Movements In Chile Research Articles

Feminists for a new Constitution in Chile: forging progressive alliances in times of crisis

This article explores the impact and influence of the feminist movement in Chile on the draft of feminist progressive ideas in the Constitutional process of 2021, emerging as a consequence of the social uprising of 2019. Central to this analysis is the pivotal role played by what I term ‘feminists-in-movement’ and ‘feminists-in-power’, delineating the common narratives between grassroots feminist organisations and those individuals advocating within formal political structures, such as political parties and governmental bodies. While the Constitutional draft embodied numerous feminist perspectives, this article focuses on elucidating the feminist political influence by analysing two key proposals included in the 2021 Constitutional draft: care rights and gender-focused politics. The proposals serve as exemplars illustrating the power of political collaboration in pushing progressive agendas during societal upheaval. By dissecting these proposals, this article underlines the significance of forging alliances between different feminist factions, underscoring their collective ability to advance transformative policies during moments of crisis.

Chile’s Inclusion Law: the arduous drive to regulate an unequal education system, 2006–19

ABSTRACT Chile’s Inclusion Law, passed in 2015, significantly increased government regulation of one of the most privatised education systems in the world and provided major redistributive benefits. How did Chile’s government succeed in passing and implementing this legislation in the face of a powerful and cohesive opposition? Our study finds that student protesters served as the initial impetus, shaping the education debate and increasing the political salience and urgency of education reform. In line with power resource theory, other left movement organisations and voters used their power to support redistributive education reform, and Bachelet’s centre-left coalition followed through on its mandate by proposing the Inclusion Law. Also, a well-connected policy network helped articulate problems with the status quo and shaped the specifics of the education bill. To develop this argument, the paper draws on historical information on the student movement in Chile, quantitative data on education stakeholder appearances in the press, public opinion surveys, and detailed analysis of the 13-month legislative proceedings – to explain the law’s passage in congress. To underscore the significance of the Inclusion Law and to contextualise the Chilean case, the paper also compares Chile to other countries with nation-wide school choice systems.

‘What have you done to our world?’: The rise of a global generational voice

Based on a comparative analysis of seven youth movements, this article shows the rise of a rhetoric of intergenerational injustice over the past decade, increasingly associated with a direct accusation of older generations and with a generational and global ‘we’. Theoritically, we propose to approach the ‘generational voice’ – rather than the generational ‘presence’ – to shed light on the generational grievances, emotions and identities carried within movements. We draw on the textual analysis of protest slogans (n = 1914) collected directly from: the Indignados (2011), the student movements in Chile and Quebec (2011–2012), the Paris ‘Nuit Debout’ movement (2016), the Hong Kong pro-democracy movements (2014 and 2019), and the Montreal pro-climate march (2019). Using mixed methods, the article shows the existence of four major rhetorics of generational injustice – be it economic, social, political or environmental – associated with an increasingly radical critique of a legacy, deemed too heavy for ‘future generations’.

A Strategic Approach to the Alliance-Formation Process Between Activists and Legislators in Chile

ABSTRACTLegislative allies are widely recognized as key to social movement success, but the emergence of their alliance with activists remains understudied. This article proposes a strategic approach to this phenomenon based on the cases of the environmental, labor, and LGBT+ movements in Chile and their allied legislators. According to this approach, an alliance emerges due to two necessary conditions. Movement organizations must display tactical capacity, which signals their adaptability and competence to participate in Congress. And a socially skilled leadership creates the trust required for movement leaders and legislators to cooperate during the lawmaking process. This approach emphasizes that alliances emerge from activists’ strategic efforts to build a social tie, whose effectiveness is mediated by legislators’ expectations and congressional norms. By specifying the strategic dimension of an alliance, this study highlights the capacity of activists to foster cooperative relations with state actors.

