Mediterranean Dimension Research Articles

Colonial film markets in the early 20th century Mediterranean

ABSTRACT By examining the various scales of film trade in the Mediterranean up to the late 1910s in all their intricacies, this article seeks to shed new light on the history of film circulation across the French, Italian, and British Empires. It uncovers the Mediterranean dimension of itinerant exhibitions and the early stages of film rental, revealing a remarkable variety of routes across the ‘White Middle Sea’ (from Greece to Algeria; from Sicily to Malta and Tunisia; from Egypt to Algeria; from Tunisia to Sardinia; and from Catalonia to western Algeria, among others), as well as previously overlooked trade nodes. Focusing on Algeria, Tunisia, and Egypt, the study underscores the tensions between regional circuits – sometimes incorporating pre-colonial networks – and imperial markets, as the institutionalisation of distribution gradually led to the centralisation and hierarchisation of exchanges. In addition to investigating the movement of films within this interconnected region, the article addresses the lack of comparative analysis between colonial empires, each approaching the film industry in distinct ways, in order to elucidate what may be common to a colonial cinema economy.

The Mediterranean Dimension of Irregular Migration 2014–2017 and Its Implications for the Perception of European Security

The problem of irregular migration to the European Union (EU) via the Mediterranean Sea is a phenomenon that has been with the European Community (EC) for many years. The migration crisis that began in 2014 has shown the entire international community that the challenge for the EU is not only uncontrolled migration but also what causes it. In the context of the EU's close neighborhood with the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA), the priority of EC members should be both to provide assistance to those in need and to effectively support the countries of the region facing internal problems, which in the near future can only increase this migration. The MENA region, home to more than 40 million migrants and 14 million internally displaced persons, has experienced numerous natural disasters, crises (man-made or currently caused by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic) and conflicts (some of the longest-running in the world). The aim of the article is to determine the causes of the migration crisis of 2014-2017 and to show the scale of irregular migration along with the results of scientific research. Particularly noteworthy in this respect is the identification of the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for migration and the determination of the EU's response to the problem of uncontrolled migration by sea.

Uneven Souths: The Mediterranean Dimension of Spain's Southern Regionalism

Abstract This article traces the continuities between the Mediterranean and the Global South while noting the asymmetries between and within these concepts as revealed by the development of Spain's southern regionalism or andalucismo in the 1920s and 1930s and during the post–Franco period (1975–present). Prefiguring post–Cold War South–South relations, early andalucismo promoted a wider Mediterranean community extending from Cordoba to Damascus, but opposed Spain's colonial presence in Morocco. Despite its anticolonial dimension, this modern revival of medieval al-Andalus was not envisioned as a network of comparable material and ethnic locations that could encourage lateral movements of people, capital, and ideas. In contrast to the anticolonial celebrations of Andalusian conviviality found in the work of Arabic and Muslim writers and activists in the 1930s, including Shakib Arslan and Sir Muhammad Iqbal, the andalucista archive—cultural magazines, regionalist manifestos, and literary texts—simultaneously included and excluded the Maghreb and the wider Islamic Mediterranean from articulations of Spanish and Andalusian identity. This ambivalence, which persists in contemporary immigration and cultural policies and European economic and political integration, demands a form of comparative analysis that does not reduce the interaction among the world's “Souths” to unproblematic relations of analogy, mutual recognition, and solidarity.

Catalan Parliamentary Diplomacy toward the Mediterranean

This essay analyzes the diplomacy of the Parliament of Catalonia in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, Spain, toward the Mediterranean region. In recent years, the academic literature has shown increased interest in the wide range of international activities undertaken by members of parliaments at the subnational level. Yet the academic study on diplomacy of the Parliament of Catalonia remains limited. Because there is a well-rooted tradition of foreign activity in the Catalan political culture, the Parliament of Catalonia has been working consistently in the international sphere. The Mediterranean dimension illustrates the strengths and the weaknesses of such activities.

