According to the implementation of the Total Peace policy, President Gustavo Petro (2022–2026) sought to differentiate himself from the partial peace policy pursued under the government of Juan Manuel Santos (2010–2018), who first negotiated between 2012 and 2016 with the RevolutionaryArmed Forces of Colombia–People’s Army (FARC-EP) and later with the National Liberation Army (ELN)—signing an agenda agreement and a bilateral ceasefire—and also from the Peace with Legality policy of former President Iván Duque (2018–2022), who ultimately closed the door to dialogue with any armed group (Archila & Duque, 2021).At the outset, the Total Peace policy was embodied in Law 2272 of 2022 (Congress of the Republic of Colombia, 2022) as President Petro’s commitment to removing all illegal armed groups from war through negotiation. It offered processes of political dialogue for those groups that continuously exercise violence in an organized way, with recognized or responsible command in various regions of the country. It even opened the door to collective submission to justice through unprecedented socio-legal dialogue spaces with groups not classified as insurgencies,which the law called organized armed structures of high-impact crime.

This paper discusses the changing nature of the civil conflict in Myanmar that has been seen since the military coup of February 2021 and especially considering the increase in armed resistance since 2023. It examines how the ruling military junta has been faced with increased challenges by opposition forces, with the Pa-O National Liberation Army (PNLA), Karenni National Defence Forces (KNDF), the People's Defence Forces (PDFs) and the Three Brotherhood Alliance being the most urgent. The paper concludes that a confluence of long-term strategic losses in the territory, internal disintegration, de-motivation, and changing regional and international relationships are some of the factors that have weakened the junta. The major losses of strategic points like Lashio and major parts of Rakhine State have destroyed the long-time dominance of the military force and created hold ups in the command and supply chain. The paper sheds light on the increasing operational coordination and tactical sophistication of the resistance forces that have proven to be able to capture and hold territory unlike before. Meanwhile, it critically evaluates in-house divisions in the resistance style, in which opposing interests between regional sovereignty and national democratic ambitions have limited solidarity. Humanitarian and political issues further undermine the conflict situation, namely, in regards to the Rohingya crisis and the arguments concerning the Federal Democracy Charter, which brings up the issue of minority rights and political representation in resistant-controlled regions. The paper also assesses the falling fighting power of the junta that was characterized with high rates of defections, recruiting and conscripting issues, and lack of logistical support. Outside, it follows the repositioning of the roles of regional forces, in particular the growing involvement of China in ethnic armed cells and the need to ensure the border situation as well as strategic investments, as well as the reserved overture of India to the opposition groups and the declining role of Russia as an arms supplier. Lastly, the paper highlights the critical impacts of regional spillover effects of poor neighbouring states and the daunting post-conflict reconstruction, such as famine and risks, and demobilization and reintegration of armed parties.

Access to the armed struggle archives in Zimbabwe has always been a challenge. The armed struggle heritage risks being a history without archives. Archives of the armed struggle are rarely found at the National Archives of Zimbabwe. The exceptions are only the oral archive of the armed struggle, collected by the National Archives of Zimbabwe, to address the paucity of archival documents about the liberation struggle. The political parties involved in the armed struggle keep their war of liberation archives in their party-political structures, as with the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Some archives were migrated before independence in 1980, as in the case of the Rhodesian Army Archive, while others were confiscated by the ruling government, as exemplified by the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZPRA) archive. Using the lens of the critical archival praxis as the theoretical framework, this conceptual paper critically analyses the privatisation of the armed struggle archives through a literature review. The persistent theme that runs through this phenomenon is the deliberate controlled access to no access. The study was guided by the research objectives, which sought to assess the archive of the liberation struggle and politics of memory; examine the expropriation of the Rhodesian Army Archive and the custody question; analyse archival repatriation of the Rhodesian Army (RAA) amidst provenance issues, and assess the privatisation of the archives of Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) amidst patriotic history in Zimbabwe. Further to that is the confiscation, privatisation, sanitisation, and propagandisation of the armed struggle archives by those in power. This paper recommends collaborative partnerships between the National Archives of Zimbabwe and stakeholders in custody of the privatised armed struggle heritage to safeguard and promote enhanced access to liberation struggle archives.