Did the pandemic spread populism? comparative study on the transformations of citizen movements in Chile and Hong Kong

ABSTRACT This article analyses the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the citizen movements initiated in Hong Kong and Chile in 2019. Based on discourse analysis and interviews, the study argues that adapting the repertoires of protest to the mobility restrictions and the evolution of the political systems reinforced the populist dimension of the Anti-ELAB (anti-extradition law amendment bill) and the Chilean Spring movements. In Hong Kong, the restrictions of freedoms facilitated the constitution of a broad international network opposed to the Chinese Communist Party that comprises overseas organisations and public figures in exile dedicated to lobbying before western governments and providing a discourse frame to the diasporic communities. In Chile, the successive election campaigns that accompanied the constitutional process allowed new political actors with refoundation aspirations to access the institutions. This study found, in both cases, that rhetoric based on the antagonistic exaltation of the people’s signifier has become central to the movements’ discourses: a transformation accompanied by the consolidation of political leaders pretending to represent the movements’ demands. This study analyses the discourses and demands of the citizen movements in light of the institutional framework in which they appear and evolve to contribute to the growing literature where the study of contemporary social movements intersects with the studies of populism.

The student movement 2011 and free education policy in Chile (2017)

Since the return of democracy in Chile, until the 2019 October revolt, the most important and massive mobilizations had been related to the student movement. From the streets students pressured the political system for changes in the education policies, as well as attempting to be part of its formulation. This article analyzes how the 2011 student movement in Chile had an impact on the political system and the resulting free education policy. We argue that the movement actors have the capacity to adapt to the institutional context, however, this level of adaptation was not enough to comply with the demands of the movement. The analysis was developed through a qualitative strategy in which secondary sources were studied until saturation points were found, which were subsequently validated with interviews with key informants. The interviewees were actors who from various positions participated in the different stages of the process of creating public policy. A group of interviewees were presidents, vice presidents or general secretaries of student federations between 2011 and 2015. Authorities who played a role in promoting the reform (a minister and three professionals from the Ministry of Education of Chile), a deputy (former president of a student federation) as well as a senator were interviewed as well

Amplifying dignity in the neoliberal city: the Pobladores movement in Chile

ABSTRACT The Chilean pobladores housing movement gained prominence among Chile’s 2019 wave of protests. The contemporary pobladores movement re-emerged in 2000 and since then has mobilized for the right to dignified housing and a dignified life. Values like work, effort, and collective commitment have been fundamental within its historical narratives since the 1960s, but these have significantly evolved over time, reflecting the major changes in the social and political environments in which it operates. Using framing analysis and drawing on an empirical qualitative study which includes interviews with leaders, activists, and participants in housing committees, in this article we explore how the dignity frame, as elaborated by four pobladores organizations, has contributed to the remobilization of the urban poor in Chile, a country which stands out for its neoliberal urban policies in Latin America and the Global South.

Predictores de la identificación de las mujeres con el feminismo en Chile

Feminism is a movement that looks to transform the current social order, established from the hierarchization based on the difference suggested of a binary sex/gender conception. This order has historically situated women in a position of oppression and exploitation. In spite of the relevance and support for feminism in current democracies, not everyone, in particular women, identify with this social movement. Considering this, the main objective of this study is to identify the predictors of feminist identification in women in Chile. This study, of quantitative type, has a sample size made up of 389 women. The type of sample was not probabilistic, rather self-selected. The participants answered an online survey that explored the variables: feminist identification, political orientation (left-right), support of the movement and feminist objectives, predisposition to feminist action, ambivalent sexism (hostile and benevolent sexism) (Glick & Fiske, 1996), social orientation domination SDO (Prato et al., 1994), right wing authoritarianism RWA (Altemeyer, 1996), and socio-demographic variables as well. Also, the participants signed an informed consent form, endorsed by the corresponding ethics committee. The ages of the participants fluctuated between 18 and 72 (M = 27.4; DT = 11.52). The data obtained were subjected to a descriptive analysis (mean and standard deviation) and test score reliability (Cronbach´s Alpha). Then, Pearson´s partial correlations were calculated in order to contrast with the dependent variable feminist identification. From the total sample, 74.8 % self-identified with feminism to various degrees (from a form of private acceptance, but not public; up to activism); while 6 % self-declared as not feminist, and 19 %, well in-line with the objectives, did not self-identify as feminist. Later on, the variables that showed a significant relationship with the dependent variable were subjected to a multiple linear regression analysis (R 2 = .53, F (3,385) = 107.1 p < .001). The variables with the highest predictive power were predisposition to feminist participation ( β = .54), hostile sexism ( β = -.20), and political orientation ( β = -.16). This would indicate that those women willing to participate in feminist activities, who reject hostile forms of sexism and adhere to leftist political positions are those who mostly identify with feminism in Chile. This model would relate identarian processes that involve an awareness of the legitimacy that implies that one group dominates another or finds itself in a position of unjustified privilege with respect to others, and the acknowledgement of the need for transformational social action. This relationship between awareness and action, likewise, would explain the overlapping social struggles during the social outbreak of October 2019 and the feminist movement in Chile. Finally, limitations of the present study are discussed with respect to the difficulty to generalize the results due to the type of sample (self-selected); and the characteristics of the sample, referring to the difficult access to women older than 50. These women presented difficulty in forms of access and in completing the survey online. Furthermore, it is considered that due to the bias of explicit attitude studies with regards to social desirability at the moment of response, it would be of great importance to complete this work with implicit attitude measures. Also, the study proposes that as future line of research a study that investigates what do women themselves understand about feminism in order to make realizations of the plurality of this social movement. https://doi.org/10.16888/interd.2023.40.1.12

