Multi-level Governance System Research Articles

Position of OLAF in a multi-level governance system of the European Union

The author aims to investigate the position of OLAF in the multi-level governance system (MLG) of the European Union with specific inter-institutional consequences of such location, assuming that OLAF is not a classical supranational institution. In the research subject an important role is played by the European Commission (EC), which established OLAF and gave it specific competences to act. These facts are fundamentally important for further considerations, so they can have a major impact on the precise determination of OLAF’s position in the MLG. If OLAF as an agent and supervisor has control powers over supranational institutions, including its principal, a supranational European Commission, it is unlikely that it would also be a supranational institution. This article demonstrates, that OLAF is not a classic supranational institution because it exhibits strong features of a supra-supranational institution operating in a multi-level EU governance system. A helpful theoretical and methodological research tools we consider the Principal/Agent Theory (PAT) and its combination Principal/Supervisor/Agent Theory (PSAT) on the one hand, and the concept of multi-level governance (MLG) on the other hand.

Corporate policy entrepreneurship and cross‐boundary strategies: How a private corporation champions mobile healthcare payment innovation in China?

SummaryThe private nature of corporate actors does not necessarily preclude them from contributing to public interest. When business strategies and genuine public motivation are favorably aligned, corporate actors from the private sector can also drive public sector innovations. For a private corporation, policy entrepreneurship inherently entails crossing not only the public–private boundary but also various policy domains. This study formulates five propositions to characterize the cross‐boundary strategies of corporate policy entrepreneurship, a distinct form of policy entrepreneurship in a developing authoritarian state. The case study of mobile healthcare payment innovation in China finds that the corporate entrepreneur used a series of cross‐boundary strategies adeptly that eventually made the innovation not only adopted in one locality but also rapidly diffused nationwide. These strategies were not used in isolation or in a pure stepwise fashion but appeared to be recursive and interactive, suggesting the dynamic nature of corporate policy entrepreneurship in a multilevel governance system. More studies could be done to further examine strategies and processes of other forms of policy entrepreneurship in various national and sectoral settings.

Multilevel blame games: Blame‐shifting in the European Union

AbstractWho blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that policymakers have a preference for shifting blame onto actors on a different level from themselves. In line with the second, we suppose that opportunities for doing so depend on institutional responsibility for policymaking and policy implementation. We check the plausibility of our integrated model by examining policymakers' blame attributions in three cases where European Union migration policies have been contested: border control, asylum, and welfare entitlements. We find that our integrated model does better in explaining blame‐shifting in these cases than the isolated models.

Public acceptance of nuclear power plants in Indonesia: Portraying the role of a multilevel governance system

Problems with public acceptance have made nuclear power plant (NPP) projects in Indonesia experience a number of considerable setbacks. Trust in the managing authorities is one of the key factors that is expected to enhance the acceptance of nuclear energy. However, in a country with a multilevel governance system, such as Indonesia, the concept of trust needs to be specified further. By employing both multinomial logit and path models, this paper shows that nuclear energy authorities and local governments are the key players that positively influence the acceptance of NPPs. Meanwhile, the role of the central government in promoting the acceptance of NPPs is barely perceptible. We show important implications for the future development of nuclear energy in Indonesia.

