(Text in French) Chemistry of the color of cobalt violet pigments used in painting in the early 20th century. Following the industrial revolution and the modernization of chemistry, purple became one of the most popular colors in the palettes of modern painters. The diversity of emerging chemical syntheses resulted in a wide range of purple pigments, characterized by a high diversity of hues. Robert Delaunay (1885-1941), one of the key artists of the avant-garde movement in France, used these materials extensively in his artworks. Despite their importance in modern and contemporary paintings, cobalt-based inorganic purple pigments have been little studied chemically until now. The present work combines structural and optical analyses to probe the purple pigments used by Delaunay. Following the characterization of reference materials synthesized in laboratory via synchrotron radiation-based high-angular-resolution X-ray powder diffraction and UV-Vis-NIR spectroscopy, it was possible to establish precise structure-color relationships for several inorganic compounds of the Co-P/As family. In parallel, two of Robert Delaunay’s earliest masterpieces conserved at the Centre Pompidou in Paris were analyzed in situ via X-ray powder diffraction in imaging mode. The results highlight the decisive effect of the structural chemistry of inorganic pigments on the palettes of modern painters.

“Political culture is one of the most popular and seductive concepts in political science, but it is also one of the most controversial and confusing,” write the authors of the article “Cause in Search of Its Effect or What Does Political Culture Explain?” [Elkins, Simeon 2016:21]. The conceptualization of the idea dates back to the 1960s, although attempts to explain the peculiarities of political behavior of peoples in different countries were made long before that. The author focuses on the peculiarities of one of the segments of the political culture of modern France — the left-wing radical political culture, which has deep historical roots and has been represented by such ideological and political movements as socialism, Maoism, Trotskyism, Guevarism, anarchism, and melanchonism at different times. The article shows how the shifts in social development in the 1960s and 1970s led to a growing interest in left-wing radical ideas and how these ideas evolved in the following decades. The article analyzes the role and place of representatives of the intellectual elite (A. Camus, J.-P. Sartre, J.-L. Godard, M. Foucault, P. Bourdieu, A. Touraine, and others) in the socio-political process, as well as their active participation in public life. The article explores how left-wing radical ideas infiltrate political discourse and influence public sentiment. It examines how the political and cultural debate in France has evolved in the context of political radicalization. The analysis of political history and the current stage in the development of the left-wing movement in France is supplemented by the author’s own empirical research.

ABSTRACT This article argues that social movement studies need a trans-immanent approach to better understand the persistence of collective action over time. Existing literature, based on immanent accounts of substance, fails to explain why social movements persevere. Immanence, by reducing substance to observable attributes, overlooks the complex causality at play in social phenomena. A trans-immanent perspective, as demonstrated through the morphogenetic régulation (MR) framework, offers a deeper insight into how social movements evolve. The case of the Notre-Dame-des-Landes (NDDL) movement in France highlights the utility of this approach. By applying MR to the NDDL movement, this study shows how the framework captures the interaction between the movement's internal dynamics and external factors shaped by political economic conditions. MR provides the tools to analyze the environment of social movements from a political economy viewpoint, helping researchers uncover the hidden causes of collective action.

What is existentialism? is a question that we encounter every time we hear this notion. However, what we can say from the beginning is that by existentialism we understand that doctrine that makes human life possible and that affirms that every truth and every action needs an environment and a human subjectivity, a definition that Jean-Paul Sartre gives in his work Existentialism is a humanism dedicated to existentialism immediately after the end of World War II in 1945. Existentialism was initially a philosophical movement, but then it also passed into literature and was one of the most important literary movements in France at first, but also in other European countries. It is universally known that French existentialism begins with Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus, they are two philosophers and writers who characterize existentialist literature. Existentialism as a philosophical process at first did not deal with the beautiful idea of life observed romantically from the outside, but completely immersed in the river where you cannot bathe twice! Man, therefore, the human being before being defined and before being defined as ... man, exists! Existence itself is a fact and does not need to be proven on the rational plane, but the moment of awareness of it, according to Sartre, comes as a pure moment of discovery. The Sartrian atmosphere that man is what he is not, leads us to the conclusion that man exists.