Маоизм в Чили в 60-е годы. Раскол в Международном коммунистическом движении и чилийские левые

The split in the International Communist Movement and the Sino-Soviet party and state conflict had serious consequences for the left movement in Latin America, and in Chile in par-ticular. In Chile, adherents of the Chinese revolutionary expe-rience, and then the theory and practice of Maoism, stood out from the traditional political parties of communists and so-cialists in the mid-60s. At the heart of their differences with their parent parties were attitudes toward violent methods of revolutionary struggle, criticism of the dominant concept of the peaceful path of the Chilean revolution and the reformist line of the left. Dissident pro-Chinese groups did not immedi-ately accept the Maoist doctrine, limiting themselves to criti-cizing the pro-Soviet position of the Communists, but over time adopted the main provisions of the Maoist doctrine, in-cluding in those of its points that clearly contradicted the characteristics of the country. Maoism's opposition to the al-liance of communists and socialists created serious problems for the latter among their social bases. The strength of Chilean Maoism was limited, which over time led its parties and groups to a marginal position in the left camp. This article of-fers a study of the process of formation and development of the Maoist movement in Chile in the 60s, on the eve of the coming to power of the Government of National Unity.

Desired States: Sex, Gender, and Political Culture in Chile

More than a year before Chile's massive social uprising (estallido social) erupted in October 2019, protests in May 2018 against sexual harassment in higher education sparked a broader national reckoning over the historical entrenchment of patriarchy, gender violence, and gender inequality. In the context of resurgent feminist movements in Chile and elsewhere in Latin America in the twenty-first century, historical anthropologist Lessie Jo Frazier's Desired States makes a timely contribution to theorizing the role of desire in shaping modern Chile's political culture.As an interdisciplinary scholar, she creatively marshals an impressive array of methodologies and theoretical texts to analyze cultural texts as well as ethnographic and archival research. The book is organized around four episodic case studies spanning from 1913 to 2019. Chapters 1 and 3 trace debates about sexuality within leftist political movements, while chapters 2 and 4 consider the role of gender and desire under repressive states. For each case, she “maps constellations of desires—relationships, affects, projects, and practices” in support of her overarching argument that “by understanding how desire in and for political projects works through gendered and sexualized orientations, we unlock an indispensable dimension for the analysis of states and political cultures more broadly conceived” (p. 13). Frazier's expansive application of desire as a category of analysis includes desire by representatives of the Catholic Church and the anarchist feminist movement for divergent forms of working-class sexuality, desire by the military for different modes of gendered discipline in prison camps, desire by 1960s leftist militants for a socialist state compatible with their continued heterosexual male privilege, and desire by civilian authorities for a domesticated citizenry complacent with the neoliberal state's reconciliation process. Given the author's stated goal to “participate in ongoing imaginings of more just, yet still passionate, politics” by highlighting the “high cost” of organizing “political culture around a certain desire for the state,” a narrower focus on political desire vis-à-vis changing modes of state formation might have produced a more cohesive narrative across the four case studies (pp. 22, 119).I found that the book's expansive thinking, tantalizing theorizing, and impressive breadth at times came at the expense of a deeper engagement with the historical context. In several places, the analysis contains interpretative leaps not always convincingly substantiated by the historical evidence. For example, Augusto Pinochet's 1979 memoir, El día decisivo: 11 de septiembre de 1973, covers his experience in 1948 guarding relegated Communist families at the Pisagua prison camp, including a lunchroom protest over the poor quality of food in which he found himself surrounded: “Defenderme en forma violenta significaría ser arrollado por la multitud, que luego se ensañaría en contra mía.” By mistranslating the last phrase as “looking for blood,” as opposed to ensañarse being more akin to the intent to cause harm, Frazier makes a conceptual leap to argue that “postmenopausal” women protesters threatened military men's bodily integrity and masculinity (pp. 76–77). While thought provoking, such assertions may not be sustained by the evidence or at least require far more contextualization. Indeed, imprisoned Communist militants' respect for party hierarchies during this incident invites a deeper discussion of the centrality of the Communist family to Chile's political culture, which would have directly connected with the analysis in chapter 3 of “respectable heteronormativity” as one element in the “sexual ideologies and practices of the