National Interests Of Member States Research Articles

Regional public affairs activities in The Netherlands: How to gain ground in the national and European arena

The role of regional authorities is undeniably increasing in Europe. Due to increasing regionalism efforts within European Union (EU) member states and to the fact that EU legislation is affecting subnational authorities more and more directly, these authorities are not only striving for influence in the national arena, but in the European arena as well. The primary task of a public affairs (PA) practitioner working for a regional government in the EU is placing regional interests on national and European political agendas. However, since regional PA is a rather young discipline, opposite to PA in the private sector and in national government, much is unknown about the way regional PA practitioners are operating in the national and European political arenas, and how these arenas are receiving the subnational PA practitioners. In this study, 41 Dutch PA practitioners and PA receivers were interviewed about their opinions on and experiences with regional PA in both arenas: What are the relevant characteristics of these arenas for regional PA activities, and how are regional PA practitioners managing arena characteristics? The results show that at the national level, it is a struggle to find recognition for regional issues, due to dominant high-profiled regions, centralisation tendencies at the national level and a more general non-subnational attitude. At the European level, regional issues are more welcome, but regional PA practitioners have to overcome the dominant national interests of member states.

BRICS Countries Energy Cooperation. Significance of the Issue

The article studies one of the key spheres of BRICS framework - energy security. Given the recent decline of economic growth rates in BRICS countries, highlighting of such areas as infrastructural funding and establishing of effective international financial regulatory institutions, beneficial cooperation in energy sector despite its importance for the national interests of member states, nowadays perspectives of BRICS cooperation in energy security seem to be unclear for the leading researchers and analysts. The article contemplates the evolution of energy cooperation issue in the context of BRICS summits. Besides,proceeding from the classification of energy resources into two groups - traditional ones and eco-fuels - the analysis helps to determine potential ways of interaction within the member states taking into account bothmotivating and constraining factors. However, notwithstanding the possibility of the intergroup multilateralrelations in this sphere and overall strengthening of economic ties among the members, the BRICS energy cooperation iscurrently of bilateral and unequally developed nature, which is determined by a number of historically formed circumstances and national interests.

Bilateral Police Liaison Officers: Practices and European Policy

Police from the European Union (EU) Member States make significant use of bilateral liaison officers to cooperate with police in other countries. In the past decades, a number of TREVI and EU Council policy instruments have aimed to enhance the common use of liaison officers by the Member States. This research article discusses these policy instruments from the perspective of the practicalities of the work of liaison officers, examines the underlying rationalities of the instruments and assesses their effects. The findings show that national interests of Member States remain paramount in posting liaison officers. Practices of liaison officers are largely governed by national regulations and organisational particulars, but also depend on the high level of discretion that liaison officers can exercise. In contrast, the policy instruments are largely driven by a political rationality and little intended effect of these instruments can be detected.

Great expectations – the European Union and cultural policy: fact or fiction?

The European Union secured limited legal ‘competence’ to act in culture in 1992. This article examines the operational context and its complicated and countervailing tensions that make European cultural policy formulation and implementation difficult. Underlying problems originate in the failure properly to define what is meant by ‘culture’ in different contexts or to identify clear and pragmatic policy objectives, although legitimate ‘instrumental’ use of culture is common. The EU’s institutional structures (Council, Commission and Parliament) are often at cross‐purposes, while the national interests of member states can have a negative effect. The structure and internal politics of the Commission ensure that the Directorate responsible for ‘culture’ remains marginal, despite its growing ambition. An attempt to institute an ‘Agenda for Culture’ in 2007 has had some initial success, but given the definitional, legal, political and administrative problems, claims being made for significant progress seem somewhat premature.

Confrontation RE: Legal autopoiesis theory in operation—a study of the ECJ case of C-446/03

This paper has been prepared in the hope of giving new insights into the case of C-446/03 Marks & Spencer. The author tries to explore the process of communication in the light of the legal autopoiesis theory, the final result of which is the judgment. Reading it, one can find plain arguments both for the effective protection of EC freedoms, including the freedom of establishment, one the one hand, and for stopping regulatory and tax competition, and safeguarding the national interests of Member States, on the other one. The methodology of legal autopoiesis may be useful in better understanding of the message the judgment has negotiated.

All for One? EU Member States and the Union's Common Policy Towards the Russian Federation

EU–Russia relations constitute an interesting case through which to examine the way the EU affects how member states operate in external relations with third countries, and to what extent the member states can shape EU policy. All 27 member states partake in EU decision-making, and all of them also maintain bilateral relations with Russia. This article examines why it is that EU member states struggle to speak with one voice. In particular it investigates whether a convergence of member states' individual policies has developed into an EU policy or, alternatively, if their bilateral relations with Russia prevent a common policy from developing. Different avenues through which individual states' national preferences can shape EU policy towards Russia are examined in the first part of this article, while the second part addresses the perennial debates about the trade-off between the ‘shared values’ and the individual national interests of member states. It is argued that member states are split on matters of principle, effectively supporting contrasting approaches which are intrinsically difficult to reconcile. This study of the EU's relationship with its most important neighbour on the continent opens a window onto whether the EU is developing as a viable foreign policy actor.