Abstract Hilduin of St. Denis (ca. 785–855) stands as a pivotal figure in the early Carolingian Renaissance, bridging linguistic and cultural divides between Greek theological thought and the Latin-speaking West. His translation of the Corpus Dionysiacum , attributed to Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, exemplifies the challenges of rendering complex Greek theological concepts into Latin. Often criticized for its density, neologisms, and occasional obscurity, Hilduin's work nonetheless played a critical role in shaping medieval theology and linguistic practice. This article examines Hilduin's translational techniques, linguistic innovations, and their broader cultural implications, providing a comprehensive view of his contributions to Western intellectual history.

Abstract: The prohibition of images as the second commandment of the Decalogue and the rejection of images in the church are considered one of the characteristics distinguishing Calvinism and Lutheranism that shaped the life of the congregations in the 16th century. In fact, the introduction of a Calvinist confession of faith was not only expressed by the introduction of the breaking of bread at Communion and the abolition of baptismal exorcism, but it also always brought about the removal of images from church interiors. However, even before the confessional groups formed, the treatment of images became a theological problem that could even lead to iconoclasm. Luther's debate with Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt in Wittenberg, Huldrych Zwingli's positions in Zurich, Jean Calvin's teachings in Geneva, and the Heidelberg Catechism show how the arguments of medieval theologians were either adopted or rejected. The Lutheran reactions to the Heidelberg Catechism and the later religious colloquies between Lutheran and Calvinist theologians show how the question of images gradually gained confessional relevance.

“It would seem that a person should love their mother more than their father.” So begins the tenth article of the twenty-sixth question of the second part of the second part [sic!] of Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologiae, considered by some to be the greatest work of medieval theology. As readers learn, it only seems that a person should love their mother more than their father; as is typical of the Summa, Aquinas responds to this opening salvo with a sed contra—Latin for “but to the contrary”—a dialectical passage in which he explains that the truth of the matter is otherwise. In the remainder of the article, Thomas gives an account of the tricky business of familial love.

This paper introduces the concept of univocal enmeshment as a novel ontological framework for understanding design as a metaphysical act of creation. Drawing from medieval theology ‒ particularly Duns Scotus’s doctrine of univocity ‒ and extending through mystical, occult and modern philosophical traditions, we argue that design is not merely a technical or aesthetic practice but a manifestation of Being itself. By tracing the historical entanglement of design with Christian mysticism, occult science and speculative metaphysics, we reveal how artefacts emerge from a shared ontological field that includes both Life and technics. Engaging with key thinkers including Deleuze, Simondon, Heidegger and Thacker, we propose that design operates within a continuum of immanence, where creation is distributed, ambiguous and co-emergent. The resulting model of univocal enmeshment challenges hierarchical and hylomorphic views of design, offering instead a vision of design as a mystical, recursive and more-than-human process of becoming.

Considering the substantial impact of St. Augustine’s stances on the evil in the world, the status and the actions of the devil, and the dangers of collaborating (or compacting) with the dark forces on the development of the medieval theology of violent reckoning against the evil, this text examines one aspect of his use of the motif of the fall of the angels in the analysis of the problem and the proliferation of evil. As one of the last early Christian authors who uses elements from the story from the Biblical tradition and the tradition around the fallen Watchers from the First Book of Enoch, St. Augustine approaches the problem of evil from the standpoint of the importance of free choice and of the intentional transgression. The text first offers a brief overview of the conception of the evil in the Manichean cosmogony, in order to introduce the positions to which St. Augustine explicitly opposes. The important role of the primordial sin according to him is shown, and especially, the status of the devil as a sinner from the beginning, or as a self-determined rebel against God. Тhe ideas on the origin of evil through the role of the satan are outlined through St. Augustine’s polemic against the Manicheans. The majority of the text is devoted to the problem of the angelic (non)blessedness. St. Augustine’s position on the existence of two groups of heavenly beings (good and evil) is shown, as is the idea about the awareness, or foreknowledge, of a potentially undisturbed eternal bliss, as opposed to the ignorance (or the foreknowledge) about the loss of this perennial happiness as a result of the intentional apostasy of the bad angels. These few aspects of St. Augustine’s complex theology trace his underlying position on the importance of the conscious choice to constantly be(come) better and to imitate God, despite man’s initial sinfulness.

Abstract This paper draws attention to previously undiscussed transmissions of the “sons of god” reading from Deut 32:8d being preserved in various quotations and paraphrases throughout history. The paper shows that “sons of god” (filiorum dei) was a popular reading among several medieval theologians (showing five examples of Anselm, Albertus Magnus, Martin of Leon, Gerhoh of Reichersberg, and Thomas Aquinas) and that it almost certainly derived from now lost Septuagint readings. These Latin authors have previously gone unnoticed in text-critical analyses of Deut 32:8d and should henceforth be considered as witnesses to the LXX reading of υἱῶν θɛοῦ in future text-critical discussions of Deut 32:8d.