FORMATION OF THE MODERN CONCEPT OF EUROPE IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIAL NEO-INSTITUTIONALISM

In the scientific discourse of the XXI century, the concept of modern Europe is being reformed under the influence of reforming the activities of the European Union. Scientific publications and research are conducted based on a study of the policies of the European Union countries, EU institutions and structural elements, and the problems that arise in the process of activity and development. The concept of modern Europe is a general term that embraces European values, the European standard of living, European policy, and European priorities, giving the concept of European studies a stable association with the European Union. In this context, the main causes and consequences for the scientific discourse, political practice, and future development of European countries must be considered. Neoinstitutionalists have attempted to analyse institutions based on atomistic methodology. Institutional transformations, processes of intra-European integration and enlargement of the EU, discussions on membership and exit from the EU raise issues of identity and development of governance in Europe. Europeanisation can be seen as a discourse, governance, and institutionalisation. The first interpretation emphasizes that modern Europe is a discourse, not only ideological but also administrative. In this sense, Europeanisation can be a means of expression of institutional globalization through domestic policy. In the article, the hypothesis is put forward and proved that the interpretation of the concept of modern Europe directly correlates with the future development of the European Union and its members. The dissemination of exclusive practices will help to spread the ideas of radical “Eurosceptics”, which could lead to the collapse of the European Union. The inclusive aspect of the concept of Europe is represented by the ideas of “Europeists” who, based on the common history, culture, mentality of the peoples of Europe, substantiate the positive influence on the state development of integration, non-state cooperation, and extrapolation of EU norms and principles into the new territories of Europe. There are three main reasons for shaping the concept of Europe as the boundaries of EU policy: The consolidation of political positions of the European Union and its growing role as an actor in world politics; Essence of the EU enlargement concepts; Features of development within the European community. The modern concept of Europe is considered in the context of a modern multi-level governance model. Therefore, Europeanisation is the interaction of different layers of interests, including structures of regional, multi-level governance, legitimacy of domestic and foreign policy. The impact of the multi-level governance system on the functioning of public administration systems in the Member States and neighbouring countries is considered. Four approaches are identified based on the analysis of relationships between different levels of governance. The necessity of formulating new theoretical paradigms defining the relations between the Member States and the technocratic institutions of the EU, as well as between the Europeanised system of national agencies and the ministries overseeing their activities, has been proved.

Private Labor Market Intermediaries in the Europeanized Live-in Care Market between Germany and Poland: A Typology

AbstractThis article looks at the role of private companies involved in organizing so-called live-in care arrangements between two EU member states, Germany and Poland. Due to gaps in the public long-term care system, employing livein migrant care workers in private households has become a widespread individualized solution to rising long-term care needs in Germany. Since eastern EU enlargement, private brokerage agencies placing Polish live-in migrant care workers in German households have grown considerably. Building on approaches conceptualizing the role of intermediaries in formalizing domestic work, we aim to provide a more fine-grained typology of private brokerage agencies, taking into account not only the legal environment and structural features of these private enterprises, but also theirstrategic positioningunder conditions of high legal uncertainty in the EU multi-level governance system. By analyzing corporate as well as political strategies of these intermediaries, we distinguish three different agency types we call pioneers, minimum effort players and followers.

Public Support Agencies for Innovation in Multilevel Governance Systems: Exploring the Existence of Signs of Complementarity and Substitution

The aim of this paper is to analyze the existence of indications of complementarity/substitutability between the innovation agencies operating in Spain (regional, national, European, and Seventh Framework Programme), which will allow us to determine the corresponding asymmetries in the implementation of the so-called subsidiarity principle. The data used in the study come from the Panel de Innovación Tecnológica 2015 and 2016 (Spain). The empirical analysis has been carried out by the so-called adoption approach, having previously corrected the selection biases that may be present in the sample. The results obtained indicate that there are indications of substitution between the two Spanish agencies (regional and national), while other relationships between agencies exhibit indications of complementarity. These indications of complementarity/substitutability show that the implementation of the principle of subsidiarity between the two Spanish agencies seem to work correctly, while this implementation is much more diffuse between the two Spanish agencies and the two European agencies. Therefore, these results reveal that there is an obvious asymmetry in the implementation of the principle of subsidiarity between the different agencies. These findings may be an important guide in the decision making of managers. Knowing which agencies are substitutes and which are complementary is extremely relevant information, since it allows the advance determination of which combinations of agencies should be avoided. It also provides policy makers with relevant information for the design of more efficient innovation promotion policies. Finally, this research uses a new methodology for the evaluation of the interaction that takes place between the different public agencies for the promotion of innovation, thus contributing to policy analysts and academics, who conduct such evaluations, have at their disposal a new tool for analysis.

The National Strategy for Inner Areas: Innovation, Policy Transfer and Post-Earthquake Reconstruction

Abstract This article analyses the Italian National Strategy for Inner Areas (NSIA) as a new policy for local development only partially linked to the European cohesion policy. It focuses on its innovative contents (vision, governance and methodology), and mainly on the transfer of innovation to lower levels of government and between local administrations. As an empirical study of policy transfer and policy innovation in a system of multilevel governance it shows an unexpected transfer of the NSIA methodology to another policy field: that of post-earthquake reconstruction in Central Italy. The article concludes by applying the typology of policy transfer developed in its first part to the analysis of the case-study as a whole.

