The relevance of the conducted study is determined by the high epidemiological significance of adenovirus in the structure of acute respiratory viral infections (ARVI), particularly among military personnel. Previously, adenovirus was identified in 90% of cases of patients with community-acquired pneumonia hospitalised from organised military groups, leading to significant lung damage, various disabling complications, and possible fatal outcomes. The aim of this study was to investigate the genetic diversity of adenoviruses detected in patients with respiratory infections among military personnel during the 2023–2024 influenza and ARVI epidemic season in the Sverdlovsk Region. Materials and methods. Sanger sequencing was performed for 79 clinical samples (nasopharyngeal swabs) that tested positive for adenovirus. The samples were collected from military personnel exhibiting symptoms of ARVI who were receiving treatment in military medical institutions in the Sverdlovsk Region during the 2023–2024 influenza and ARVI epidemic season (October to February). Results. Six genetic variants of adenovirus were identified: B3, B7, B14, B55, C2, and C5, with genotype B55 being predominant and associated with severe and moderately severe disease. Conclusion. The study provides insight into the genetic diversity of adenoviruses circulating among military personnel in the Sverdlovsk Region during the 2023–2024 epidemic season. Genetic surveillance of circulating adenoviruses is essential for developing specific preventive measures, improving non-specific prevention methods, and identifying optimal drugs for aetiotropic therapy.

In the immediate aftermath of the independence, Sri Lanka experienced the emergence of a considerable number of youth militant groups. Amongst them, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) maintained a “de facto” state authority in two provinces since 1990s to 2009, when it was militarily defeated by the government of Sri Lanka. Women’s participation in the LTTE since 1990s challenged the male hegemony of the postcolonial Sinhala Buddhist state, leading to their criminalization through gendered stereotypes such as “bad mothers,” “prostitutes” and “deviant women” lacking moral conscience. The state disregarded the agency embedded in women’s deathly acts of resistance for citizenship. Despite the male dominance in the two competing state-building attempts and the projection of the politically active women through cultural stereotypes, women in the LTTE continuously asserted their political subjectivity, particularly in the post-war context against a repressive state. Based on 42 qualitative interviews from Jaffna, Kilinochchi, and Mannar along with archival research, this paper examines the genealogical evolution of the state’s construction of terrorist “subject” and women’s epistemic resistance against labeling. This paper contends that listening to the voices of subaltern women is essential to understanding their lived experiences under state violence and militarization.

Abstract Introduction This study sought to quantify food hinsecurity prevalence in a sample of the U.S. Army Reserve (USAR) as well as identify demographic groups most at-risk for food insecurity. Methods An electronic questionnaire was administered to all soldiers in 21 U.S. Army Reserve Command units between July and December 2021. The Six Item Short Form Food Security Survey Module was used to assess the prevalence of food insecurity. A multivariable logistic regression was used to determine what demographic covariates were independently associated with food insecurity. Results The estimated prevalence of food insecurity was 22% among this sample of USAR soldiers, with 16% experiencing low food security and 6% experiencing very low food security ( n = 2,019). USAR soldiers with a high school degree or lower (Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR): 2.21; 95% Confidence Interval (CI): 1.21–4.05) and respondents with an associate degree or some college (AOR: 2.44; 95% CI: 1.32–4.51) had greater odds of food insecurity when compared to respondents who had a graduate degree or above. Black and African American respondents had 1.48-fold greater adjusted odds of food insecurity (95% CI: 1.14–1.92) when compared to White respondents. There were no statistically significant differences observed in the adjusted relative odds of food insecurity by sex, age, rank group, ethnicity, number of child dependents, or civilian occupation category. Conclusion USAR soldiers in this sample experienced a high prevalence of food insecurity. Leadership and policy makers should consider education, programming, and connection to resources for military demographic groups at heightened risk for food insecurity.

Traditional views hold that militant groups ally based on shared ideology. This study examines how high-threat environments, such as civil wars, state repression, and episodes of inter-group competition, influence alliances between ideologically dissimilar militant groups. Using the MGAR dataset, we test four hypotheses and find that civil conflict and the presence of rival militant groups increase the likelihood of inter-group alliances, while state repression predicts the provision of operational support across ideologically diverse groups. These findings highlight the flexibility of ideology under extreme pressure, demonstrating that strategic considerations often override ideological commitment. We present theoretical refinements for understanding militant decision-making and practical guidance for predicting patterns in conflict environments.

