ABSTRACT This article, highlighting the Naga self-determination movement, shifts borderland studies’ emphasis from international borders to internally contested boundaries. The Naga approach, demanding a sovereign state since the mid-1940s decolonisation era, privileges the Westphalian territorial sovereignty template. However, various Naga lobbies have explored other models that transcend borders – territorial, Indigenous, divine and food sovereignty. We revisit these and present the Zeme Naga case. Divided by state, district and economic barriers, this ethnic group has recently pioneered a de-territorialised, cross-border and grassroots solidarity experiment – the Zeme Olympics, demonstrating how local communities use relational politics to assert agency, rethink sovereignty and challenge borders.

Several African states are currently being rocked by separatist or autonomist movements seeking to create independent micro-states within recognised sovereign states. These include the Movement for self-determination of Kabylie (MAK) in Algeria, the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda in Angola, the Ogaden National Liberation Front or the Tigray Liberation Movement in Ethiopia, the National Liberation Movement of Azawad (NLMA) in Mali, the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance in Senegal and so on. While some of these movements date back to the post-independence era, others are more recent, albeit fuelled by distant causes. An example of this is Morocco, a North African country and a founding member of the Arab Maghreb Union, which faces separatism and regular harassment from Polisario, a movement that has been advocating the creation of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic since 1976. A similar case study is English-speaking Cameroon, where various armed groups are calling for the creation of Ambazonia. While it is true that separatism is partly justified by the various frustrations of a population, it is also true that it represents a major risk to the stability of states. Given the current context and the issues at stake, it is almost impossible to give separatism any support. Repeated violations of human rights (rape, sexual abuse, looting, etc.), large-scale atrocities, massive destruction, violence, etc. are comparable to the methods of terrorists, and constitute a serious threat to sub-regional, regional and international peace and stability. This work is the result of the analysis of the archival, documentary and oral data collected and supplemented by neutral direct observation in the field. At the end of this reflection, four observations can be made about the Polisario and the independent movement of Ambazonia: The Polisario and the independent movement of Ambazonia have the same objective (independence); the same method of recruiting fighters (forced or voluntary recruitment among unemployed young people); the same modus operandi (use of violence), and the same approach (seeking external support to better influence geopolitical issues).

Indigenous peoples advocate for environmental and social justice in distinctive ways that may also benefit the conservation and restoration of biodiversity. We consider the ways that Māori self-determination movements have acted as a catalyst for increased environmental restoration across Aotearoa New Zealand (AoNZ). We examine contemporary understandings of cultural stewardship before examining protest movements, environmental legislation and funding for Māori-led environmental projects between 1974 and 2024. Our findings reveal that social and environmental justice are closely linked to ideas of place-based identity for Māori communities. Moreover, our research shows that support for Māori-led restoration was reflected in funding mechanisms across Aotearoa. Physical restoration of nature has oftentimes developed as a consequence of restoration of cultural knowledge, practice and rights of Māori communities to self-determination. This is clear through our analysis of both protest and environmental legislation alongside understandings of kaitiakitanga. Critically, supporting Indigenous communities to meet their responsibilities to culture, people and nature to mitigate the harms of colonization requires effort from state institutions and a shift in consciousness by wider society. The outcomes of these combined efforts for social and environmental justice can support the sustainability and conservation of nature and people. This article is part of the theme issue 'The biosphere in the Anthropocene'.

ABSTRACT From a small anti-establishment movement founded two decades ago, the Self-Determination Movement (LVV) has emerged as the largest political force in Kosovo as of 2025. This paper argues that LVV’s rise over the period 2005–2025 cannot be fully understood without examining its discourse, both in its critique of consociational democracy and in its anti-corruption appeal. I conclude that LVV has maintained a populist discourse regarding the Kosovo – Serbia dialogue despite pragmatic engagement in negotiations, framing its positions as a defence of sovereignty and national dignity. This tension between rhetorical populism and practical action is also evident in the party’s approach to anti-corruption, where promises of zero tolerance contrast with limited judicial reforms.