Sustainable Energy Planning as a co-creative governance challenge. Lessons from the Zero Village Bergen

Sustainable energy transition implies different, but interlinked strategies, technologies and policy interventions, implying a complex array of overlapping systems that are shaped by the intervention of diverse actors. The formal mechanisms of transition to sustainability are ill equipped to address and conform with the political and power dimensions. Furthermore, there is no determined blueprint for sustainability transitions and the existing governance systems hitherto have been inefficient and implicated in unsustainability. This paper argues that energy transition requires conceptualization of co-creative governance, and the dynamic interplays between power relations in the face of conflict of interests. Thereby, this paper goes beyond the traditional division of governance network between private, public and academia to investigate the political structure underpinning the functionality of governance. To assess how sustainable energy transitions can be materialized, the aim is to understand how different multilevel governance systems deal with the competing interests, asymmetrical power and mobilization of resources for goal achievement in the case of Zero Village Bergen. It describes how the latent conflict between different involved actors’ interests has led to prolongation, recurring controversies, stagnation, and moments of adaptation. The purpose is to shed light on political and institutional challenges that are common to other sustainable transition initiatives. The method used is semi-structured interviews with private and public actors. The contribution is to theory building in sustainable energy planning from a governance lens.

Climate change adaptation in Norway: learning–knowledge processes and the demand for transformative adaptation

ABSTRACTDuring the last decade, it has become evident that planet earth will be warming. Hence, there is an increasing focus on how to adapt to a changing climate. The adaptation literature underlines the importance played by local government in planning and implementing adaptation policies. This article is addressing learning–knowledge–action processes within and between local (municipal) and central (national and regional) government levels, thereby filling a gap in the literature. The analysis is using empirical data from Norway; a country commonly considered as having a well-developed multi-level governance system, with a strong bottom-up component, thereby apparently meeting a core condition for developing and implementing transformational changes. The study finds that single and double-loop learning are dominating, fostering incremental changes, but combined incremental changes related to technically handling surface water are approaching transitional change. As a first step, the study suggests it is necessary to formulate policies that explicitly combe incremental changes in order to achieve transitional and transformational change. Moreover, policies for fostering oppositional knowledge networks as part of vertical–horizontal governance may be necessary for pushing the system in the direction of transition and transformation.

Responsibility for climate change adaptation

AbstractAs a policy process, climate change adaptation is rapidly advancing. Yet fundamental questions remain unanswered including, who is responsible for planned adaptation and when, who is liable for losses and damages resulting from climate change and how is responsibility distributed in a multilevel governance system? Responsibility can be evaluated in terms of the timing of particular events, the specific societal actors involved and the rules and norms used to attribute responsibility for dealing with those events. Four types of responsibility—care, liability, accountability, and responsiveness for adaptation—are identified, based on empirical studies and examples from the literature. This review demonstrates the need to further explore the normative implications of responsibility and how they should be considered in adaptation governance and policy.This article is categorized under: Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change > Values‐Based Approach to Vulnerability and Adaptation

The Local Governance of Migration

Over the past 20 years, Canadian immigration and integration policies have seen a considerable degree of decentralization and empowerment of the subnational level driven by the goal to align immigration policies more effectively with the needs and objectives of different communities. While the nation-state still has the prerogative as regards the recruitment progress, provinces and, often in a more informal capacity, cities have taken on a more pronounced role in attracting and settling newcomers. This article examines how, in the Canadian context, cities have been proactive in utilizing immigration as a tool to address local labour needs, to develop strategies for becoming “welcoming communities”, and to provide a sense of urban citizenship. Cities have responded to the challenge by building public-private partnerships in which settlement organizations, service providers, and employers play a prominent role. The most effective initiatives are those that increase the city’s ability to draw on multi-stakeholder networks and to enable policy coordination in Canada’s system of multilevel governance.