Abstract“Submission” does not often feature in titles on Dietrich Bonhoeffer's life and thought; he has become, singularly, a theologian “of resistance.” Yet the German title of his prison writings—Widerstand und Ergebung [Resistance and Submission]—reveals a more agile approach when it comes to one's “fate” [das Schicksal]. In this essay I argue that Bonhoeffer offers a distinct theological and ethical stance for facing the circumstances that are sent to us. I first situate his reflections within a broader historical frame, showing how patristic and medieval theologians either rejected or accommodated fate with respect to God's providence, then I outline politically charged references to the concept of fate among Bonhoeffer's Lutheran contemporaries—Emanuel Hirsch, Paul Althaus, and Werner Elert. I next analyze how Bonhoeffer creatively engages with the question of fate by employing both the Ich‐Du encounter of personalist philosophy and Martin Luther's conviction that the course of events can be perceived as a “mask” of God. In so doing, I demonstrate that Bonhoeffer offers a nuanced alternative to ethical theories that focus on active agency without a passive or receptive corollary.

This article examines the relationship of trust and vulnerability in medieval theology and literature, focusing on Julian of Norwich’s Revelations and William Langland’s Piers Plowman. Drawing on theological frameworks such as deus absconditus (the hidden God) alongside insights from attachment theory and developmental psychology, the paper introduces the concept of perspectival vulnerability: the fragility that arises from one’s inability to access the intentions or perspective of the other, especially in divine-human relationships. The analysis begins with early trust formation in the works of D.W. Winnicott, Jean Piaget, Anthony Giddens, and Edward Tronick, illuminating how presence, absence, and responsiveness share a capacity for trust. These psychological insights provide a foundation for understanding how medieval texts explore the emotional and epistemic demands of sustained trust, especially in the ‘vulnerability phase’, as theorised by Ballinger and colleagues. Julian’s visions emphasise the vertical dimension, in which trust in God persists despite divine hiddenness and limited reassurance. Langland’s allegory shifts to the horizontal, illustrating the risks and ethical negotiations of interpersonal trust within a fractured social world. By reframing vulnerability as a relational and epistemological condition, this article shows how late medieval texts dramatise the experience of trust not as a single leap but as a temporally extended posture, held open by literary and devotional practice. In doing so, these texts remain resonant for contemporary discussions of trust, faith, risk, and relational ethics.

The Glossa Ordinaria is regarded as one of the most significant biblical commentaries of the medieval Christian world. Developed in the 12th century, this work played a central role in both monastic education and scholastic theology by compiling exegetical traditions derived from patristic authorities. This study examines the historical development, structural features, sources, and theological authority of the Glossa Ordinaria. In particular, it explores the role of the Cistercian Order in the dissemination of the text and its use in biblical education at medieval universities. Furthermore, it addresses the critiques of the Glossa Ordinaria during the Reformation and its relevance in modern academic research. Beyond being a mere exegetical tradition, the Glossa Ordinaria serves as a fundamental resource for understanding the development of medieval theological thought. However, the absence of a critical edition presents significant challenges for scholarly engagement with the text. In this context, this study underscores the theological and historical significance of the Glossa Ordinaria, discussing both the opportunities and limitations it presents for contemporary research.

Over the last few decades, medieval theology and philosophy has undergone a profound transformation [...]

This article aims to explain why, in some European representations of the Annunciation, a bundle of rays of light comes from the mouth of God the Father toward the head/ear of the Virgin Mary’s. In order to find a satisfactory answer to this problem, the author first studies a series of biblical, patristic, theological, and liturgical sources referring to the supernatural human conception of the Word of God in Mary’s immaculate womb. He then analyzes twelve images of the Annunciation that present this peculiarity. Finally, through a comparative analysis between the doctrinal texts and these exceptional images, the author concludes that the latter illustrate as visual metaphors the textual metaphors contained in the writings of some Church Fathers, medieval theologians, and liturgical hymnographers; that is to say, the beam of rays of light emitted by the mouth of the Most High to the Virgin’s head/ear metaphorizes the human conception/incarnation of the Word of God in the virginal womb of Mary.

This article focuses on depictions of skin(s) – fleshy objects used to cover the human body that are representative of a state of being or a specific identity. In contrast to the traditional interpretation, connecting skin-wearing with mythological or sha­manistic shapeshifting, I connect the literary use of skins donned by monstrous figures in the Old Icelandic corpus to the animal skin garments that were fashioned for Adam and Eve after their expulsion from Paradise. This important detail of the protoplasts’ new clothing within the widely-disseminated story of the fall of man has been overlooked as a literary topic of any substance in the field of Old Norse-Icelandic literature, although it has recently received attention in neighboring fields, under­lining its wider literary importance in the Middle Ages. The allegorical mean­ing attached to the garments by Late Antique and medieval theologians – that of shame and animality – provides a fruitful avenue through which to interpret further de­pictions of humans in animal skins in Old Icelandic literature. This symbolism sur­round­ing the human-in-animal allows for a reading of a human-animal hybridity, while also underlining the negative connotations that come with bestial behavior, thus distinguishing man from beast. Non-human behavior and appearance can be tied to the corruption of humanity as a result of original sin. These reflections clarify the task of defining what is not or should not be the paragon of humanity. This study focuses on two examples. The first is the trolls of the Hrafnistumannsögur. There are four sagas in total, Ketils saga hængs, Gríms saga loðinkinna, Örvar-Odds saga, and Áns saga bogsveigis. Each saga presents (a) troll-ish figure(s) wearing animal skin clothing, using the same terminology for the clothing that is used to describe Adam and Eve’s garments. The second focus of this study is on later medieval depic­tions of humans donning an animal skin in order to “turn” into wolves (were-wolves, if you must), stories that provide fertile material with which to inter­pret the Chris­tian rhetoric of the animality of humans after the fall of man. These depictions are found in medieval Romance or sagas from nearby genres that are heavily in­fluenced by the Romance genre, such as Völsunga saga, Ála flekks saga, Tíodels saga, and Marie de France’s Strengleikar. These two examples of skin-wearing re­present a medi­e­val Icelandic mindset that grapples with the separation of humans from other ani­mals, what that means, what the consequences of crossing over from humanity to ani­mality are, and finally, how to define the human by identifying the animal.