leftist male activists who came into power” in 1970 (p. 21). Here again, however, the analysis appears to flatten the Chilean Left into a more homogenous entity than it was. In making arguments about the “New Man's sexuality” as it pertained to “the hegemonic left,” meaning the Communist and Socialist Parties, Frazier bases her argument around Trotskyist labor historian Marcelo Segall and his archive (p. 111). Yet Segall's own biography confounds his representativeness. Born in 1920, he left the Partido Comunista de Chile in 1957, prior to the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and remained a political independent. Thus during Chile's experiment with democratic socialism under Salvador Allende (1970–73), Segall was neither a '68 rebel youth inspired by Che Guevara nor a member of the mainstream “hegemonic left” that formed the governing Popular Unity coalition. Other prominent Communist militants, including Raquel Weitzman and Volodia Teitelboim, discussed in the epilogue, might have been more logical examples to illustrate the persistence of patriarchal attitudes, party hierarchies, and sexual practices in Chile.These concerns aside, historians of modern Latin America will do well to heed Frazier's intellectual provocation to see political desire as something beyond the passionate politics associated with charismatic populist leaders. Desired States is an open invitation to explore how these dynamics play out in Chile and elsewhere.

Why do people engage in violent tactics during a protest campaign? Understanding radical activist through regionalist mobilizations in Chile

AbstractObjectiveThis article seeks to better understand the differences between radical and moderate activists who come from the same mobilization process.MethodsUsing an original survey data of participants in a regionalist movement in Chile, we employed latent class analysis on 15 different tactics. We found support for a radical, a moderate, and a non‐activist profile. Next, we applied multinomial logistic regression models to explain differences both for recruitment (moderate and radical in reference to inactive class) and for participation (radical in reference to moderate class).ResultsThe participants who engaged in radical action were the youngest, the most embedded in activist networks, and those with the strongest perception of self‐efficacy.ConclusionsThese results contrast with previous evidence that associates participation in violent actions with a low perception of efficacy, isolated groups, and behavioral specialization. We argue that these differences derive from the context of our study, which can be equated to the initial phases of a protest cycle.

Grete Mostny and the Making of Indigenous Archaeology: European Immigration, White Racial Hegemony, and Chilean Nationalism

AbstractForced migration as a reaction to National Socialism represents individual as well as simultaneously collective, transnational, and global experiences. Not only identity-forming categories but also forms of knowledge are profoundly reshaped by processes of displacement and resettlement. The paper argues that the biography of the archaeologist Grete Mostny (1914–91) offers an exemplary case study of such processes of adaptation on individual, collective, and academic levels. Due to her escape from Austria to Chile as a persecuted Jew in 1938/39, Mostny's identity as a white European (female) scholar attained a whole new significance and became the door opener for her interdisciplinary career at the interface of archaeology and anthropology in her new homeland. Her research in Chile was a product of a global event—namely mass forced emigration from Europe—as well as of factors on the micro level, such as her European descent and her academic education, which gave her certain privileges in her new environment. When Mostny arrived in Chile in 1939, a new European and U.S. hegemony had already begun to dominate academia in the country, which was trying to modernise itself and move from the academic periphery closer to the centre. Mostny, the once racially persecuted scholar, fit well in this process by making use of her “European” knowledge and her networks. In 1954 she received international attention when she put together a pioneering interdisciplinary research team to study El Niño del Cerro El Plomo, a four-hundred-year-old Inca mummy found in the Andes five thousand metres above sea level. Nationally, Mostny's study contributed, beyond all measure, to the Andean state's identity, as it re-evaluated and enhanced Chile's prehistory. In a time of political and social tensions in Chile, the rediscovery of its Indigenous prehistory—even by a foreign white scholar—helped to overcome the old shadows of colonial historical research, perhaps because in the immediate present the Indigenous movement in Chile offered little potential for consensus. This article uses Mostny's transnational biography as a lens through which to detect these connected histories and entangled hegemonies in the fields of anthropology and archaeology, which have become instrumental in the formation of Chile's national identity. Moreover, the paper shows that the category of race played a central role in the field of knowledge production and career development, not only for Grete Mostny.