The article delves into the difficulties of psychosocial adaptation faced, by young students during wartime. It investigates strategies to aid students in their university experience, nurturing the development of personal values, creative expression of cultural and spiritual ideals, conscious self-improvement and readiness for meaningful societal participation, with a focus on the importance of musical and aesthetic education. Student youth, representing a socially active demographic, plays a vital role in today’s society. A key objective in educating young professionals during wartime should prioritise spiritual development, reinforcing moral and ethical foundations among the next generation, and cultivating individuals of refined cultural sensibilities, exemplifying the present-day intellectual elite. Musical compositions reveal the subtle nuances and unspoken impulses of this exploration, connecting with listeners, not only on a conscious level, but also through unconscious, subtle “channels” of communication. These channels leave a lasting impression on one’s psycho-physiological and psychological depths, subtly shaping their spiritual outlook. War has spurred the evolution of new modes of musical education, including online courses and military musical groups. These innovative approaches enable individuals to pursue musical learning and skill development even amidst challenging circumstances.

ABSTRACT That news media coverage is an important aspect of terrorism has long been recognised. Yet quantitative research on the phenomenon has been limited by partial and selective data. This article introduces a new comprehensive dataset to address this shortcoming: All the Terrorism Fit to Print. The dataset features information about 1551 militant groups found in the Global Terrorism Database and reports their annual coverage rates from 1970 to 2019 in the New York Times, the Times of London, and the Associated Press. Key trends of media coverage are explored by time and space, organisational activity, key tactics, and group ideology. Regression analyses of the determinants of this English-language news coverage find that annual media coverage is affected primarily by the number of victims, the number of attacks, and whether an organisation targeted Americans.

The health of the pelvic floor depends on the integrity of its muscles, connective tissue, ligaments, and their innervation. The female pelvic floor may be more vulnerable to repetitive heavy loads in a military environment than the male pelvic floor because of anatomical and physiological differences. The study aim was to identify and explore possible differences in the female pelvic floor conditions between active military and civilian women with similar demographics.To identify and explore possible differences in the conditions of the female pelvic floor between active military women and civilian women with similar demographics. Military active and civilian women aged 18-39 years, with no history of pelvic floor surgery and not currently undergoing treatment for pelvic floor dysfunction, were invited to participate in the study under the appropriate regulatory approvals. The following data were acquired for enrolled subjects: age, weight, height, parity, and level of physical exercise. Additionally, urogynecological complaints (prolapse, incontinence, pelvic pain, vaginal tissue atrophy), the subjective questionnaire for the Pelvic Floor Distress Inventory-20, 52 biomechanical parameters with the Vaginal Tactile Imager (VTI), and the Biomechanical Integrity score (BI-score) with its five components were collected to objectively quantify tissue elasticity, pelvic support, and functions. Seventy-three women were enrolled in a civilian group and 100 in a military group. Both groups had similar demographic data. The physical load in the civilian group was significantly lower than in the military group, which included high-intensity training, boot camp, powerlifting, CrossFit, and others. At least one urogynecological disorder was found in 17.8% of the women in the civilian group and 42.0% of the women in the military group. Among them, pelvic organ prolapse was found in 4.1% versus 37.0%; incontinence in 13.7% versus 20.0%; and pelvic pain in 4.1% versus 5.0%. The average pelvic index was 24.7 in the civilian group and 50.0 in the military group (P = 9.3 × 10-5). Further, 23 of 52 biomechanical parameters demonstrated a statistically significant difference (P < .05) between the groups. Among these 23 parameters, 10 VTI parameters showed negative changes for vaginal tissue elasticity, nine parameters showed negative changes in pelvic support strength, and four parameters showed positive changes in pelvic functions in the military versus civilian group (muscle contractive strength and mobility). In terms of the BI-score components (measured in units of standard deviation from normal conditions), the values were 0.28 and -0.42 for tissue elasticity (P = 1.1 × 10-6), 0.19 and -0.41 for pelvic support (P = 3.0 × 10-6), -0.20 and -0.21 for pelvic muscle contraction (P = .42), 0.05 and -0.15 for muscle relaxation (P = .25), and -0.19 and 0.14 for muscle mobility (P = .013). The BI-score was worse in the military group, with an average value of -0.38, compared to the civilian group, which had an average value of 0.03 (P = .015). Collected data suggest a negative association between high-intensity physical training, common in the military, and urogynecological health, compared to that of the civilian cohort with the same demographic. Biomechanical markers have been identified that can objectively detect deterioration of the pelvic floor compared to normal conditions. Women's health in the military requires significant attention and advanced quantitative diagnostic techniques.

