Abstract The concept of “Great Unity” originates from China’s “Great Unity” political practice, which is primarily embodied in the “great unity” state form and structure. Therefore, to examine the genesis and evolution of the Chinese “Great Unity” ideology, we must begin with the historical evolution of the form and structure of ancient Chinese states. From the Qin and Han Dynasties to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the “Great Unity” ideology was built upon the state form and structure of the commandery-county system. After Qin Shi Huang unified the six states, successive dynasties regarded unification as the highest political achievement. Even during periods of division, the ideology of unity persisted, with contending regimes often claiming legitimacy and pursuing unification as their ultimate goal. Tracing back from the Qin and Han to the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, an era of social transformation, the “Great Unity” ideology encompassed both ideals of unity and the historical foundation of the composite dynastic state structure of Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou dynasties, which integrated plurality into a unified whole. Further back, during the Five Emperors period, powerful Clan-State Confederations were established in the Central Plains. Thus, from the times of Yao, Shun, and Yu, through the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou, to the Qin and Han, changes in state forms and structures gave rise to three distinct conceptions of “Great Unity”: the concept of “tianxia unity” (unification under heaven), aligned with the Clan-State Confederation of the Yao, Shun, and Yu era; the concept of “unity,” aligned with the “composite dynastic state structure” of the Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou; and the concept of “Great Unity,” aligned with the centralized imperial state under the commandery-county system from the Qin and Han dynasties onward. This constitutes the origin and evolution of the “Great Unity” ideology in China.

ABSTRACT Although corruption is commonly portrayed as a socially harmful and unethical behavior, and family is often regarded as the building block of society, this article argues that the two often intersect in real life. Kinship ties frequently serve not only as sources of emotional support but also as conduits for illicit transactions and for resource misallocation. From minor nepotism to large‐scale state capture, family relationships frequently shape how corruption is organized, justified, and sustained. Drawing on interdisciplinary theories, this article develops a five‐part typology of family corruption—family for corruption, corruption for family, corruption for survival through family, corruption for the family firm, and dynastic state capture. Each reflects different positions, motivations, and coordination mechanisms, ranging from micro‐level kin‐based trust to a macro‐level neopatrimonial system. Challenging the idealized separation of family from formal institutions, the article shows how familial obligations can override universalistic norms, embedding corruption within the everyday practices and moral orders. The article contributes a new conceptual framework for understanding how formal systems of government and business are shaped by kinship logics—often beneath the surface of legality and bureaucracy.

The article, based on a comparative analysis of the constitutions of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the State of Kuwait and the Kingdom of Morocco, examines the way and scope of enshrined human rights in limited Arab monarchies at the constitutional level. In some Arab countries, including limited monarchical states, dualistic legal systems are presented, in which national positive and religious law are combined, and a person is given a specific status in this regard. At the turn of the 20th-21st centuries, the dynamics of constitutional development increased in the Arab countries, they updated or adopted new constitutions. Arab limited monarchies, including the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the State of Kuwait, and the Kingdom of Morocco, each of which has its own written constitution, did not bypass these processes. It was concluded that the established scope and principles of regulation of constitutional human rights in Arab limited monarchies are almost no different from those in absolute Arab monarchies; in Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco and Bahrain, there is no mechanism for the practical implementation of declared human rights and freedoms and their guarantees. It is shown that among the common features of limited Arab monarchies in the field of constitutional consolidation of human rights should be attributed the presence of written systematized constitutions that have an authorized character; the presence of a special section (chapter) devoted to human rights; consolidation of Islam at the constitutional level by the state religion, which affects a specific, different from secular legal systems, understanding of the equality of people (the so-called «non-absolute equality»); the absence (as in the constitutions of absolute Arab monarchies) of a mechanism for the practical implementation of declared human rights and freedoms and their guarantees. Distinctive features include the permission for the existence of political parties, enshrined in the constitutions of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the Kingdom of Morocco, which is not characteristic of the constitutions of Bahrain and Kuwait.