Access to the armed struggle archives in Zimbabwe has always been a challenge. The armed struggle heritage risks being a history without archives. Archives of the armed struggle are rarely found at the National Archives of Zimbabwe. The exceptions are only the oral archive of the armed struggle, collected by the National Archives of Zimbabwe, to address the paucity of archival documents about the liberation struggle. The political parties involved in the armed struggle keep their war of liberation archives in their party-political structures, as with the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Some archives were migrated before independence in 1980, as in the case of the Rhodesian Army Archive, while others were confiscated by the ruling government, as exemplified by the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZPRA) archive. Using the lens of the critical archival praxis as the theoretical framework, this conceptual paper critically analyses the privatisation of the armed struggle archives through a literature review. The persistent theme that runs through this phenomenon is the deliberate controlled access to no access. The study was guided by the research objectives, which sought to assess the archive of the liberation struggle and politics of memory; examine the expropriation of the Rhodesian Army Archive and the custody question; analyse archival repatriation of the Rhodesian Army (RAA) amidst provenance issues, and assess the privatisation of the archives of Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) amidst patriotic history in Zimbabwe. Further to that is the confiscation, privatisation, sanitisation, and propagandisation of the armed struggle archives by those in power. This paper recommends collaborative partnerships between the National Archives of Zimbabwe and stakeholders in custody of the privatised armed struggle heritage to safeguard and promote enhanced access to liberation struggle archives.

This article examines the factors that influenced the ELN's readiness to commit to a settlement during the Colombian peace process of 2023–24. By analysing structural changes within the ELN between 2016 and 2024, the study identifies four key variables: territorial occupation, resources and capabilities, internal cohesion, and alliances. Using a comparative conflict research design and qualitative approach, the study highlights the ELN's transformation following the FARC-EP's demobilisation in 2016, and assesses the implications of these changes for President Gustavo Petro's “Paz Total” peace initiative. The study concludes that the ELN is not yet structurally prepared for unified peace negotiations, which casts doubt on the success of the 'Paz Total'.

This paper aims to analyze the history of French colonial policy in Algeria. This concerns the French army's theory of revolutionary warfare, both in its security and military aspects, in dealing with the Algerian issue. Our study focuses on the basic strategy of what is known in French circles as the "counter-revolutionary war," which requires attacking rebels within the population and against the population itself, at a time when the army had come to combine political and military power. Within a methodological framework based on descriptive historical research, the study concludes that the French authorities in Algeria chose to place their full weight on the military effort and the use of force, especially with the expansion of the revolution and the widespread participation of Algerians in the National Liberation Front and Army. The study also aims to demonstrate the active cooperation of the state, which militarized while simultaneously politicizing the military. This contributed to establishing the necessary structural framework for seizing control of the Algerian population.

ABSTRACT This study employs primary and secondary sources to examine the effectiveness of Tanzania’s military strategy and tactics during the 1978–79 Tanzania-Uganda War. The findings revealed that Tanzania’s military approach was surprisingly effective, demonstrating a high level of confidentiality while analysing Amin’s military weaknesses. Thorough preparations and citizen involvement were key to victory, as emphasised by President Julius Nyerere. Workers and farmers were motivated to increase production for the war effort. The collaboration between the Government, citizens, Tanzania People’s Defence Forces (TPDF), the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), and the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) significantly contributed to defeating Amin.

This research examines the application of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) in the conflict between the Indonesian National Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, or "TNI") and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). The main focus is to assess the legal status of TPNPB as a non-state armed actor and examine the extent to which the TNI's authority in military operations has been in accordance with the principles of proportionality, distinction, and precaution. Using qualitative legal research and conceptual, statutory, and historical approaches, the findings indicate that the conflict in Papua has fulfilled the elements of a non-international armed conflict (NIAC), although it has not been officially recognized by the Indonesian government. In addition, the implementation of TNI's authority in Military Operations Other Than War (OMSP) is considered to have the potential to violate IHL principles because of its impact on civilians. This research recommends a more consistent application of IHL to ensure the effective protection of civilians in domestic conflicts.