칠레 환경운동의 성패와 정치기회 구조

The two major environmental movements in Chile are the Mapuche struggle against Ralco Dam construction and the Patagonia sin Represas Movements. Despite various similarities in terms of its emergence as well as mobilization strategies, the Patagonia sin Represas movement seems to achieve its goal by stopping the project while the Mapuche struggle against Ralco Dam construction could not. This work aims at analyzing the reasons why such differences occur by applying theoretical perspective from political opportunity structure. This analysis informs us that the instability of the elite works as a political opportunity for the Patagonia sin Represas movements while such instability did not occur with the Mapuche struggle against Ralco Dam.

Network analysis of cattle movements in Chile: Implications for pathogen spread and control

Livestock movement between herds is one of the main routes for a pathogen to spread between herds. Understanding the contact structure, patterns and importance of specific individuals and classes can help assess dissemination risk, control, and surveillance measures. In this study, the cattle herd's contact structure in southern Chile was characterized based on the study of movement within one of the most important geographical regions for livestock production. Using Social Network Analysis, network measures of centrality, network cohesion and contact chains were estimated to identify essential features that can influence disease transmission among premises. Static and disaggregated by season networks were built for the entire set of nodes and for the Los Rios region animal flow only. For all networks, it was found that most nodes had a few movements; meanwhile, a small number of them were highly connected. Livestock markets have a powerful influence over the networks, being the most connected and central nodes, appearing as candidates for surveillance because of their possible role as super spreaders. Nodes attributes were associated with the likelihood of having high contact chains measures, such as herd class, location, and presence of markets anywhere on the contact chain. This work is the first deep analysis in livestock flows in Chile and shows the importance of animal movement data interpretation to assess pathogen risk spread in the country.

Textile Auto/biography: Protest, Testimony, and Solidarity in the Chilean Arpillerista Movement