This study looks at whether holding formal elections is enough to create real democracy in Southeast Asia, especially when the government is not very strong. Based on David Collier and Steven Levitsky’s idea of “democracy with adjectives,” this argues that while elections are the basic requirement for democracy, they alone are not enough to guarantee responsible and effective government. Where government, financial, and enforcement systems are weak and unable to effectively carry out laws, hold people accountable, and provide services, electoral competition might lead to clientelism, control by elites, or authoritarian influence instead. The study uses qualitative document analysis to compare Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Myanmar. The results show that there is a relationship between the type of government and how well the state can perform its functions, but it depends on certain conditions. In Indonesia and the Philippines, regular elections happen alongside weak government systems and established elite groups, resulting in low-quality or loose democratic practices. In contrast, Thailand and Myanmar have strong state power focused on coercive institutions. This enables military or authoritarian groups to influence, limit, or change election results. In these cases, weak or uneven state power hurts the rule of law, accountability, and the strengthening of democracy. The study finds that elections are important, but they alone do not create a democracy. Real democratization needs strong, independent, and responsible government institutions that can turn election results into effective and legal governance.

A 16 minute essay film (see next page) reflects on the director’s memories of recording the experiences of those who passed through the prisons during the political conflict known as the Troubles in the North of Ireland, which lasted from 1968 to 1998. The Civil Rights movement of the late 1960s quickly turned to violence by the state and by militant groups. Mass internment began in 1971, was replaced by ‘Special Category Status’ in 1972, then followed by a policy of criminalisation in 1976, which led to the hunger strikes of 1981 with ten prisoners dying. Other landmarks included the largest escape in UK history in 1983; and later prisoners’ consent to the peace process, which was pivotal to its success. The prisons were both a touchstone and tinderbox for the conflict, with the north having one of the biggest prisoner numbers per head of population in Europe at the time.

Report shows less than 1% of donations going to veterans and military groups

This study empirically reexamines the social characteristics of gyosaeng (Confucian students) in the late Joseon period by analyzing the records of 1,057 individuals in the Daegu-bu Household Registers from the late 17th to the 19th century. Moving beyond the conventional view of gyosaeng as a mere group for military service exemption, this research tracks their chronological trends and familial backgrounds to reveal the strategic nature of this status.The findings show that gyosaeng numbers fluctuated in alignment with government policies, yet remained significant even in the 19th century when the practical benefits of military exemption had diminished. This indicates that entry into the gyosaeng rank was driven by social prestige rather than simple economic gain. Specifically, yuhak (local scholar) families utilized the rank to preserve their lineage's status, while upper-tier military service families used it as a stepping stone for upward mobility into the yuhak class.In conclusion, gyosaeng was a multifaceted rank shaped by the divergent interests of different social classes. It functioned as a tool for status preservation for elites and a ladder for social advancement for upper-tier military groups. This study demonstrates that the hyanggyo (local Confucian school) was not just a refuge from duty, but a dynamic space reflecting the diverse social strategies and aspirations of local constituents.

How do Americans view militant right-wing extremist organizations? We address this question using identical survey instruments that combine endorsement experiments and direct questions fielded in 2020 and 2022. Our design builds on established methodologies used to study attitudes toward militant organizations abroad. We find that consumption of right-wing media is strongly associated with less negative views of militant right-wing groups. We also document that public opinion toward these organizations became less negative over time, though the magnitude of this shift varies across groups.