In April 1941, the fascist bloc states attacked Yugoslavia, destroying and dividing it. The Albanian territories under its control, which were divided into three occupation zones, shared the fate of Yugoslavia: German, Italian, and Bulgarian. In this scientific work, I will attempt to elaborate on the origins of the conflict between the fascist occupiers and their collaborators, as well as the desire of the Albanian people in general, and especially in Kosovo, for liberation and resolution of the national question. During World War II, the anti-fascist ranks were consolidated at the national and international levels—Balkan, European, and global—by proclaiming and guaranteeing the right to self-determination for all peoples participating in the anti-fascist bloc. The National Liberation Council for Kosovo, the highest political body of the National Liberation Movement (LNÇ) in Kosovo, owes much of its success to the personal contributions of the Albanian people in general and specifically in Kosovo, as documented in historical documents approved at the Bujan Conference. The Albanian people's struggle in Kosovo during this time period was unique, with a specific strategy and tactics developed under specific and difficult local conditions that made armed conflict in this territory difficult to organise quickly. The war in Kosovo included violence perpetrated by a variety of political actors. As a result, the issue requires a multifaceted analysis, with a focus on ideology, violence against civilians, and military conflict between two or more military powers. In this article, we attempted to present the War of the People of Kosovo in all its manifest forms: objective and subjective conditions, forms of activism, the formation and strengthening of armed forces, and the activities of anti-fascist organisations, etc. During World War II in Kosovo, the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War is divided into two phases: The first phase (1941-1943) relates to the formation of anti-fascist organizations and national liberation councils, as well as the spread of armed struggle, specifically the methods of fighting as an inseparable part of the National Liberation Front, up until the capitulation of Italy (1943). The second phase is the period from 1943 to 1945 of the war in Kosovo, which developed rapidly and, from an organizational standpoint, took on a complete form, resulting in massive participation of the people in the war, expressed through various actions aimed at igniting and significantly expanding the struggle. Illuminating the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War is crucial; it requires the synthesis of extensive material, analysis, comparison, and drawing certain conclusions. Additionally, this work demands in-depth knowledge of the history between the two world wars in Kosovo, particularly the history of World War II, with a special emphasis on the history of Albanians, in which the First Conference of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Council occupies an important place as part of the Albanian national resistance. This resistance was engaged in various forms, both military and political, for the ethnic unification of Albanians, contributing significantly to the Albanian cause. The study is organized based on a chronological order, where the main issues are broken down into sub-issues according to specific problems, and it concludes with findings, archival sources, and bibliography, while respecting scientific principles and other methodological standards. During this period, Kosovo received support from the Atlantic Charter, which guaranteed self-determination, as well as the Moscow Declaration, Tehran Resolution, and Yalta Declaration, which stated: „Everyone on their own land and everyone to decide on the form of their own government.“ This was the guiding principle of the Anglo-Soviet-American Alliance. The Albanian people of Kosovo and other Yugoslav territories gained this right to self-determination by fighting alongside the Anti-Fascist Bloc as a people rather than a national minority. During this period, neighbouring countries attempted to contest Albanians' alignment in the Anti-Fascist Bloc, but the facts on the ground were on the Albanians' side, with approximately 50,000 fighters, the majority of who were Albanians, serving in the National Liberation Army of Kosovo. During the Movement, 6,203 people from Kosovo died, 28 of whom were declared national heroes. The significance of this level of participation in the armed struggle of the Albanian people of Kosovo is better understood when considering the participation rates of other occupied peoples in Europe in the anti-fascist struggle, which show that, relative to the population size, the contribution of the Albanians was quite substantial.

ABSTRACT This paper analyses leadership in the Irish Republican Socialist Party, the Irish National Liberation Army, and the Irish People’s Liberation Organisation, 1974–1992. All three organisations emerged from the Official IRA and the split it underwent at the end of 1969. This paper is the first study of its kind, analysing these three organisations from a leadership perspective, using an established theory, the Full Range Leadership Model. The paper applies its theoretical model to the history of the three organisations, expressed through their recorded activities; through publications they produced; through research articles and other sources on The Troubles in Northern Ireland; and through relevant literature on terrorism. The paper argues that leadership failures were significant in the failure of these organisations to build support: leadership failings contributed to their eventual demise. Political leaders failed to set clear direction and exert control over their paramilitary followers, a fault line which was present from the very outset of these organisations’ existence. The paper is important because the Irish National Liberation Army and Irish People’s Liberation Organisation were significant actors in The Troubles: their aims, strategies and tactics have been subject to little examination thus far in the academic journal literature.