Textile Auto/biographyProtest, Testimony, and Solidarity in the Chilean Arpillerista Movement Lisa Ortiz-Vilarelle (bio) The arpilleras are storytellers, for it is through them that these women have recorded and preserved the memory of a period of Chilean history that many others have chosen to forget. Marjorie Agosín, Tapestries of Hope When we examine an arpillera at length, we can be assured that it relates the lives of thousands of families, that it formed part of the most affected population of a slowly agonizing country. Emma Sepúlveda, We, Chile General Augusto Pinochet installed himself as president of Chile in 1973 after leading a military coup to oust democratically elected President Salvador Allende. The security measures Pinochet installed to subdue resistance included surveillance, curfews, public torture, arson, and bombings enforced by death squads. The military police of the New Chile tortured tens of thousands of civilians and claimed thousands of lives. Over 200,000 more people were forced into exile throughout the world (Galván 146). Pinochet successfully remained in power until 1990, due in large part to the organized efforts of the National Secretariat of Women (NSW). Led by his wife, First Lady Lucía Hiriart de Pinochet, this nongovernmental, policy-making body mobilized conservative women in a nationwide campaign against socialism and feminism—two ideologies thought by Pinochet to have infected the sacred institution of the family during the Allende administration. To this end, the NSW was empowered to discipline women who resisted the [End Page 28] retraditionalizing laws and practices of Pinochet's Chile. Unless women behaved like docile, feminine, heterosexual ladies, they were, at best, vilified, harassed, and denied public services. At worst, they were kidnapped, imprisoned, raped, and executed. Because any auto/biographical signature in this environment could cost a person their life, Chileans needed to invent methods of subverting censorship to document the human rights violations they endured. This essay considers the arpillerista movement in Chile, a political and artistic movement of women empowered to fight dictatorship with the storytelling power of folk art, with tapestry as their medium. Unemployed widows, mothers, and other relatives of those detained and disappeared by the military Junta embroidered arpilleras to sustain the leftist spirit the dictatorship worked so tirelessly to destroy. The arpillera, which literally means burlap sack, is a traditional form of burlap-backed, appliquéd, and embroidered wall hanging, often made from fabric donated through ecumenical efforts. Decorated with colorful scraps of fabric and stitched with inexpensive thread, this cheerful fiber art's central theme was pastoral, depicting harmonious daily life in the countryside communities (McCracken). Under the Pinochet regime, this traditionally feminine needlework was transformed into a method of subverting censorship to disseminate visual testimony of resistance (Shea). Beginning in 1975, arpillera workshops allowed women to work collectively on this compelling form of dictator-era storytelling while earning an income and finding release in self-expression about their shared condition. As they encountered one another in morgues, hospitals, and government offices seeking information and services, they quickly realized that these public offices would not meet their need to tell their stories as well as if they united in support of one another (Agosín, "Threads of Hope"). Their arpilleras of protest and solidarity against the police state were appliquéd with photos and embroidered with messages that often revealed biographical information about their loved ones, including their names, dates of birth and death, and the torture, kidnapping, and other acts of violence committed against them (Shea). By recognizing the arpillerista movement as a materializing and memorializing auto/biography of life and death under Pinochet's dictatorship, we become witnesses to the particularly gendered trauma of the mothers, wives, and sisters of the victims, whose powerful collective counter-discourse commemorates the systematic disappearance of individuals and the silencing of the generation vigilada, or "generation under surveillance." This essay establishes three levels of auto/biographical resonance in the Chilean arpillera: the biographical documentation of the victims memorialized in the tapestries; the autobiographical storytelling of the artisan mourning the victims and life in pre-Pincohet Chile; and the auto/ethnographic work of Marjorie Agosín, whose work with the artisans and their arpilleras is...

An autonomous teacher subject as a force of pedagogical renewal: two historical moments of activation of the teacher’s movement in Chile

Based on Hugo Zemelman’s notion of the autonomous subject as the ability to react to circumstances, this article offers a theoretical reading of two historical moments of the Chilean teachers’ movement where processes of pedagogical renewal are unfolded through the activation of a teacher subject. The first moment takes place in the first half of the 20th century with the emergence of pedagogical experimentation and its ability to renew pedagogical «normalism» The second takes place at the end of the 20th century with the emergence of a Pedagogical Movement and its ability to renew a teaching policy configured by the economic parameters of neoliberal precariousness. Methodologically, I turn to secondary sources to analyse both historical moments. Rather than obeying a historiographic work, the analysis consists of a theoretical reading of both historical moments, and it illustrates that an autonomous teacher subject, capable of thinking critically about its circumstances, is key to unfolding processes of pedagogical renewal. By way of conclusion, I argue that both teachers’ movements share a process of activation and pedagogical renewal of the educational thinking of teachers. I also briefly refer to the political, theoretical, and practical challenge emerging from the analysis: how to keep autonomy flowing.

Social Identity, Perceived Emotional Synchrony, Creativity, Social Representations, and Participation in Social Movements: The Case of the 2019 Chilean Populist Protests.

This paper analyzes the socio-cognitive and emotional processes related to collective action in the context of the 2019 populist social movement in Chile. It proposes an integrative explanation of populism as social movements and collective gatherings along with their relation with creativity and social representations of mass movements. A comprehensive online survey was used (n = 262) that included measures of participation in demonstrations, identification with protesters or the government, agreement with social movement grievances, collective efficacy, perceived emotional synchrony, collective action, self-reported cognitive creativity, and individuals’ proposals for improvement of society and ideas associated with stimuli (e.g., the concepts of majority or minority). Our results revealed that identification with demonstrators, agreement with protesters’ grievances, a high perceived emotional synchrony or collective effervescence, and higher creativity responses were associated with an active participation in the social movement. Higher participation and factors conducive to participation were associated with lexical clusters of responses to stimuli that include words such as rights, justice, injustice, bravery, dignity, or hope, which were conceived of as positive social representations of the populist social movement. These findings are discussed within the neo-Durkheimian framework of collective gatherings and the perspective of populism as a social movement that seeks to renew and expand democracy.

