Now as farmworker women, we're educating ourselves. We're helping other farmworker women to know their rights. We have conferences where we teach women how to defend themselves, how to get legal assistance, how to sue.... We also have conferences on domestic violence, sexual harassment, pesticides, and AIDS (Rothenberg 57). Maria Carmona, one of founders of Women's Leadership Project, illustrates how migrant workers deploy various strategies of resistance through which they struggle against forms of coercion exercised by state and transnational capital. The Farmworker Women's Leadership Project, as well as unions such as United Farm Workers (UFW) and Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC), represents strategies of formal, organized opposition. The struggle for a safe working environment, a living wage, and a measure of control over workplace has been at center of migrant laborers' political battles. Yet, these battles are waged not only through picket line, strike, and ballot box but also through production of narratives that articulate forms of oppositional knowledge and identity. Transnational capital generates discursive strategies that create racial, national, and gendered divisions of labor that target specific bodies for specific kinds of work. Producing truth claims, these discourses seek to contain resistance and coerce workers into compliance. In worker testimony, we witness how farm laborers analyze, critique, and resist these discourses. Through narrative, workers engage in struggle over truth claims produced by power. Migrant laborers not only generate oppositional knowledge about workplace and their labor, but also redefine the family and the self. In this essay I analyze hegemonic narratives about migrant labor, and I consider forms of cultural resistance produced by workers through testimony. (1) I discuss novel Under Feet of Jesus, arguing that Helena Maria Viramontes not only critiques prevailing discourses of criminality that serve to legitimize exploitation of migrant labor but also offers tools for intervention into current legal and representational practices that seek to define migrant workers through essentializing race and gender stereotypes. Contemporary narratives featuring stereotype of illegal alien suppress long history of migration between United States and Mexico. Putting aside for a moment larger issues raised by Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and United States appropriation of land formerly owned by Mexico, United States has relied upon labor from Mexico throughout twentieth century. In first quarter of last century, agricultural interests began to pressure US government to facilitate use of Mexican agricultural workers in fields. In 1925, one year after Border Patrol was created, Department of Labor and Immigration Bureau initiated programs attempting to restrict Mexican immigration to those who were either already employed or guaranteed employment on US farms. Some of very same immigration laws which had been used to exclude Chinese in nineteenth century (the head tax, literacy requirements, public charge provisions, and Alien Contract Labor Law) were waived to ensure flow of Mexican farm workers into fields. During Depression, these immigration laws, still on books, were used to restrict Mexican immigration, and, in Los Angeles from 1929 to 1935, 80,000 people of Mexican descent, regardless of their legal right to be in United States, were deported to Mexico. In 1942, as World War II produced another labor shortage, an Executive Order initiated bracero program which recruited four to five million Mexicans to work in United States. At end of war, while employers were still bringing in workers, federal government instituted large-scale expulsions of Mexican immigrants in mass militarized roundups of 1954 and 1955. …
Read full abstract