The Niger-Delta region of Nigeria is a vital part of the country's economy, particularly due to its vast oil reserves, and it is the third largest wetland in the world. However, despite generating significant revenue for the country's GDP, the region remains underdeveloped and equally faces numerous challenges, orchestrated by environmental degradation, a high level of poverty, and a low level of human development, among other social and infrastructural problems. The incessant exploration of oil in this region without corresponding sustainable development has, over the years, plunged the region into a crisis-ridden, resulting in the formation of indigenous sects known as "ethnic militia groups." This study seeks to critically evaluate the substantial economic and developmental advantages derived from oil exploration in Nigeria, while acknowledging the significant socio-economic and environmental costs borne by the communities in the Niger Delta region. The research work is qualitative, analytical and descriptive. It adopts a design model, using oral and empirical works to gather data and an observational method. The research reveals that in the midst of plenty, the people of the Niger-Delta suffer huge negligence from the federal authority. The paper, therefore, concludes within the context of justice, fairness and equity that oil exploration in the Niger-Delta is more of a curse than a blessing. To ameliorate these abnormalities, research therefore recommends a theological approach, knowing fully well the role of the church as an agent of social change.

ABSTRACT This article compares two Islamist insurgent movements in sub-Saharan Africa—Nigeria’s Boko Haram (BH) and northern Mozambique’s Ahlu Sunna Wal Jammah (ASWJ)—focusing on civilian targeting before and after their formal affiliation with the Islamic State (IS). BH pledged allegiance in 2015, becoming the Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP), while ASWJ followed in 2019–2020, subsequently incorporated into the Islamic State’s Central Africa Province (ISCAP–Mozambique). Analysing BH (2009–2020) and ASWJ (2017–2024), the article captures violence patterns preceding and following each group’s alignment with IS. The study examines whether significant tactical changes occurred post-incorporation—particularly regarding civilian targets—and whether violence increased, declined, or remained consistent. It also considers the role of external pressure from IS leadership, which reportedly criticised excessive and indiscriminate violence against Muslim civilians as detrimental to the legitimacy and strategic interests of the wider jihadist network. Using a comparative approach, the article assesses the extent to which the operational conduct of these two militant groups shifted after their at least nominal integration into IS.

Uganda’s March 2025 military intervention in South Sudan was officially announced by the chief of defence forces (CDF) of Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) via social media. The informality of the announcement was much in habit with how the current government runs Uganda. The intervention followed armed clashes between elements of the South Sudan People’s Defence Forces (SSPDF) and a militia group called the White Army in Upper Nile state of the Republic of South Sudan. This article argues that Uganda’s intervention can appropriately be explained from a realist approach. The main question the article seeks to answer is: Is Uganda a stabiliser or a meddler in South Sudan affairs? For the March 2025 intervention, Uganda has generally cited the Memorandum of Understanding on Defence Cooperation and Status of Forces Agreement 2014 with South Sudan to denote a stabilisation role. However, the intervention can be deemed as Uganda meddling in the internal affairs of South Sudan on two grounds: first, the UPDF’s active support of the government and, second, General Kainerugaba’s threats against Riek Machar in particular and the Nuer community in general.

his comprehensive article explores the intricate dynamics of electoral politics in Longding district, Arunachal Pradesh, with a particular emphasis on voter behavior and party influence among the Wancho tribal community. As one of India's most remote and insurgency-affected regions, Longding exemplifies the tensions between robust democratic participation, traditional tribal governance, development imperatives, and persistent security challenges posed by militant groups like the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) factions. Incorporating updated demographic insights from the 2011 Census (with post-2021 projections), detailed 2024 assembly election results, high voter turnout figures from recent panchayat polls, and ongoing infrastructure developments, this analysis underscores the resilience of Wancho electoral engagement amid multifaceted influences.