At the initial stage of the construction of monarchical states in medieval Europe, the main function of the supreme secular power was the administration of justice. The Church laid the ideological foundations for strengthening monarchical power: the sacred concept of justice combined with the ideas of theologians about special royal dignity as service for the common good. The "reception" of Roman law transformed the status of the monarch, turning him into a "debtor of justice." In this context, France was positioned by the ideologists of the monarchy as the "homeland of exemplary justice," which was considered a sign of the French Kingdom's chosenness. Why has justice become the main tool for strengthening monarchical power? The reason lies in the structure of medieval society: polycentrism in the 10th –12th centuries did not leave a vacuum of power, and the king acted like any lord. In this situation, in order to expand the competence of the supreme secular power, it needed to gain moral authority and to prove their advantages over other authorities with the same powers. This moral authority could be provided only by the king as the supreme judge, independent arbitrator, and peacemaker. The construction of a strong monarchical state was the result of the actions of kings, their judicial officials, and the support of the broad strata of society. The first milestone in this process was the establishment by Philippe II Auguste of bailiffs and seneschals, to whom it was possible to appeal against the verdicts of other courts in the domain. The second step on this path were the reforms of Saint Louis: the revision of 1247 and the right to complain about negligent officials; the ordinance of 1254 on the reform of morals, which legalized the presumption of being not guilty; the abolition of judicial duel, which allowed challenging any sentence; finally, the separation of Parliament from the Royal Curia as the supreme court of appeal of the kingdom. Lawyers and judicial officers have made a crucial contribution to strengthening monarchical power by taking cases away from other courts through reliance on law, loopholes in the laws, and references to the priority of mercy. These actions found a response in society, and were supported by all classes who benefited from the strengthening of the power of the King of France.

The thought of Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) in the history of political ideas is regarded as the beginning of modern political theory, which abandons the classical Socratic view of politics condensed in the virtue of citizens as the foundation of the polis (the state), as well as the medieval Christian worldview of Thomas Aquinas, where the state and politics are subordinated to religion and Christian morality. Politics becomes distinguished as public as opposed to private, and into political theory Machiavelli introduces the concepts of power, force, strength, and violence as legitimate political notions-a kind of Copernican turn away from the classical political theory of antiquity, where "trust in mute force, which the ancient Greeks considered a non-political instrument…" (Tadić, 1996: 56), now becomes axiomatic. In political reality, new rules apply-the virtuous citizen is replaced by homo politicus. Machiavelli, in the reality of politics, analyzes concrete political phenomena from the perspective of realism and the application of the empirical method. Among other things, Machiavelli says that "many have imagined republics and principalities that never actually existed" (Machiavelli, 2012: 65). Machiavelli's concept of the state and power is founded on the experience of the Florentine friar Savonarola and the famous dictum that unarmed prophets have failed: "It is necessary to know that there are two ways of fighting: by law and by force" (Machiavelli, 2012: 73). In The Prince, Machiavelli emphasizes that "there can be no good laws without a good army, and where there is a good army, there must be good laws" (Machiavelli, 2012: 53). In this paper we analyze the concept of a "good army" in Machiavelli as an unclear and disputable term. By applying methods of content and discourse analysis of Machiavelli's works, we will demonstrate his understanding of a good army within the framework of his theoretical innovation, his new method, through the research question of whether it means a well-armed army, a standing army of monarchical states (France, Spain), the adventurer companies, compagnie di ventura, hired by Italian city-states, or an army that, in the spirit of Augustine, wages war in good faith-or something else? Machiavelli criticizes mercenary warfare and introduces the notion of an armed people, a citizen militia, into his teaching. We will explain the concept of the armed people through his republicanism, his view of the people as the pillar of preserving the state, of the political community in freedom, and the category of friendship between ruler and people. In addition, the paper will address the reach of Machiavelli's idea of the "good army" in the political thought and practice of contemporary society, namely, how far his idea corresponds with the concept of total defense, which in various forms is practiced in a number of states around the world.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the origins and existence in historical and political narratives of the 14th — 16th centuries of the myth of the origin of the ethnonym Franks. This myth becomes important in the context of building a national monarchical state in France. For the success of this process, a necessary element was the formation of a sense of community among the people living in the country. The mainstay of this unity was the ethnic component, the importance of which increased rapidly in the circumstances of the Hundred Years' War. Although the etymology of the ethnonym “frank” remains disputable, modern researchers agree that such a designation of the Germanic union of tribes goes back to the word frekkr, which meant “brave” or “courageous”; this is how the late Roman historians understood the meaning of this word. However, the leading interpretation of the ethnonym “frank” in the Middle Ages was the concept of freedom. For the first time such an interpretation appeared in the 7th century in the chronicle of Fredegar. It was a Trojan myth about the origin of the Franks, who allegedly fled from burning Troy, settled in Sicambria and, at the request of Emperor Valentinian, expelled the Alans, for which he exempted them from paying tribute for a period of 10 years. At the end of this period, they refused to pay tribute and left for Gaul. It was for this refusal to pay tribute that they allegedly received the name of the franks. Thanks to this historical myth, the concept of freedom of the Franks was closely linked to tax exemption. This interpretation of the ethnonym “frank” was in demand in 1300—1500, when the process of strengthening royal power required constant tax collection. By the middle of the 14th century, the meaning of the word “franc” went beyond the anti-tax framework and began to mean the special freedom of all Frenchmen. This theme of the innate freedom of the French acquired a dangerous character for the authorities in times of crisis. Tax collection without the consent of the people and other infringements of their rights and freedoms threatened the king, according to French medieval political thinkers, with the loss of the throne.