ABSTRACT Manipuri theatre in postcolonial India owes its evolution and acclaim to three director-dramaturgs–Lokendra Arambam, Heisnam Kanhailal, and Ratan Thiyyam. Through exploration of three plays – Macbeth: Stage of Blood (1997), Draupadi (2000), and Chinglon Mapan Tampak Ama (2006) – this article locates the form, content, and context of each of them, interweaving analyses of the staged works and performances with narratives of everyday life gathered through ethnographic practices to offer new theoretical possibilities of reading performance in the context of violence. Beyond myth and lore, these plays indicate an understanding of the socio-cultural activities of the communities which reflect the militarism, pursuit and repression of self-determination movements, and internecine conflict in the region. While offering a critical dimension to the study of how violence acts as a framing device in Manipuri proscenium theatre, this article contextualises how unsettling disruptions are cited as en/k/counter or encounter in everyday life and performances. It explores how the interweaving of anthropological and performance-based research locates the coevalness of violence and art within interconnected narratives on agency and resistance in everyday life and on stage. Further, it proposes how such narratives might interpellate official narratives of violence and counterviolence while offering glimmers of refuge and repair.

ABSTRACT Governments that fiercely and violently fight against self-determination movements rarely accommodate the latter’s demand for independence referendums subsequently. However, rare exceptions exist where governments eventually agree to independence referendums. Why do governments radically change their policies and offer these ultimate concessions? To answer this question, this article analyses five such cases: Western Sahara, Eritrea, East Timor, Bougainville, and Southern Sudan. It argues that both (1) motivations (why the government is in need of an agreement with a self-determination movement), and (2) justifications (why the government is willing to accept a solution that could lead to the loss of what it considers is part of its territory) are necessary for this outcome, and it identifies three motivations and three justifications that would buttress ultimate concessions. It contends that different combinations of these motivations and justifications can lead to the government’s acceptance of an independence referendum after a long self-determination conflict.

The demand for self-determination in Nigeria arises from longstanding issues of exclusive politics, which have left many groups feeling marginalized. This study aims to understand the motivations behind these calls for autonomy or independence, assess the impact of exclusive politics on self-determination movements, and explore potential solutions to address underlying grievances. Employing qualitative content analysis, the study reviews speeches, manifestos, and declarations from advocacy groups. Grounded in nationalism theory, it examines how regional identities seek autonomy as a means of expressing their nationalistic aspirations. The findings indicate that the exclusive nature of Nigerian politics has significantly intensified self-determination movements. The study concludes by highlighting the urgent need for inclusive governance and dialogue to address the concerns of marginalized groups, which should help to prevent further fragmentation of the nation. It recommends fostering a more inclusive political system that accommodates the diverse interests and identities within Nigeria, ultimately reducing the calls for self-determination.

ABSTRACT In an escalated self-determination movement, when does a bargaining agreement between a self-determination group and the government take place and autonomy is granted? Recently, many conflict studies have relaxed the assumption that actors are monolithic and have increasingly focused on factors such as rebel fragmentation. Such studies point out that rebel fragmentation creates spoilers and impedes peace. In contrast, this paper argues that while rebel fragmentation can create spoilers, it can also have strategic effects in bargaining with the government. The moderates of the self-determination group can send a costly signal to the government that they are indeed moderates and do not intend to engage in armed struggle, thereby gaining autonomy. In such strategic situations, the balance of power between moderates and extremists is critical for successful signalling. This paper tests this model by examining the Naga self-determination movement in northeastern India. The findings of this paper suggest that schism in self-determination groups is not just an internal struggle but can have strategic importance in bargaining.

This commentary responds to Van Sant and Fairbairn's invitation to consider the meanings, potentials, and pitfalls of land access struggles in settler colonial contexts. Drawing on teachings from the field of critical Indigenous studies, I suggest that the developing idea of a right to the rural may be incommensurable with movements for Indigenous sovereignty, self-determination, and decolonization. I chart three sources of potential incommensurability between these projects: the colonial blind spots of Lefebvre's rights to the city, which risk being imported into a right to the rural; the limits of rights for Indigenous peoples living under settler colonialism; and the coloniality of urban and rural scalar divisions. I propose we move away from a nascent right to the rural in favor of an Indigenous-led commitment to nurturing and sustaining relations with the rural. A focus on relations, rather than rights alone, has potential to build more meaningful solidarities between settler movements for rural social justice and Indigenous nations and to heal relations between people, more-than-humans, and the Land.