IntroductionThis study examines how the French Work-Study Movement influenced the early development of vocational education in China. While current research tends to emphasize Anglo-American and Japanese models, this paper highlights the pivotal role of the French vocational education system in shaping China’s early modernization efforts and demonstrates how transnational educational practices were localized to meet national needs.MethodsGrounded in Bourdieu’s theory of education and social reproduction, the study employs qualitative historical methods, including analysis of primary documents such as letters, memoirs, and policy records, as well as comparative analysis between the French and Chinese vocational education systems of the early 20th century.ResultsFindings reveal that the Work-Study Movement in France provided a practical model that integrated theoretical learning with industrial labor, which Chinese students experienced firsthand. These experiences not only helped shape China’s early vocational education system but also challenged traditional cultural attitudes that devalued manual labor.DiscussionThe study concludes that the work-study model served as a key mechanism for the localization of Western vocational education in China. It emphasizes the model’s historical relevance and its ongoing value as a framework for integrating education with industry in contemporary educational reform.

Abstract This article traces the rise of a colonialist movement in France from the late 1920s to its important role in the insurrection of February 6, 1934. Comprising radical groups that sought to destroy French democracy, this movement's ideas were shaped in critical ways by colonial conquest. Focusing on the mental maps of two white colonial officers, Jean Ferrandi and François de La Rocque, this article examines how their experiences with colonial war were formative and influenced their actions after they left the military. The interwar radical right groups that Ferrandi and La Rocque led became vehicles to transpose colonialist ideas about violence and racialized hierarchies to metropolitan France. Declaring that France itself needed to be pacified, colonialists played a key role in the virulent assault on French democracy that historians have yet to fully appreciate.

This article explores the intersections between discourse analysis (DA) and Knowledge Organization (KO), examining how Michel Pecheux’s and Michel Foucault’s discourse theories can contribute to knowledge organization systems and the analysis of communities. Discourse analysis emerged from social and scientific movements in France from the 1960s onward as a theoretical and methodological framework from the perspective we have been working on over the last 20 years. This study discusses key aspects of DA and its potential applications within the field of KO. Despite the terms “discourse” and “analysis” in the literature, they are rarely examined structurally and transversally. This is mainly because such studies are relatively recent and originate from disciplines historically distant from KO. Consequently, incorporating discourse analysis as a theoretical lens in KO requires reconfiguring analytical frameworks, particularly regarding the construction of systems, approaches, and studies. Unlike traditional KO methodologies that focus primarily on conceptual structures, discourse analysis considers terms and their meanings and, through the lens of ideology, recognizes the historical and social dimensions of meaning construction. Therefore, Pecheux’s and Foucault’s discourse theory significantly contributes to domain analysis in KO.

This article compares the 2013 Gezi Park uprising in Turkey and the Yellow Vests movement in France in 2018–2019 as responses to the crisis of social reproduction. Both movements were largely attended and organised by women. Drawing on feminist political economy approaches, the authors argue that these mobilisations were triggered by the deep-seated and intensifying social reproductive contradictions at the heart of authoritarian neoliberalism. Although distinct, the authoritarian neoliberal regimes in Turkey and France both strived to remove economic decisions from democratic control. Their policies have similarly resulted in the severe degradation of the indispensable background conditions for capitalist accumulation – the unpaid or underpaid forms of labour that ensure the daily subsistence and intergenerational reproduction of the working classes and the natural environment. In Turkey, religiously conservative control over women’s bodies and a discourse against gender equality were intertwined with the intensified exploitation of their social reproductive labour, against the background of the rampant commodification of the social and natural commons. In France, the crisis was triggered by abusive executive power decisions, in the context of increasing difficulties in meeting material conditions for daily subsistence and intergenerational concerns about the ecological future. The authors argue that these movements, and their repression, highlight the centrality of social reproduction as an irreducible axis of crisis in neoliberal capitalist societies.

The success and longevity of large-scale social movements depend not only on the strength of their ideologies or the intensity of their demands, but also on their ability to organize, sustain, and adapt logistical support for participants. Using the May ‘68 movement in France as an analytical lens, this article examines the material foundations of protest—such as food, shelter, and medical care—as critical factors that can either reinforce collective resilience or accelerate a movement’s decline. It argues that managing flows is not a peripheral concern but a structuring element that remains too often overlooked in scholarly analysis. By bridging the sociology of social movements with the field of logistics management, the article reveals a persistent blind spot in conventional approaches: the strategic importance of resources and their circulation in sustaining activist engagement. This materialist reinterpretation of protest invites a rethinking of mobilization not only as an ideological endeavor, but also as an operational one—rooted in the anticipation, coordination, and distribution of essential flows capable of accommodating organizational complexity, actors’ diversity, and shifting conditions on the ground.