The Jews of Venetian Candia: The Challenges of External Influences and Internal Diversity as Reflected in Takkanot Kandiyah

Takkanot Kandiyah is a collection of Hebrew-written legislative texts regarding the leadership of the Jewish community of Candia, the capital of the Venetian colony of Crete, which were issued by successive generations of communal leaders between the early thirteenth and late sixteenth centuries. The detailed information it provides on many areas of the communal life makes Takkanot Kandiyah a valuable source for historical research into Jewish life in the medieval and Early Modern Mediterranean. Through a study of the texts contained in Takkanot Kandiyah, this article attempts to identify and analyse the ways in which the leadership of the Candiot community responded to the challenges of coexistence with the Greek inhabitants of Crete and the Venetian rulers of the island, as well as with the Jewish immigrants whom the currents of history brought to Crete from various corners of the Mediterranean, and thus to examine the importance of the “Mediterranean dimension” of the life of Cretan Jewry.

Book Review: The Mediterranean Dimension of the European Union’s Internal Security, by Sarah Wolf. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)

Book Review: <i>The Mediterranean Dimension of the European Union’s Internal Security</i>, by Sarah Wolf. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)

The Mediterranean dimension of the OSCE: A southern pivot for the East-West dialogue

The Mediterranean dimension of the OSCE: A southern pivot for the East-West dialogue

Spain, 1157-1300: a partible inheritance

Preface. List of Abbreviations. 1 1157-1179 . Past and Present. After the Emperor. Two Royal Minorities. 2 The Age of Las Navas. Life, Law and Memory. Three Battles. Implications of the Vernacular. Castile Victorious. 3 1214-1248. Dona Berenguela and Son. 'The Gate is Open and the Way Is Clear'. Towards Valencia. Conquest and Colonization. Toledo and Seville. After Valencia. The Mediterranean Dimension. 4 Some Permanent Features . Jews. Moors. Hunger, Kings and Capitals. 5 1252-1259. Alfonso X: Promising Beginnings. A Command Economy. The Law. Implications of Empire. 6 1259-1274 . Toledo and Translations. International Complications. The Mudejar Rising. The Alfonsine Histories. 7 1275-1284 . A Reign in Ruins. France and Aragon. 1282. Aragon Alone. The Learned King. 8 The Changed Balance . Castile after 1284. A Question of Alliances. 'Neither Truth nor Faith'. Epilogue. Bibliography. Glossary.

The Mediterranean Dimension of EU Counter‐terrorism

Key to the Mediterranean dimension of the European Union’s internal security is the fight against terrorism, which has captivated most of European policy making in recent years. Counter‐terrorism initiatives aimed at the Mediterranean region have multiplied, taking the form of technical assistance, funding and training. One striking feature of this recent evolution is the use of first pillar and second pillar instruments to achieve objectives of the EU’s internal security. The development of a foreign policy dimension to the EU’s counter‐terrorism policy towards neighbouring countries, in particular, is one of the aspects through which the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) has materialized. This article proposes to investigate the input and output dimensions of the EU’s counter‐terrorism policy in the Mediterranean. For that purpose, an institutionalist approach casts some light on the weight of history, critical junctures, the role of cultural frame and of the persisting differences between the member states, to build up a common counter‐terrorism policy. Then, turning to the second level of analysis, which investigates the ‘external’ actors that are the Mediterranean partners, an overview of counter‐terrorism cooperation reveals that, whereas multilateral actions have blossomed, the thrust of the cooperation occurs at a bilateral level, mainly between some EU member states and some of their ex‐colonial powers.

Patterns of Anglo-Hellenism: A ‘Colonial’ Connection?