This article challenges the mainstream narrative that frames the Zionist project as an organic movement for Jewish self-determination, instead revealing its origins and continued existence as a tool of Western imperialism. Tracing the colonial roots of Zionism, it demonstrates how capitalist powers of the Global North instrumentalized Jewish settlement in Palestine to serve geopolitical and economic objectives. As the settler state and economy have continued to develop and evolve over the past century with full backing from allies in the Global North, Israel’s existence has been consistently and dynamically leveraged by capitalist-imperialist powers in their pursuit of global domination and hegemony. In this light, Palestinian liberation comprises an integral element of the broader struggle against imperialism. JEL Classification : F02, F54

This article explores the use of asymmetric autonomies as territorial management strategy to accommodate questions of self-determination in multi-ethnic societies like India. It examines the institutional arrangements in Northeast India, presenting a comparative study of Assam and Manipur. The Indian Constitution’s provisions granting different levels of autonomy to tribal groups are analyzed. Despite the relative success of territorial management in promoting self-governance and accommodating sub regionalism, challenges persist, particularly in balancing ethnic identity and territorial claims. In an attempt to present a nuanced understanding of asymmetric autonomies, Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and Manipur Hill areas are studied to understand the divergent nature of territorial management in addressing ethnic self-rule demands. In addition, the paper seeks to understand how different levels of autonomies have created varied political outcomes, in the case of Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in Northeast India, highlighting the complexities and effectiveness of asymmetric federalism.

ABSTRACT This roundtable documents emerging conversations on Indigenous politics and settler colonialism in Asia. It brings together a diverse group of emerging diasporic/Indigenous scholars from the Cordilleras, Surigao, Okinawa, and the Champa Kingdom to examine contemporary issues in Indigenous politics in Asia and their implications for broader conversations on Asian/American Studies and Global Indigenous Studies. This roundtable asks: how might the place-based and regional specificity of Indigenous politics in Asia expand global conversations on Indigenous movements for self-determination and decolonization? How might settler colonialism in Asia inform more transnational and global theorizations of Asian settler colonialism?

When a politically significant self-determination movement (SDM) appears in a country, the territorial integrity of the state is threatened. Governments respond to this threat in different ways. Along with the policy of suppressing SDM, a typical strategy of states is to implement reforms aimed at making concessions to self-determination movements. Even suppressing SDM, the authorities often demonstrate a willingness to compromise. However, reforms-concessions do not always provide the desired results. The study of factors that influence on the effectiveness of reforms-concessions have been carried out using the logistic regression on empirical data from more than 100 reforms-concessions. The main assumptions developed on the ground of institutional approach have been confirmed: the “proportionality” of reforms-concessions to SDM claims, as well as the stability of the ratio of resources between the state and SDM actors, sustainability of their references after the reform have significant importance for the success of reforms-concessions. All this makes it possible to achieve a kind of institutional equilibrium as a result of the reform, under which the intensity of the conflict between the state and SDM decreases. At the same time, the analysis finds that the factors arising from the institutional approach to studying the effectiveness of reforms-concessions have greater explanatory power than “traditional” structural explanations.

How to make sense of the politics and history of Kashmir since decolonization? Two new important books deal with this question and provide a detailed account of what is/was happening in Kashmir—one of the most densely militarized regions in the world with a long history of a self-determination movement. For many years now, and these two books are part of that conversation, scholars have centered Kashmir in their analysis instead of fixating on the dispute between India and Pakistan or the internationalisation of the conflict. This change has brought new perspectives and conceptual categories to study the region. This is a much-needed corrective especially considering that scholarly work on Kashmir has relied on the ‘nation-state’ framework for too long.