Abstract The study of peace negotiations has traditionally emphasized the conditions leading to peace talks and the effect of external variables on negotiation outcomes. This article draws from the recent experience of Colombia, where peace negotiations took place between the government and the two main guerrilla groups, to investigate the internal dynamics of peace negotiations and the outcomes they produce. In doing so, it connects the fields of conflict resolution and the study of complex systems. The article investigates the elements that help us to understand the different dynamics of the parallel peace talks conducted by the Colombian government with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) in the period between 2010 and 2018, and to draw lessons from Colombia's experience. The comparative qualitative research underpinning the article is based on 23 interviews conducted in 2022 with participants in the peace negotiations, representatives of the international community and experts closely involved in the negotiation processes. The study's main finding is the recognition of negotiation spaces as having the power to transform the relationship between the parties. This contributes to the study of other conflict scenarios, where much emphasis is placed on military variables, as opposed to the potential of negotiation spaces.

The situation of the Albanian minority in the countries of the former Yugoslavia was the main reason for the recent conflicts related to the breakup of the South Slavic state at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. This article aims to conduct a comparative analysis of the situation of the Albanian minority in Montenegro, which avoided ethnic conflicts, and in North Macedonia, for which the conflict with the National Liberation Army was the main challenge at the beginning of the 21st century. The comparative analysis takes into account the following aspects: demographic characteristics, legal status, political situation (including the demands and postulates of minorities), and the characteristics of Montenegrin and Macedonian nationalism. The method used focused on the analysis of existing data such as literature on the subject, legal records, information provided by public institutions, and press releases. The analysis made it possible to identify differences in the situation of the two Albanian minorities and in the functioning of the two multi-ethnic states in question. The article also emphasizes the validity and importance of conducting further research on the Albanian diaspora in the Balkans.

The Colombian case in the Latin American context is paradigmatic, reflecting the persistence of the armed conflict over several decades. Although the Peace Accords were negotiated in 2016 in Havana, Cuba, with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), corroborated data show that leaders and defenders of human rights have been assassinated after the signing of the Accords. At the same time, new actors have emerged with the rise of Emerging Criminal Bands (BACRIM), made up of dissidents who did not lay down their arms and continue to commit the same acts of barbarity. In this scenario, paramilitarism has not disappeared, and the National Liberation Army (ELN) remains an active part of the conflict. Within this context, this study focuses, from a legal and political perspective, on the shift in approach—from a strong emphasis on the protection of human rights in the fight against the “enemy” to transitional justice through a negotiated peace. The Havana Accords have led to a different turn in the debate, offering an alternative path and a set of exceptional legal norms aimed at achieving a peaceful and negotiated solution. Accordingly, this study develops the basic aspects of the Havana Accords in order to explain the main normative foundations of transitional justice. On the other hand, it also describes how, even within the transitional justice process, the International Criminal Court continues to represent an alternative avenue, given that the commission of crimes in the context of the armed conflict persists. This allows the conclusion that the Colombian case, despite significant advances in the pursuit of peace, remains a complex and unclear scenario regarding the definitive end of the conflict.

In mid-1944, Serbia was at a historic turning point. The Allies’ decision to support the communist side influenced the outcome of the years-long civil war and enabled the communists to take over the state. The previously dominant Chetnik movement suffered a number of major defeats at the hands of Partisan forces penetrating Serbia from Bosnia and Montenegro. Meanwhile, local Partisan forces strengthened; following the example of other parts of the country, guerrilla detachments evolved into divisions and corps of the Yugoslav National Liberation Army. Finally, in September 1944, the Red Army came to their aid, accelerating the liberation and making a key contribution to the expulsion of German occupying forces. Based on existing literature and archival sources, the paper aims to provide an overview of thesituation in Serbia in the summer and autumn of 1944 and to highlight key factors leading to the Partisan takeover.

The J. Ortega Reyna’s book studies the influence of the French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser’s ideas on the Mexican intellectual environment of the second half of the 20th century, through the prism of the opposition revolts against the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the spreading of the Althusser theory in the University community and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) uprising in the 1990th.