Regional ocean governance: Integrating and coordinating mechanisms for polycentric systems

Regional ocean governance has been flagged as critical for successful achievement on SDG14 and other ocean related SDGs. The 20 ocean regions of the world are characterized by clusters of multilevel intergovernmental arrangements relating to EBM. Among the many needs for strengthening ocean governance in these regions is the development of effective regional integrating and coordinating mechanisms. These have been emerging somewhat organically. This study explores the clusters of regional agreements in the 20 regions to determine the extent to which integration mechanisms are in place or planned. It also looks at the extent to which the concept of governance polycentricity can be applied in these regions. Only four regions have established regional integration mechanisms thought to be needed for ecosystem-based management; while such mechanisms are planned in five others. Seven regions do have some level of intersectoral coordination such as within fisheries or environment or at a subregional level in a Large Marine Ecosystem (LME). Four regions show no sign of regional coordination. The study also the extent to which regional clusters of arrangements actually meet criteria for polycentricity based on governance theory. Regions have taken different approaches to regional integration mechanisms, but mostly based on working with a polycentric multilevel system of governance, rather than trying to tame it. There is both the need, and an untapped potential, for increased learning among regions regarding integration mechanisms and the polycentric structure and function of the regional clusters that they are seeking to integrate.

Modern slavery and international business scholarship: the governance nexus

PurposeModern slavery is a problem that international business (IB) research can no longer ignore. Multinational enterprises (MNEs) are often contributors to the persistence of modern slavery, by virtue of the regulatory challenge they pose to states and their insufficient oversight of supply chains. The purpose of this paper is to show that governance inadequacies with respect to modern slavery will be lessened if IB scholars give more attention to MNEs’ governing role within and beyond global value chains.Design/methodology/approachA set of arguments is presented in support of intensified effort in IB research with respect to studying the role of MNEs in transnational labour governance. The paper draws inspiration from IB theory and the conceptualisation of the MNE in neighbouring disciplines that regard it as a bearer of duties toward labour, consistent with its role in multilevel governance. Insights from the literature on global and multi-level governance are utilised.FindingsThe paper construes modern slavery as a multi-level governance challenge and argues that MNE capabilities and responsibilities with respect to labour governance and the deterrence of slavery exceed those identified on the margins of IB literature. MNEs are underappreciated as governors within the multilevel transnational labour governance system. The IB discipline is in a strong position to develop our understanding of the MNE’s different roles in governance and thereby contribute to the reduced incidence of modern slavery.Originality/valueThis paper represents an attempt to mobilise the IB academy to help eliminate slavery from workplaces that rely on MNE patronage or where labour rights abuses are made possible by MNE diversion of governance resources. It places particular emphasis on the use and abuse of MNEs’ governance capabilities in the sphere of international relations and calls attention to over-simplification of the MNE, IB’s primary unit of analysis.

Ecosystem services and ecological degradation of communal wetlands in a South African biodiversity hotspot.

Wetlands provide important ecosystem services to rural communities. However, wetlands are often on communal land, so they may become degraded when individual users act to maximize their personal benefit from ecosystem services without bearing the full environmental costs of their actions. Although it is possible to manage communal resources sustainably, this depends on the dynamics of the socio-ecological system. In this study, we used a structured questionnaire to examine whether demographic characteristics of a rural community and the propensity for partaking in damage-causing activities affected the benefits obtained from the wetlands. Responses from 50 households in the rural Hlabathi administrative area within the Maputo-Albany-Pondoland Biodiversity Hotspot, South Africa, indicated that the entire community obtains some benefits from wetlands; most notably regulating ecosystem services. However, males were more likely to benefit from wetlands, which highlights a potential power imbalance. Respondents were more likely to blame others for wetland degradation, although there was no link between the damage-causing activities and benefits from wetlands. The high dependence on ecosystem services by community members, when combined with gender-based power imbalances and the propensity to blame others, could jeopardize the sustainable use of communal wetlands. Therefore, we describe how strong leadership could nurture a sustainable social–ecological system by integrating ecological information and social empowerment into a multi-level governance system.

Governing the Governors: The Global Metagovernance of Fair Trade and Sustainable Forestry Production