Статья посвящена рассмотрению системы воинского воспитания в русской армии первой половины XIX в. Подчеркивается, что в исследуемый период она формировалась под воздействием многочисленных факторов, строилась с учетом отечественного и иностранного опытов. В рамках этой системы консервативные методы воспитания воинов соседствовали с прогрессивными, палочная дисциплина и телесные наказания сочетались с заботой командиров о подчиненных. Делается вывод о том, что в основе механизма воинского воспитания в армии лежали монархическая государственная идеология, командно-административные методы, формы и принципы управления. The article is devoted to the consideration of the system of military education in the Russian army of the first half of the 19th century. It is emphasized that during the period under study it was formed under the influence of numerous factors and was built taking into account domestic and foreign experiences. Within the framework of this system, conservative methods of educating soldiers side by side with progressive ones; caning discipline and corporal punishment were combined with the care of commanders for their subordinates. It is concluded that the mechanism of military education in the army was based on monarchical state ideology, command and administrative methods, forms and principles of management.

Abstract The passages composed by Nietzsche around the time he spent at Sorrento reflect an engagement with the anarcho-utopian socialist milieu into which he had been introduced by Malwida von Meysenbug. The “Sorrentino politics” that appear in Human, All Too Human I and II and later works need to be understood in the context of an affirmative form of political thought that could remedy the pessimism and nihilism that he finds in the politics of all sides. Nietzsche argues that the monarchical state, modern industrialism, and the restricted ownership of capital and property all undermine the goal of creating a life-affirming culture for Europe. He also provides a criticism of a utopian teleology of equality in the future – whether religious or socialist – that imposes an objective notion of purpose. Nietzsche rejects the Schopenhauerian pessimism of resignation while affirmatively engaging with the thought of Alexander Herzen and Guiseppe Mazzini.

The history of Assam is rich with inspiring examples of brave and noble women of the Ahom Dynasty. These women assumed power during times of crisis, displayed remarkable bravery on the battlefield, and made sacrifices for their country. In the medieval period, some Ahom queens asserted their political rights, took on significant responsibilities, and became actively involved in the kingdom's politics. While a few exceptional women contributed to political and administrative matters, the majority of society remained unaware of political rights, with many losing their identities under the dominance of patriarchy. This article examines the political roles and contributions of these noble women in medieval Assam.

This article explores the historical circulation of Ottoman Turkey, highlighting the significant transition from a dynastic system of government to the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. The Ottoman dynasty, which was originally a vast and influential empire, underwent dramatic changes during the 20th century. The main focus was on the post-World War I period when radical reforms were implemented to address internal and external challenges. This analysis covers socio-political aspects, tracing the changes that overhauled the structure of the feudal empire into a modern republican state. The method used is by using a method of literature study or library research related to historical or other similar themes. Based on the theory of the History of Islamic Civilization. As for data collection analyzing historical texts, collecting relevant data, and describing them. The results of this paper reveal that: First, every Kingdom will inevitably experience triumphs and setbacks, for a civilization is inseparable from it. Second, Ottoman Turkey was one of the influential dynasties of world civilization, and it was also crowned as the heir to the Islamic caliphate. Third, the Ottoman Turks underwent significant changes in terms of culture, socio-politics, economy, and others. The setback he experienced led to the secularization of Turkey which began as a dynastic state or caliphate into a republic. This was none other than triggered by the political factors of power that were in the hands of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.