ABSTRACT This article investigates the Colombian National Liberation Army (ELN) intervention in an economic broker by coopting local and comunal power. Colombian-Venezuelan borderland, underlining how it embarked on a state capture project. The ELN’s footprint on both sides of the border varies; however, while in Colombia, the group has captured the state, in Venezuela, it created a parallel state. Critically describing the group’s modus operandi, we identify how the organization became an economic broker between coopting local and communal power. This process informs how the group competes and/or cooperates with adversaries, enemies, and state officials in a bargaining scheme that takes the form of criminal governance arrangements.

Relationships between India and Myanmar are based on common historical, ethnic, cultural, and religious experiences. The relationship between Myanmar and India has been cordial over time. The two nations' proximity has also promoted and maintained friendly relations and allowed for more interpersonal interaction. However, in the existing situation, relations seem to be hampered due to changes in geopolitical and geostrategic aspects. The Government of India (GOI) decided to end the Free Regime Movement (FMR) between India and Myanmar on February 08, 2024, to preserve the demographic makeup of the Northeastern states and to safeguard national security. Since New Delhi decided to fence the 1,643 km long border between India and Myanmar, the basic cause behind this decision is to prevent external aggression that may prove detrimental to the regional stability of the region. Myanmar is important to India both strategically and economically given its location. The nation is essential to India's ambitions to use its Act East Policy (AEP) to expand its influence in Southeast Asia, particularly among the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). However, since the military took over in February 2021, political unrest has been present in Myanmar. The Arakan Army, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, and the Myanmar National Democratic Army launched "Operation 1027" on October 27, 2023, against the military Junta, which further intensified the unrest and hampered India's AEP's main goals.

This article focuses on the peace agreement reached through international mediation in North Macedonia, known as the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In 2001, this agreement successfully brought together the conflicting parties: the government of the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia), and the armed Albanian forces under the emblem of the National Liberation Army (UÇK). This agreement prevented the escalation of conflict on the scale of the Bosnian and Kosovo War, contributing to the easing of interethnic relations in North Macedonia. It aimed to advance the rights of non-Macedonian ethnic groups, particularly the rights of Albanians, who constitute numerically the second largest ethnic group in North Macedonia at around 30%, according to the latest population registration in 2022. This agreement was intended to be implemented within five years after its signing in 2001. However, even after 22 years, it remains unrealized concerning the fair representation of non-Macedonian ethnic groups within the state structure. Furthermore, it continues to be used as a discriminatory tool by the North Macedonian state. Worse yet, it has become a political instrument for achieving votes through employment, primarily favoring individuals closely associated with the ruling parties, party militants, and relatives of party leaders. This has resulted in the creation of a caste of state political administrators. On the other hand, it has led to unprecedented segregation among Albanians in North Macedonia, with the slogan: ‘This one belongs to us, that one not.’ Consequently, those who are not considered ‘ours’ are compelled to emigrate abroad in search of better living conditions. Over time, this has resulted in a significant exodus, primarily among young people, with official statistics estimating up to 700,000 individuals.

Abstract This paper addresses the historical and conjunctural drivers underlying the emergence of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the pro-Mayan Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), asking how the geographical location of ethnic groups is related to the emergence of self-rule movements. To investigate this, a comparative historical review of state-society relations in Chiapas and Northern Syria was implemented in combination with frame analysis. I argue that the historical location of the Kurdish and Mayan populations in the borderlands of, first, former empires and, later, of their nation-states, has led the PYD and the EZLN to elaborate similar political projects that challenge traditional models of political autonomy. Through the prism of borderlands history, the paper prioritizes an approach from the “margins” and “peripheries” over that of the national centres of power.

The objective of the study was to analyses narratives about the return to civilian life of Colombian ex-guerrillas, focusing on the gender and affective experience of the process.The methodological design was qualitative, in-depth interviews were conducted with 6 women, who deserted to the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia; in Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia) or ELN (National Liberation Army; in Spanish: Ejército de Liberación Nacional) guerrillas. The data were analyzed with the support of Atlas-ti software for qualitative data analysis. As a result, three categories guided the analysis: ties to the guerrillas; desertion; and disassociation from the armed group. The narratives indicate that emotions motivate decisions and determine the trajectory from the armed group to the civil life. In this process, the relief associated with freedom from the departure of the armed group contrasts, opposes with the sadness for the losses after desertion. The tranquillity of coming out of the war is confronted with insecurity, uncertainty and anguish towards the unknown and civic responsibilities. It is concluded that emotional experiences inside and outside of the armed group were influenced by gender and power dynamics.