The Mediterranean has recently been under-represented in the historiography of the British overseas experience. This contribution highlights the British engagement with the Greek-speaking world in that context. The interactions between the British Ionian Protectorate and the emergence of an ‘independent’ Greek state are evoked. It is seen that while the British encouraged the latter, they did so within strict limitations and with some regrets. The role of the Royal Navy and the character of the Hellenic monarchy receive special comment. Issues of language and understanding are identified as important sources of ‘deception’ in Anglo-Hellenic relations. Strategic pressures constraining both British and Greek choices nonetheless maintained the intimacy of the connection through revolutions and wars. The ambiguity of Britain's involvement in the island of Cyprus is shown to be crucial to the eventual erosion of Britain's leading position in the Mediterranean region, though two sovereign ‘Special Base Areas’ remain today on the island. Residues of the issues covered in this article continue to be discernible at many levels, not least within the contemporary European Union, with its own expanding Mediterranean dimension.

Between ambition and ambivalence: Italy and the European Union's Mediterranean policy

This article reviews Italy's role in the various phases of the European Union's policy towards the Mediterranean: thead hocpolicy of the 1950s and 1960s, the Global Mediterranean Policy developed in the 1970s, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership agreed in Barcelona in 1995, the European Neighbourhood Policy signed in 2003, the proposal launched by French president Nicolas Sarkozy in 2006 for a Mediterranean Union. The overall argument is that the various Italian governments have carried out an ambivalent and often reactive policy: on the one hand, they have consistently tried to promote a Mediterranean dimension in the European Union, though without upsetting the United States; on the other hand, they have limited the extension of trade privileges to exports from North Africa. While the end of the Cold War provided a new opportunity for Italy to play a more assertive role in the international arena, the two coalitions that have alternated in power have substantially failed to move the Mediterranean to the centre of Italy's and the European Union's external policy. A partial change of attitude – yet a reactive policy – emerged under the second Prodi Government, when Italy and Spain became close allies in an attempt to counter-balance the new activist policy of Sarkozy.

The OSCE in the Maintenance of Peace and Security: Conflict Prevention, Crisis Management, and Peaceful Settlement of Disputes. Edited by Michael Bothe, Natalino Ronzitti and Allan Rosas. The Hague, London, Boston: Kluwer Law International, 1997. Pp. xix, 518. Index. Fl 295; $182; £115.

Preface. Acronyms. Tables. 1. The OSCE: Institutional and Functional Developments in an Evolving European Security Order K. Mottola. 2. The OSCE Main Political Bodies and Their Role in Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management A. Bloed. 3. Dispute Settlement Procedures and Crisis Management B. Meyer. 4. The Role of the Human Dimension of the OSCE in Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management M. Pentikainen. 5. The High Commissioner on National Minorities: Development of the Mandate M.A.M. Estebanez. 6. OSCE Long- Term Missions A. Rosas, T. Lahelma. 7. The United Nations and Regional Organizations in the Maintenance of Peace and Security A. Gioia. 8. OSCE Peace-Keeping N. Ronzitti. 9. Relations Between the OSCE and NATO with Particular Regard to Crisis Management and Peace- Keeping L. Zannier. 10. Third Party Peace-Keeping and the Interaction Between Russia and the OSCE in the CIS Area E. Greco. 11. Division of Labour Between the UN and the OSCE in Connection with Peace-Keeping G. Burci. 12. Financing Peace-Keeping and Peace-Related Operations. The UN and OSCE Practice F. Pagani. 13. Dispute Settlement Procedures in the OSCE - Genesis and Overview T. Lohmann. 14. The Various Dispute Settlement Procedures - General International Law and OSCE Practice M. Bothe. 15. The OSCE Court of Conciliation and Arbitration: Some Facts and Issues L. Caflisch. 16. The Role of Conciliation and Similar Proceedings in International Dispute Settlement and the OSCE Procedures T. Lohmann. 17. Subsidiarity and Other Obstacles to the Use of the OSCE Dispute Settlement Procedures S. Jacobi. 18. Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case-Study of OSCE Conflict Settlement R. Dehdashti. 19. The Role of the OSCE in the Former Yugoslavia after the Dayton Peace Agreement M. Sica. 20. The OSCE Mediterranean Dimension: Conflict Prevention and Management R. Aliboni. 21. Conclusions and Perspectives M. Bothe, et al. Index.