The benefits and challenges of participating in Participatory Guarantee Systems (PGS) initiatives following institutional formalization in Chile

ABSTRACT Participatory Guarantee Systems (PGS) provide an alternative certification system for smallholder organic farmers producing for the domestic market. Officially recognized in Chile since 2007, PGS certification has grown in momentum in recent years. We used semi-structured interviews, surveys and participant observations to shed light on the PGS movement in Chile and the respective governance framework. Our results indicate that after PGS formalization, Chilean PGS initiatives struggle to comply with wide-ranging administrative procedures similar to those requested for third-party certification (TPC). Furthermore, lacking resources among PGS initiatives inhibit the PGS movement from impacting the national discourse. We present two PGS initiatives and their organizational structures, exploring ‘who’ participate, ‘how’ participation occurs, and ‘what kind’ of participation takes place. Our results indicate that the interaction as well as the exchange of knowledge among PGS members is a central benefit perceived by PGS participants. However, regular PGS member participation is hindered by the required time investment, the distance that PGS members need to travel and the perceived lacking expertise they have.

Komparativna studija obrazovanja omladine i odraslih u kontekstu tri društvena pokreta

This article presents the results of a comparative study of learning and education in contemporary student movements in Chile, Egypt, and Puerto Rico, which arose as responses to neoliberal economic grievances. The study uses an andragogical lens to analyse these movements as examples of collective self-directed pedagogical practice by and within social movements. Drawing on Santos' (2006) sociologies of absence and "emergence", the study utilizes autoethnographic and secondary data analysis to voice social movement-based learning alternatives. We argue that, despite the different contexts of each movement, they still share many commonalities in organizing and educating in response to global neoliberalism.

Social capital and rural development research in Chile. A qualitative review and quantitative analysis based on academic articles

The Bourdieusian and Putnamian traditions guide scientific debate on social capital at international level. Nevertheless, the recent literature by non-Western scholars has progressively widened the discussion by investigating in what way social capital could be further studied in different cultural contexts and traditions. Among these, Chile constitutes a compelling case study. Since the 1970s, the dictatorship has dismantled enclaves of collective action, especially in rural areas where agrarian reform was progressing towards an equal distribution of assets. Moreover, since the 1990s the neoliberal model, although mitigated by the growth with equity approach , has over time attested to asymmetric power relations reflected on the unequal distribution of wealth and high level of poverty specifically in rural areas. Specifically, the twofold aims of the paper are to: (i) identify key research priorities and specific contributions of Chilean literature to the international debate and, (ii) analyse how the Bourdieusian and Putnamian theoretical traditions on social capital have influenced the Chilean discussion. Consequently, a qualitative review of selected articles is presented and complemented with a quantitative analysis performed through network graphs of authors and journals, and bibliographic ratios. The results specify the five research priorities addressing causal links between social capital and (i) the environment, (ii) indigenous communities, (iii) political demand and public policies, (iv) participation, and (v) marketing strategies and market dynamics. Furthermore, results evidence the complementary role of Bourdieusian and Putnamian traditions in the Chilean discussion, which are considered synergic by scholars. • The results specify the five research priorities addressing causal links between social capital and the enviroment, indigenous communities, political demand and public policies, participation and, marketing strategies and merket dynamics. • In terms of the Bourdieusian and Putnamian theoretical perspectives on social capital, Chilean literature embraces both the theorisations, with a slight preference to the Bourdieusian one. • Since the 1990's the neo-liberal model applied in Chilean rural areas has been centred on vertical networks linking rural spaces to the global agro-food chain, with detrimental environmental, social, and economic externalities on peasants and indigenous populations. • The neo-liberal model has paid less attention to the role of horizontal social networks in local development processes, which in the long run could make the model unsustainable as recent social movements in Chile are already evidencing.