In the 2010s, in response to the impact of the financial crisis of 2008, anti-establishment, anti-austerity, pro-democracy movements such as Occupy!, the Spanish indignados and, in 2018, the gilets jaunes in France emerged. With the rise of independent unions and new forms of work and organising in the platform economy, the future of unions increasingly depends on their ability to engage with a broader range of social and community-based interests and organisations. The gilets jaunes movement in France, like the indignados in Spain, explicitly rejected any links or joint actions with unions, at least initially and in a formal sense. The gilets jaunes case makes visible the challenges for unions, as institutions embedded and reinforcing the current configuration of capitalism, to represent a more fluid set of interests. On the flipside, the dissipation of these movements also makes visible the challenges for social movements maintaining collective action and solidarity without the leadership and organisation familiar in union organisations, and the meta-collective action frame of shared working-class interests. In this reflection, we revisit the gilets jaunes movement and its significance for building bases of sustainable solidarity at a time of the movement’s attempts to establish lasting forms of solidarity through gaining recognition in representative elections as the Union Syndicale Gilets Jaunes (USGJ).

Any debate on alienation almost inevitably involves reference to Karl Marx’s theories. Inherited from Hegel and Feuerbach, the concept of alienation reached a true philosophical elevation in Marx’s writings, being constantly reworked from his early philosophical and political writings to his mature works. One of the weaknesses—if not the greatest weakness—of the concept of alienation is undoubtedly its almost necessary reliance on the (at least implicit) determination of a human essence from which individuals are presumed to have become estranged. The essentialism underlying the concept of alienation, challenged by the structuralist movement in France, led to its progressive abandonment within the conceptual framework of political and social philosophy starting in the 1960s and 1970s. The aim of this article is to highlight what a non-essentialist concept of alienation might look like. Our research is based on the model of (epistemological) rupture between an ideological perspective (that of the actors) and a scientific perspective (that of the social critic), a position particularly strong in France, where it was notably supported by Louis Althusser and Pierre Bourdieu.

Street protests have been a common feature of human society for many centuries. They often act as a driver of social changes but they may also disrupt everyday life and lead to considerable economic losses. Understanding of factors that may affect the duration of street protests and the number of participants is a problem of pivotal importance. Mathematical modelling is an efficient research approach to study this problem. Here we present a novel modelling framework that takes into account heterogeneity of protesters behaviour and the effect of policing. Using the 2018–2019 Yellow Vest Movement in France as a case study, we show that our model is in a very good agreement with data. We also show that a moderate increase in the efficiency of police actions on particular days may have a significant effect on protest’s intensity and duration. Our findings open a possibility for a more efficient protests management.

Abstract Past research has highlighted the central role of ideology and political values in collective action. This research aims to determine whether, in addition to political ideology , political extremism can promote collective action. Arguing that political extremism may promote political activism per se, independently of its ideological content, we hypothesized an asymmetric U‐shaped relationship between political ideology and collective action, with emotions (anger, fear, and hope) acting as mediators. We conducted two studies in the context of two real‐world social movements in France. Study 1 ( N = 1386) examined collective action against COVID‐19 restrictions, a movement that defended typical right‐wing values. Study 2 ( N = 418) examined collective action against pension reform, a movement that defended values typical of the left. In both studies, we found that the congruent political ideology (right‐wing in Study 1 and left‐wing in Study 2) and political extremism were both associated with greater intentions (Studies 1 and 2) and greater participation (Study 2) in collective action. Anger partially mediated the relationship between political extremism and collective action in both studies. Overall, our results call for considering political extremism in addition to the left/right dimension of political ideology in order to better understand engagement in collective action.

Abstract: This essay examines the state and future of the feminism, the rights of women, and the feminist movement in France, the United States and around the world of the present and over the past half century. It focuses on successes as well as setbacks in the struggle for women’s rights in the United States and France in particular. The author discusses the ERA and its failure, the #MeToo movement as well as the Supreme Court’s controversial recent overturning of Roe vs. Wade by the US Supreme Court. An activist herself, the author also discusses the birth of the feminist movement in France and the recent horrendous Pelicot trial, in which a husband drugged his wife and subjected her to rape by multiple perpetrators in Southern France for more than a decade. The wife, Gisèle Pelicot, has become a heroine for her ordeal and her courage. What will be the future of feminism in the world today? Will it be two steps forward and one step back, or will it be two steps backward and one step forward—or worse?