The article analyzes the prerequisites for the formation of the early Ukrainian state – Kyivan Rus. The author characterizes the Norman theory of the origin of Kyivan Rus, points out the role of the princes of the Norman and Swedish Rurikids dynasty in the formation and development of Kyivan Rus. For the first time, the scientific substantiation of the Norman theory of the origin of Kyivan Rus was carried out by German scholar G. S. Bayer, who worked at the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences in the early 18th century. In 1740, another German scholar who worked in the Russian civil service, G. F. Miller, published another paper. The arguments in favor of the Norman theory included the Scandinavian origin of the name Rus, the Scandinavian names of Rus princes and ambassadors in the treaties of Kyivan Rus with Byzantium in 911 and 944, information about Kyivan Rus in the works of the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, and others. In contrast to the Norman theory, antiNorman, Khazar, Bulgarian socio-economic, and other theories emerged. In our opinion, the Norman Rurikids dynasty has been gradually becoming Ukrainianized since the reign of the Great Kyivan Prince Volodymyr the Great, who is known to have been the son of Prince Sviatoslav and Milusha, the daughter of the Derevlianian Prince Mal. The Normans came to the Ukrainian lands when the pro-Ukrainians already had their own state. Their influence on the development of Kyivan Rus contributed to its closer rapprochement with the dynasties of European monarchical states. We believe that the sources of the law of Kyivan Rus include Swedish land law, which was used during the conclusion of the RusByzantine treaties, the Short and Common versions of the Rus Pravda. This testified to the spread of European legal traditions of legal regulation of social relations to the legal system of the early Ukrainian state – Kyivan Rus. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the wording and articles of the first code of Ukrainian law – Rus Pravda, which is a source of legal regulation of social relations in the Ukrainian lands in the ninth and twelfth centuries and a reflection of the level of socioeconomic and political development. The Rus Pravda was the main legal act in Kyivan Rus and thus influenced the development of Ukrainian law in subsequent historical periods. The author shows that in addition to Ukrainian customary law, international treaties, sources of Byzantine law, and princely legislation, the Rus Pravda also used sources of law of other European nations, in particular, Swedish law. This testified to the spread of European legal traditions of legal regulation of social relations to the legal system of the early Ukrainian State – Kyivan Rus. Keywords: Kyivan Rus, sources of law, Ruska Pravda, customary law, Swedish law.

The unusual political fate of L.A. Tikhomirov, who went from a revolutionary narodnik and member of Narodnay Volya to an apologist of the Russian autocratic monarchy, still attracts the attention of humanities scholars. His monarchist ideas, which made him one of the classics of Russian conservative thought, are also actively studied. Moreover, L. Tikhomirov in his literary and public activities in the service of the autocracy showed himself as a true conservative reformer, who developed a whole system aimed at transforming the entire system of the Russian monarchy. The purpose of the article is to analyze the concept of “national reforms” proposed by L. Tikhomirov for the transformation of Russian government. His proposals included changes in the entire system of religious policy in the spirit of state-church symphony. Comprehensive reform of the state social and class policy in the form of the creation of peculiar corporations for the new social groups that emerged in the Russian Empire at the end of the 19th century. A return to a proper “governing policy” of the country, where there would be no overpowering bureaucracy and party politicking, and governance would utilize a combination of bureaucratic forces with social forces. His reform projects also included proposals for transformations in the socio-economic sphere. In this matter, L. Tikhomirov was a supporter of the creation of a self-sufficient, independent from the influence of external factors economy – autarky, developing under the aegis of the monarchical state that regulates all economic processes. The conclusion is that despite the authorities’ rejection of his ideas and proposals in their entirety, some of them have not lost their relevance today. Among them, L. Tikhomirov’s ideas about the importance of realizing Russia’s historical place in the world as a bearer of original Orthodox culture deserve to be noted. His thoughts on the uniqueness of the Russian state-political system, which he deduced from the special geographical and political factors of our country’s existence, and hence, in his opinion, the impossibility of absolute copying of Western European legal, economic and social models.

Hieroglyphic writing arose in Egypt during the proto/early dynastic period of the formation of the early monarchical state and, along with monumental architecture, is a symptom of radical changes in the political, economic and ideological spheres of society. In the context of semiotics, culture as a sign system considers all its contents as texts that store and transmit knowledge from generation to generation. In the space of depth psychology, a set of texts reveals the level of collective consciousness of culture bearers as collective intelligence and memory. Writing in Egypt arose as an instrument of supreme power, reflecting its nature, functions and social status in the context of mythological ideas and ritual practice. The earliest sources of hieroglyphic writing derived from images were royal annual tablets dedicated to the activity of the kings. As annals, they reflected in the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments. However, the annals are inseparable from cult practice and religious and mythological ideas about the ancestors and gods who stood at the foundation of ancient Egyptian culture.