The Naga nationalist movement for self-determination in Northeast India spans more than seven decades. The movement has witnessed several phases of violent conflict, which has tremendously impacted the Naga society. The Naga movement for sovereignty has a deep relation to Christianity, as evident from the cry of all Naga nationalist groups—“Nagaland for Christ.” The violence between the Indian armed forces and Naga rebels and between different Naga rebel factions that intensified in the 1960s and 1980s led to the emergence and intervention of Naga civil society groups besides the Church. This paper discusses the efforts of the Nagaland Baptist Church Council and civil society organizations, such as the Forum for Naga Reconciliation and Naga Mothers Association, in faith-based mediations between the rebel groups and between the government and rebel groups. The paper is based on in-depth interviews conducted with members of the above-mentioned civil society groups in Nagaland in November 2023.

ABSTRACT This paper examines the experiences of childhoods in the region of India occupied Kashmir. Building on the discourse on India’s occupation and settler colonial project in Kashmir, I discuss the centrality of violence and militarization in the everyday lives of children and young people in Kashmir. In particular, I examine streets and home as sites under occupation and focus on the everyday routines, and emotions of fear and fearlessness as experienced by the children and young people that are critical in understanding their politics of ‘insistence on existence’ as resistance. Their insistence on being seen is their assertion on their everyday and their refusal to be eliminated despite the various strategies of the Indian state to detain, maim, disappear or kill children and young people. Thereby the children and young people continue to participate in Kashmir’s movement for self-determination as political beings.

With the aim to free Assam from the ‘colonial occupation of India’ and reclaim its sovereignty, the guerrillas of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) had led a self-determination movement in Assam since 1979. Their struggle is grounded upon the extractive nature of the Indian Government to turn Assam into what scholars have called to be a ‘colonial hinterland’ for oil, tea, coal, and forest products. This article is about the farming initiatives of the ULFA guerrillas under ceasefire, to see how their continued engagement with the land expands the everyday notions of sovereignty. For this, we navigate through the pothar (agricultural field), bari (garden), and habi (jungle) which once were symbols of food sovereignty in rural Assam. In this article, we examine how these spaces have transformed under militarization or the market economy, and the activities of the guerrillas towards reclaiming these spaces under ceasefire. Their demand for sovereignty continues to generate questions of self-reliance, sustainability, and growing food for self and the community. This is in contrast to the security concerns of the state that solely frame the self-determination movements in Northeast India.

This research paper examines how disinformation campaigns harm self-determination processes by examining the psychological mechanisms by which public opinion can be manipulated, including confirmation bias and emotional manipulation. This body of work takes on task of understanding how these tactics can affect political choices, from voting behavior to the support of a protest, hampering the development of democracy. The paper reveals real-world consequences of disinformation on self-determination movements through a case study of a selection of significant events, such as Brexit referendum and 2016 U.S. presidential election. It is vital to have high-level international legal frameworks and accountability mechanisms to address this problem. The proposals include establishing international conventions, increasing transparency in social media, strengthening public media literacy & establishing partnerships among stakeholders. This study concludes that protecting self-determination rights demands shared work to address misinformation, ensuring that people can interact suitably with right information for participation in democratic procedures. Addressing these challenges ensures respect for the integrity of public discourse and fundamental rights of the people worldwide in an increasingly complex information landscape.

The Aboriginal History Archive at Victoria University houses a vast collection of documents, music and photographs from and about Aboriginal Black Power, Land Rights and Self-Determination movements in so-called Australia. Originating with the Foley Collection, collected by Gumbaynggirr man, activist and historian Professor Gary Foley since the 1960s, the AHA has grown in size, been organised and catalogued, and is established and governed by Aboriginal people for Aboriginal people. This article outlines the content of the archive and the reflections of First Nations people and non-Indigenous people who work in the AHA. These shared insights of Foley’s collaborators at the AHA into the structure, importance and personal experience of the AHA highlight its unique way of working and how it both documents and continues community know-how and political struggle.

Abstract In the 1970s, four overseas Taiwanese Christians launched the “Formosan Christians for Self-Determination Movement” (FCSDM) in the United States to promote the self-determination of the people of Taiwan. This article draws on three policy documents released by the FCSDM to argue that these Christians apparently embedded the Christian understanding of human rights within the secular political discourse of self-determination and sovereignty. In so doing, they strove to appeal to people from a broader spectrum of religious and national backgrounds rather than merely addressing Taiwanese Christians in their call for Taiwan’s self-determination.