellion and violence is ex­ plicit, categoric...

National Patriotism in Papal Teaching

National Patriotism in Papal Teaching

"National Patriotism in Papal Teaching," by John J. Wright

"National Patriotism in Papal Teaching," by John J. Wright

Psychology of Joan of Arc

IN a paper entitled “A Medico-psychological Revision of the Story of Jehanne La Pucelle” read before the Section of the History of Medicine of the Royal Society of Medicine on December 4, Dr. H. P. Bayon said that modern historians, by interpreting medieval religious conceptions according to the dictates of contemporary critical doctrines, have failed to examine the voices and visions of La Pucelle in their proper light and sequence. The first voices heard at the age of thirteen were, according to him, connected with endocrine activity tinged by intense religious fervour and could not be rightly diagnosed as morbid, even if they ranked as somewhat abnormal. A couple of years after, the simple monitions of the voices were followed by visions and commands, directing the Maid to perform valiant military deeds for a patriotic service; these must be classified as something additional, since their purpose was creative and constructive and furthered the accomplishment of a certain preconceived plan by providing confidence in her mission and obtaining authority for her message. Joan of Arc thus became instinctively the first protagonist of that form of national patriotism which was to play such a part in arranging States and dynasties in Europe during succeeding centuries.

Hawthorne and Literary Nationalism

mHE MOST obvious literary influence on Hawthorne is the I work of Sir Walter Scott. Scott's influence on Hawthorne, in all its main aspects, has been recognized since G. E. Woodberry's Nathaniel Hawthorne.1 We now realize, too, that Hawthorne's early practice conforms to a critical demand that American materials be treated in the manner of Scott. Scott's work had a great influence on American literary theory in general, because combined significantly with the patriotic nationalism of American writers and, as G. Harrison Orians has said, converted the demand for nationalism into a quest for Scott-like ingredients in American life.2 By I825 the success of this quest was apparent.3 Hawthorne started out in his treatment of historical materials very much as current literary theory prescribed, but he developed away from and modified the theory which had directed his early work. To overlook the influence of current literary theory and fashion upon Hawthorne is to attribute to him an unwarranted isolation; to overlook the individuality of the treatment he gave quite ordinary materials is to miss something of his greatness as an artist. It is the purpose of this note to review the connections between Hawthorne's work and the contemnorarv desire for na1 See G. E. Woodberry, NTathaniel Hawthorne (Boston, I902), pp. I25-I26; G. H. Orians, and Hawthorne's Fanshawe, New England Quarterly, XI, 388-394 (June, I938). There is ample evidence of Hawthorne's intimate acquaintance with Scott's work. See Jurian Hawthorne, Hawthorne and His Wife (Boston, i885), I, io5, II, 269; G. P. Lathrop, A Study of Hawthorne (Boston, I876), p. io8, Appendix, pp. 34I, 343; James T. Fields, Yesterdays with Authors (Boston, I879), pp. IoI-Io2; Hawthorne's Works, Riverside ed., VII, passim, VIII, 263-274, 504-508, and passim. 2The Romance Ferment after Waverley, American Literature, III, 409 (Jan., I932). 'Jared Sparks, in an I825 review of ten American novels published within a year, says that he finds it expedient first to settle . . . the peculiarities of the Waverley pattern, of which most of the ten novels are acknowledged copies. He makes an excellent statement of the appeal the imitation of Scott had for his time: . . . the actors in these works have not only a human, but a national, and often a provincial character. . . . The subject of manners and customs is, moreover, one of general interest, and as an adherence to these serves to give individuality to the characters in these narratives, is so far an improvement on the practice of the older novels, and advantageous to the writer. See North American Review, XXI, 78-I04 (July, I825).

Nationalism in Press, Radio and Cinema

HIS paper will not seek to review the general causes and effects of modern nationalism, which have been comprehensively surveyed by Hayes, Hodges, Gooch and others as well as by the historians of modern dictator states. Nor will it pursue definitions of education and propaganda through the tortuous mazes of psychological analysis. It will discuss, first, the ways in which nationalism is promoted by agencies of communication, with special attention to press, radio and motion picture. Second, it will seek to show the ways in which these agencies promote, or may promote, a negation or neutralization of extreme nationalism. Whether either of these two types of promotion is education or propaganda depends, in the main, upon the moral bias of the individual who views the data. The human mind contains ideas and patterns of ideas that are often contradictory and antagonistic. A man can be at the same time a humanitarian citizen of the world and a patriot. In times of conflict and stress, however, symbols of humanitarianism and internationalism rapidly lose their force and are supplanted by symbols of nationalistic self-preservation and self-defense. As the lengthening shadow of war deepened during the American neutrality period from I9I4 to I9I7, discussion was carried on more and more, as Schuyler Foster has pointed out,' in terms of a common symbol, the American nation, represented by the national government. In more recent years, the rise of military dictatorships abroad, military conflict, international economic warfare, the depression, labor and class warfare are all factors which have led to a renewal of the sense of frustration and insecurity that promotes aggrandizement and glorification of the national political state as a symbol of common defense. In the United States, conflict and stress have caused such developments as a growing concentration of power of all kinds in the national goverment, rapid militarization, neutrality legislation based upon self-preservation rather than upon cooperation, and economic planning, which, according to contemporary experience abroad, is only effective when assisted by national patriotism and the regimentation of minority interests. All of these phenomena have the end result of promoting the symbols of nationalism to the disadvantage of various types of supranationalistic idealism. The middle classes, in general, have been the main supporters of peace, reform and humanitarian movements opposed to extreme nationalism.