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the development and transformation of Yugoslav nationalism with the spotlight on its two main incarnations – the Yugoslav idea as articulated in the centralized and monarchic state of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (1918–41) and the development of the Yugoslav project during the state socialist period (1945–91). Using the analytical tools of historical sociology and particularly the grounded nationalism approach, the author aims to explore the social dynamics of Yugoslav nationalism as it changed its form during the twentieth century. The paper zooms in on the key historical processes that have shaped the organizational, ideological, and micro-interactional grounding of Yugoslav nationalism. The author argues that, despite the relatively strong nominal commitment towards building civic nationhood, the Yugoslav project has paradoxically provided organizational, ideological, and micro-interactional mechanisms for the relatively continuous rise of ethnic nationalisms. The failure of Yugoslav nationalism stems in part from its uneven, underdeveloped, or misdirected grounding. It is this structural unevenness that also contributed to the relatively continuous proliferation of much better-grounded ethnic nationalisms.

The objective of this study is to investigate the parallels between theocracy and monarchy from a socio-political perspective. Despite their distinct historical origins and sources of legitimacy, both forms of governance exhibit numerous similarities in their structural framework, leadership roles, legitimacy bases, and societal influences. Employing a socio-political approach, this research aims to explore how these systems impact societal dynamics, cultural values, and social structures. Initially, the study delves into the organizational structures of theocratic regimes and monarchies. It highlights the pivotal role of leaders as authoritative figures possessing ultimate executive authority. Examination of the presence of legislative bodies or advisory committees supporting decision-making processes reveals shared structural patterns across these governmental frameworks. Subsequently, the research scrutinizes the similarities in leadership roles and legitimacy sources. In monarchies, leaders often derive legitimacy from their royal lineage, whereas in theocracies, spiritual beliefs and religious credentials are instrumental in legitimizing rulership. Through this analysis, the study probes how both systems cultivate a socially acceptable perception of authority and legitimacy. Furthermore, the socio-political dimension of the research encompasses the impact on economic and social aspects of society. Leaders in theocratic and monarchical regimes significantly influence economic policies, wealth distribution, and social and cultural development. The study investigates how these policy decisions can contribute to economic disparities or shape the social and cultural fabric of society. Additionally, the research underscores the influence of theocratic and royal governments on cultural values and social norms. Leaders in both systems contribute to shaping societal perspectives on art, education, and social conventions. The study examines how leadership policies contribute to the formation of cultural identities and societal norms. Ultimately, this research aims to enhance understanding of the social and political dynamics within the contexts of theocracy and monarchy. By analyzing these similarities through a socio-political lens, the study seeks to elucidate the societal impacts of both governance models and identify potential implications for social and political progress.

Under the influence of the French Revolution, many European countries underwent key changes in various areas. One of those was the reform of the civil service system and the emergence of a professional class of officials. The paper examines the development of public service in Prussia, France and the British Empire in the 19th century. The foundations laid down during this period influenced European politics and even shape the contemporary image of Germany, France and the UK around the world. The public services of these countries were created in different conditions and reflected national values. Thus, the paper describes three different types of civil servants: Prussian civil servants who followed the ideals of quality and excellence; French officials who pursued their own goals; British gentlemen who created the image of the Empire in the colonies. The study used the method of studying sources and primary sources, as well as the method of content analysis to compile a collective image of an official in historical and fiction literature. We have studied both the works of classical historians and philosophers of the 19th century (Saint-Just, Mirabeau, Arnold, etc.), and modern domestic and foreign researchers (Bahlov, Uvarova, Duffield). The study of literary portraits of an official was based on the works of Balzac, Kafka, Kipling, and Verne. The study found that despite national differences, officials were the product of a new system that required educational reforms designed specifically to train civil servants, qualifying exams, and rigorous selection procedures. The new system replaced patronage and appointments by the monarch and transformed the civil servant from an agent of the king or church to a professional who served the state, although in France and Germany the idea of the reform was supported by the monarch, and in the British Empire, it was based on the parliamentary tradition. The relevance of the topic is explained by the comprehensive, comparative study of the history of professional bureaucracy in Western Europe. Methodologically, using the example of three countries (Prussia, France and the British Empire), the authors show the transformation of a "monarchical state" into a civil one, which was an objective consequence of the deep revolutionary upheavals of the late 18th century. The emerging models of bureaucracy illustrate the reaction of the ruling elites to the French Revolution. Power, understood from the point of view of Max Weber, as a "form of domination", ceases to be "estate". On the contrary, it is extrapolated to institutional structures that already have characteristics regulated by civil norms rather than class. Proceeding from this, the purpose of this study is to substantiate the trend of an objective transformation of the model of public administration in Prussia, France and the British Empire, revealing their specific historical conditions in each of the countries.