Abstract This research bridges populism and populist social movement studies to address the question of how left‐ and right‐wing populists unite in a common social movement. Using the novel “à la carte” (ALC) embedding regression model, it analyzes a unique dataset of 5,342 protesters and supporters from the Yellow Vests movement in France, capturing their understandings of the People from responses to open‐ended questions. Findings reveal that while left‐ and right‐wing populists diverge in their understandings of the People, differences are not politically divisive and do not preclude common vocabularies allowing for identification with the movement. This study contributes to the literature by showcasing the innovative application of the embedding regression method to textual data collected during social movements. Whereas research on the subject is predominantly qualitative, this study employs quantitative techniques to demonstrate that identification with the People fosters a unified movement despite divergent political beliefs and contrasting social identity frames.

Following the industrial revolution and the modernization of chemistry, purple became one of the most popular colors in the palettes of late 19th- to 20th-century painters. Among them, Robert Delaunay (1885-1941) was one of the key artists of the avant-garde movement in France in the early 20th century. Although widely used in modern and contemporary paintings, inorganic purple pigments of the cobalt phosphate and cobalt arsenate families have been little studied chemically until now. The diversity of emerging chemical syntheses resulted in a wide range of products, characterized by a high diversity of hues, function of their respective composition, and crystal structures. The present work combines structural and optical analyses to probe the purple pigments used by Delaunay. Reference materials synthesized in the laboratory were characterized via synchrotron radiation-based high-angular-resolution X-ray powder diffraction and UV-vis-NIR spectroscopy. Structure-color relationships were established for the first time for several inorganic compounds of the Co-P/As family. Two of Robert Delaunay's earliest masterpieces conserved at the Centre Pompidou in Paris were probed in situ via X-ray powder diffraction in imaging mode and fiber optic UV-vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopy. The results highlight the decisive effect of their structural chemistry on the palettes of modern and contemporary painters.

ABSTRACT: The article describes Jewish communities’ stances in relation to Zionist movements in France and in territories administered by France that were primarily populated by Muslims. It considers the actions of North Africa Jews in the Zionist movement, particularly during the Second World War, and how the war influenced Zionism. The Jewish communities in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia had different statuses influenced by and mirrored in the various colonial administrations, local authorities, and populations. Besides, those differences related to their degree of involvement with Zionism, which was anything but homogeneous and ranged from strong support to a lack of interest. Based on material collected from various archives (mainly Yad Vashem and the Central Zionist Archives), the article uses a selection of testimonies that describe the diversity of North African Jewish communities and their different levels of engagement with Zionist activities. In this way, the stories of these actors and witnesses will directly reveal the heterogeneous worlds of Judaism and Zionism in North Africa. The article also confirms the diversity of the French Empire despite the shared concept of assimilation and the impact of the colonial administration, that was organized in different ways depending on the local situation and on social relations in North African societies.

In recent years, there has been an increase in social tension all over the world, which manifests itself in the form of social protests. Understanding the dynamics of street protests and studying the factors that can influence their occurrence, duration and intensity is crucial for the stable and sustainable development of society. One of the approaches to constructing various scenarios of social dynamics is to use the theory of mean-field games. A combined mathematical model of social protests based on the approach of mid-level games and dynamic systems is proposed. Numerical results of solving the inverse problem based on statistical data of the social movement in France for 2018–2019 are presented.

This article is devoted to the unfulfilled plans of the Soviet historian from Leningrad Alexandra Lublinskaya, related to her intention to write a book about an important socio-political movement in France in the middle of the 17th century, Fronde. In the scientific and historical archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the working archive of Alexandra Lublinskaya was preserved, which included a separate folder with preparatory materials for this monograph, work on which began in 1977—1978, but was not completed due to the death of the researcher. The content of these materials shows that the view of Fronda by A. D. Lublinskaya was very different both from the concepts and established opinions of French and European historians, and her main internal opponent Boris Porshnev. A significant part of this unwritten book was to be devoted to an open polemic with this historian about the fate of French absolutism and the role of social movements, a polemic that began in the late of 1940s and was never completed.

In the face of continued refugee arrivals, militarising of borders, and decreasing State support, France has experienced a rapid growth in refugee “solidarity” organisations. These informal organisations, often composed of volunteers who have no previous experience of engagement with migration issues, offer a range of services such as housing, economic support, social or legal assistance. But whilst this growth of citizen “solidarity'' towards refugees may be welcome in providing services which the State is not, there is also potential for the production of gendered and racialised forms of violence and exploitation. In this article we explore the meanings of sexuality and intimacy in these relationships between volunteers and refugees, and the structures of power and inequality within which they are situated. We analyse the gendered and racialised dimensions of these relations and the ways in which “solidarity” may produce violence and exploitation.