Unresolved Issues: Assignments for the North and South

The topic of the presentation that is indicated in the program is unresolved issues on a North-South axis, and I think it is an extremely good way to describe this presentation because most of the issues that we would discuss in a North-oouth security context are, in fact, unresolved. Some of them may even be unresolvable. To begin with, there's the question of dialogue. And I assume in this case you know we're simply asking the question: if we are going to be considering the NorthSouth dimension (the Mediterranean dimension) of European security more seriously in the future, if we are going to be talking to countries on the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean about security, the question is -what are we going to talk to them about? So, what I thought I would do is simply offer you four assertions, four hypotheses about the content of the security problem and the content of the dialogue. The first (and maybe the most uncomfortable) observation I'd make is that when we talk to southern states in the Mediterranean about security, above all we're going to be talking about their internal security. And that's not likely to be a very comfortable dialogue. The reasons for this I think are fairly plain, and many of the speakers have referred to them already. For the most part, these are states that face unresolved political futures, succession crises, and an erosion of legitimacy, which is maybe the most important point even in places where we've come to convince ourselves that the political situation is tactically in control, like Morocco. Still, there are questions of

Report on J. Med. C.A.T.

Mediterranean Days of Calorimetry and Thermal Analysis was held at Corsican Corte from 12 to 16 of September 1993, at the University of Corsica Paoli. More than 200 participants (professors, researchers, professionals and aspirants) took part in this excellent conference in the heart of the Corsican mountains for 5 days. At previous scientific meetings it was projected that the Italian associations AICAT and GICAT, Spanish association GECAT and the French one would be called to the same manifestation. This scientific project would signify the salutation to the (new) EUROPE. Thus, after several fruitful meetings and discussions of representatives of associations, the principle of Mediterranean Days of Calorimetry and Thermal Analysis was accepted by everyone, and expressing the Mediterranean dimension to this unique manifestation, the application of University of Corsica was accepted. This University, in Corsica, was founded in 1765 by Pasquale Paoli, father of Corsica, a true leader of the country. In 1768 it was closed until 1981, when the doors were reopened again. So today it is a young university, working on establishing educational and research institutes. Actually 3000 students follow the studies on 3 faculties: Law and Economy, Literature and Human Sciences and Technical Sciences. Technological Institute of University has 3 departments. Reception of researchers of the International Community was a great honour for this young university, and all the Corsican region. The Congress gives concrete evidence of the maturation of the university, like professor A. F Bernardini, the President of the University emphasized in his speech at the opening ceremony. The statistical data are as follows:

The Dynamics of European Integration

Part 1 Economic and technical dynamics: regional integration in a networked world economy, Albert Bressand and Kalypso Nicolaidis technology and the dynamics of integration, Margaret Sharp changing patterns of monetary interdependence, Elke Thiel. Part 2 Centre and periphery: patterns of production and trade, Per Magnus Wijkman the European community and its sub-systems, Philippe de Schoutheete Nordic cooperation, Carl-Einar Stalvant the central European dimension, Richard Davy the Mediterranean dimension, Roberto Aliboni. Part 3 Social dynamics: cross-border population movements, Federico Romero cultural linkages, Bruno de Witte. Part 4 Legal and institutional patterns: making multilateral negotiations work, Helen Wallace administrative interaction, Wolfgang Wessels the legal dimension, Renaud Dehousse and Joseph H.H.Weiler the changing security framework, Reinhardt Rummel and Peter Schmidt conclusions - community politics and institutional change, Robert O.Keohane and Stanley Hoffmann.

The Mediterranean dimension of Italy's foreign and security policy

The Mediterranean dimension of Italy's foreign and security policy