This part (Part I see: [Yakovlev, 2023a], Part II see: [Yakovlev, 2023b]), examines the main characteristics of the three imperial models that offered the world in the 10th–15th centuries their “development projects”: The Byzantine Empire, the Chinese Empire, and the Arab Caliphate (later the Ottoman Empire). The presence of an “ideological core”, as well as the powerful centralized power of the dynastic state, which determined the parameters of the state and social life of the empire, is stated. Internal and external threats were repelled by the bureaucracy and the army. The presence of extensive natural development potential — the presence of natural and demographic resources and the possibility of external contacts were complemented by productive agriculture in the countryside, the development of crafts, trade and finance in the cities, as well as the development of culture (scientific research, architecture, literature, fine arts). At the same time, the provision of resources and the constraining role of the state slowed down the processes of internal socio-political and socio-economic development.

The power capacities of the states and the distribution of these capacities are important in determining both the polarity of the system and the characteristics of the countries in terms of being a superpower, great power, and regional power within the anarchic structure of the international system. Within the framework of the regional policies of the superpower, the security threats of the countries in the region are defined, and in order to combat these threats, it is emphasized that the internal threats are more important for the security of the regime within the framework of the characteristics of the regional powers. The features of a state such as competing allegiencies, monarchical state structure, being a rentier state cause the security of the regime in that state to be more important and prioritized than the security of the state. In this category, it is necessary to evaluate the state with a different approach than the alignment and bandwagoning strategies used by the classical approaches for the security strategies of the superpowers and great powers. This article examines a range of local conditions and motivations regarding the security behavior of states, especially regional powers, that have not been adequately discussed in the literature. In addition, it is aimed to strengthen the argument by explaining what is effective in determining the alliance relations of regional powers, unlike the great powers.

Classical approaches cannot produce conclusions that can be generalized in order to analyze the state behavior of regional power countries such as Saudi Arabia and to understand the real reason behind the alliance relations. The reasons that determine the position of regional powers in the system and originate from their local positions confront them with internal threats rather than external threats. In this case, internal threats take precedence over external threats. Since most of these countries have monarchical state structure, competing allegiencies and rentier state economic features. Therefore, the security of the regime is more important than the security of the state and the people in these countries. This always causes an internal threat to the regime in Saudi Arabia. The local characteristics of regional powers necessitate them to deal with their internal threats before their external threats. Thus, a regional power like Saudi Arabia combats the threat, primarily by allying with the foreign power interrelated with its internal threat or by improving relations, it balances and sometimes suppresses the internal threat with an external threat and then it can focus on the real threat. To explain this form of balancing, the “omni-balancing” strategy has been used and the systemic and local characteristics of Saudi Arabia has been emphasized.

When the security policies of Saudi Arabia between 2000-2010 and 2010-2020 are examined, it can be seen that although there is no change in the internal threats to the Saudi Arabian Regime, there has been a change and transformation in its external threats. Therefore, although the internal threats are the same, in the alliance relations it has formed to balance the internal threats with the interrelated external threats, the interrelated external threats and the main threat have changed. In this case, it shows us that state behavior and alliance relations are constantly re-established as instant security measures. Threats, which are also seen as the dynamic structure of the international system, and the change in alliance relations necessitate a multifaceted approach for regional powers. This is also due to the features of Saudi Arabia such as the monarchical state structure, the competing allegiencies of the people, and the fact that it is a rentier state. For societies where the security of the regime is more important and prioritized than the security of the state due to internal threats, it should have multi-layered factors to ensure their security, because of their local characteristics. For Saudi Arabia, these factors consist of internal threats, an external threat interrelated with an internal threat, and regional and global threats. This situation gives rise to the omni-balancing strategy, which means that Saudi Arabia forms alliances with foreign powers interrelated to its internal threats and balances internal and external threats with each other. In cases where omni-balancing is not possible, various reforms, social assistance and cooperation initiatives come into play.