To promote environmentally sustainable corporate behavior, a complex system of global private governance operates where civil society groups play dominant roles. We argue that the concept of “metagovernance” developed in the public administration literature helps scholars and practitioners make sense of the constellation of actors, structures, and processes that have emerged in the field of global private governance. This article advances the metagovernance research agenda by providing a comparative application of the concept to two global private governance schemes: the fair trade and sustainable forest product certification systems. We examine the key organizations, arrangements, and relationships that constitute these systems to demonstrate that metagovernance in this sphere is produced heterarchically: multiple organizations within global private governance schemes are mutually responsible for their own coordination. We argue that employing metagovernance as an analytical tool enables the identification and appraisal of the strengths and weaknesses of complex systems for “the governance of governance” from a holistic perspective. Related Articles Alejo, Antonio. 2019. “Contemporary Diplomacy, Global Politics, and Nongovernmental Actors: Dilemmas of the Multistakeholder Mechanism of Participation in Mexico.” Politics & Policy 47 (1): 105‐126. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12284Bance, Philippe, and Angelique Chassy. 2017. “The Rollout of the Multilevel Governance System: A Source of Reworking the Contingent Valuation Method?” Politics & Policy 45 (6): 1080‐1107. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12236Burau, Viola, and Carole Clavier. 2018. “Understanding Gaps in the Coexistence between Different Modes of Governance: A Case Study of Public Health in Schools in a Multilevel System.” Politics & Policy 46: 604‐629. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12269 Related Media FLOCERT. N.d. “How it Works.” https://www.flocert.net/solutions/fairtrade-resources/how-it-works/Forest Stewardship Council. N.d. “Who We Are.” https://ca.fsc.org/en-ca/about-usfsc‐watch.com. 2016. “Jari Certificate Suspension: Why Was it Ever Certified in the First Place?” https://fsc-watch.com/2015/12/22/jari-certificate-suspension-why-was-it-ever-certified-in-the-first-place/

Intergovernmental relationships after disaster: state and local government learning during flood recovery in Colorado

ABSTRACTWhen communities experience disaster, emergency response and recovery are led internally, based on local-level policy decisions and priorities. Decisions about how or whether to rebuild are made by local governments. Higher governmental authorities such as states and provinces may institute their own disaster recovery processes and policies in addition to or in competition with local governments. Greater intergovernmental engagement could increase resources and knowledge, which would yield higher levels of learning and result in superior disaster recovery policy outcomes. The role of higher authorities, then, can have important implications for policy processes and outcomes. The learning literature includes a dearth of studies that analyze the relationships between state and local governments during disaster recovery. We move the learning literature forward by analyzing intergovernmental relationships during disaster recovery. We find that learning within local governments is associated with higher levels of resource flows from state agencies as well as more collaborative intergovernmental relationships. We also find that state governments can improve processes for disaster recovery assistance and bring together disaster-affected local governments to promote learning during the recovery process. While this study focused on relationships constrained by U.S. federal dynamics, the lessons are useful to other multilevel governance systems.

Regulatory relationships across levels of multilevel governance systems: From collaboration to competition

The European Union and the United States are paradigmatic examples of multilevel governance systems that are also regulatory states. In both settings, informal networks of regulators preceded and existed alongside supranational (federal) regulatory agencies. The literature understood their rationale as preparatory to the creation of higher level agencies. This approach, however, cannot explain why informal regulatory networks still exist, years after the establishment of higher level agencies. What explains the persistence of informal regulatory networks? The argument of this article is that in multilevel governance systems, the relationship between regulatory networks and the supranational level of governance is coevolutionary and embodies struggles for autonomy and authority: as the multilevel governance system consolidates, the character of this relationship evolves from collaborative to competitive. The argument relies on a comparative historical analysis of two voluntary networks of energy regulators from the European Union and the United States, based on 27 interviews and archival research.

Responding to the crisis: Eurosceptic parties of the left and right and their changing position towards the European Union

AbstractAt the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far‐reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti‐European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue‐based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU‐related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far‐right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far‐left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance.

Tax Policy Convergence and EU Fiscal State Aid Control: In Search of Rationality

The pending tax ruling constitute a new saga in the continuous political battle between the Member States and the European Commission about the limits of article 107 TFEU within the complex multi-level tax governance system of the EU. This article claims that the legal determination of these limits – as reflected in the distinction between general measures and fiscal state aids – cannot provide for a rational explanation concerning the balance of power between the Member States and the European Commission. Consequently, it cannot be maintained that the European Commission should merely monitor the limits of EU fiscal state aid control as defined by the Member States. Such an understanding is at odds with the prevailing neo-functionalist reality in which the European Commission is able to develop state aid policies in an independent way. This contribution reaches these conclusions on the basis of a combination of the legal and the political-economic traditions that study EU (fiscal) state aid control. It calls for more multidisciplinary academic discussion about the desirable function and limits of EU fiscal state aid control.