The article analyzes the position of the federal mass media regarding the use of force by the central authorities in resolving the Ossetian-Ingush conflict in the fall of 1992. It examines the content of typical analytical articles by experts in the most authoritative and influential mass media of the post-Soviet era, as well as interviews with well-known Russian politicians, military officers, and people's deputies. Some of the authors of these publications were directly involved in the fighting in the Prigorodny District during those days. These articles can be divided into two large groups: those that were loyal to the central government's policies in the North Caucasus, and those that were critical of the federal forces' entry into the Prigorodny District and their subsequent military action against the Ingush militant groups. The former group focused on the peacekeeping nature of the federal forces' actions in North Ossetia and Ingushetia, as well as the humanitarian assistance provided to the civilian population from their side. The latter claimed that the Center provided unilateral support to the Ossetian forces, which led to the destruction of a number of settlements in the Prigorodny District and the flight of tens of thousands of Ingush people from there. They believed that such a development of events in the near future could lead to a new Caucasian war and Russia's complete loss of positions in the region, as well as lead to the collapse of democratic reforms and the restoration of the old order in the country. The author concludes that such points of view will be actively presented in the federal mass media during the first Chechen campaign of 1994-1996.

This research is motivated by the weapons conflict that occurred in Iran and Israel which is based on humanist conflict and its resolution using International Humanitarian Law. The urgency of this research is to find out the obstacles in resolving the conflict between Israel and Iran. The method used is normative legal research or library research, namely legal research by examining library materials or secondary data consisting of primary legal materials. The result of this study is that the two countries have basically configured their armed forces not to fight each other but to serve broader strategic goals: Israel must defend its territory and borders from hostile neighbors, including through forward operations, while Iran must protect its government and project itself into asymmetric conflicts. But their power structures have been defined by wars of survival rather than conquest. The conclusion to this study is that the resolution of this conflict requires greater international attention and cooperation in law enforcement to prevent further violations and promote a just peace. Without a deep resolution to these fundamental issues, a long and stable peace between Iran and Israel seems difficult to achieve. This research recommends that efforts to support the implementation or application of International Humanitarian Law need to be increased to prevent as many violations of this Humanitarian Law as possible, address the abuse of militant groups and third parties, strengthen civilians, and increase cooperation in countering nuclear weapons. Keywords: Arms Conflict, International Humanitarian, Humanity.

This essay argues that while Nigeria’s insecurity is complex, there exists a clear, historical, and systematic pattern of targeted violence against Christian communities. This pattern is rooted in centuries-old Islamic political structures, reinforced by political Islam and radical militant groups, and aided by inadequate state response. The violence exhibits characteristics of genocidal targeting, with specific episodes like the Dogo N’ Hauwa massacre illustrating its scale, coordination, and religious motivation.

ABSTRACT A civil war is raging in Sudan between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) along with militia groups. Beginning on April 15, 2023, and continuing at least to this writing (October 15, 2025), civilian noncombatants have been subjected to bombings, beatings, torture, shootings, rape, and murder on a large scale. Since the war began, 61,000 war‐related deaths (including preventable starvation and disease) in Khartoum State alone from April 2023 to June 2024. More than 12 million Sudanese are forcibly displaced, which is more than any other country. Additionally, 24.8 million people need humanitarian assistance as of May 14, 2024. Of course, the task of transiting to peace is enormous. One dimension of this task is the prosecution of perpetrators of human rights violations. Toward that goal, we present the findings of a research project carried out in 2024 that was commissioned by the United States Department of State and contracted by MITRE (an NGO in the United States). Known is the Sudan Conflict Observatory (SCO), the project's objective was to document, preserve, analyze, and disseminate evidence of possible war crimes, mass atrocities, and other gross human rights abuses committed by combatants during the current conflict in Sudan. The purpose of such documentation was to provide evidence for future possible prosecution of violators of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Researchers of SCO sought to address the following questions: What is the evidence of such assaults on civilians?; Who are the perpetrators of such assaults?; and How can such assaults be documented for purposes of possible prosecution of perpetrators? The primary objective of this article is to present portions of the findings of SCO. These findings reveal the following conclusions: (1) Three forms of civilian devastation represent normalized tactics by SAF and RSF: (a) indiscriminate attacks on civilians, (b) systematic destruction of health care facilities, and (c) gender‐based violence. (2) The evidence of such attacks suggests multiple violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) regarding the rules of warfare. (3) Additionally, these attacks represent practices of systemic dehumanization in which civilians are cast as eliminable and so are subject to total domination.