Abstract The distinction between God's absolute power and ordained power was a hallmark of medieval theology, yet its role within Reformed theology has rarely been considered. Even more importantly, consideration of the distinction in Reformed theology by historians is often restricted to theology proper or the nature and necessity of the atonement with little regard for how the concept can inform the question of the extent of the atonement. This paper seeks to fill this lacuna by considering two influential Reformed theologians of the seventeenth century: John Davenant and John Owen. While considerable attention has been given to the distinctly Thomist influence on these two theologians in particular, this paper seeks to qualify these legitimate assessments with the following conclusion: Davenant and Owen both understand the two-powers distinction in a way that differs from Aquinas and reflects a shift in the concept in late medieval theology.

The Reformed doctrinal elements found in Coresi’s first Postil (Tâlcul evangheliilor, i.e. The Meaning of the Gospels), published in 1567, have been acknowledged by all scholars who have examined this book of homilies. However, explanations for the origin of these elements have varied. Some scholars suggested that although most of the book adhered to Eastern Orthodox beliefs, it was theologically modified to include Reformed ideas before publication. P.P. Panaitescu even suggested that the book resulted from a negotiation between Coresi and the Orthodox translators on one side and the Reformed patron who commissioned the book on the other. The recent discovery of a new source used by the anonymous author of the Postil challenged this interpretation. We now know that some of the homilies printed by Coresi were influenced by Musculus’ Commentary on Matthew (1544) and that the so-called Orthodox characteristics of Coresi’s Postil were borrowed from Musculus’ detailed and erudite work. This article shows that the 14th homily in Coresi’s Postil, commenting on Matthew 8:28–9:1, includes a lengthy quote from Chrysostom’s Homily 29 on the Gospel of Matthew. Indignant at the superstitions of his time, the Church Father directly attacked the idea that the soul of the dead continues to wander in the human world. Musculus utilized this idea in his criticism against the Catholic notion that the souls of the dead continue to abide in the world and could haunt places. To counter this late medieval theology, Musculus employed Chrysostom’s hermeneutical authority. As Musculus’ work was read even within the small Romanian Reformed communities, it provided them with arguments to criticize the cult of the dead, which ultimately rested on the assumption that the soul of the deceased remains in the human world for a number of days.

Heralds of hope. The three advent hymns of the Roman office. By Jennifer O'Brien. (Studia Traditionis Theologiae. Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology, 47.) Pp. 243. Turnhout: Brepols, 2021. €65 (paper). 978 2 503 59642 6 - Participation in heavenly worship. From apocalyptic mysticism to the Eurcharistic Sanctus. By Severre Elgvin Lied. (Studia Traditionis Theologiae. Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology, 50.) Pp. 238. Turnhout: Brepols, 2022. €65 (paper). 978 2 503 59928 1 - Volume 76 Issue 1

The Good Life: Iris Murdoch and Medieval Theology

The knowledge of God is the key task of a Christian in the theological legacy of Anselm of Canterbury. The ambiguous term «intelligere», filled with deep semantic content, which in this article we will translate with the word «to understand», is repeatedly found in the works of the medieval theologian. Its significance for understanding the thought of Saint Anselm is also important because, forming a large number of single-root terminones, intelligere is found in the works of Anselm in many variations, such as: intellectus fidei, credo ut intelligam, etc. In this article, we will consider both medieval versions of the understanding of this concept, which is certainly important for scholastic theologians, and the place and meaning of «intelligere» in the writings of Anselm of Canterbury himself. In the early works of the Protestant theologian of the twentieth century, Karl Barth, the knowledge of God is not one of the key theological issues. Moreover, according to Barth, knowledge of God is practically impossible in general due to the infinite remoteness of the Creator from creation. However, turning to the legacy of Anselm, Barth softens his rather radical theological position, expanding the boundaries of what a person can know and say about God. Interpreting the famous ontological proof of the existence of God, Karl Barth consistently examines and interprets all the key to understanding «Proslogion» terms, one of which is «intelligere». In this article, we will proceed from the fact that «intelligere» as a concept is one of the fundamental concepts for understanding the theological legacy of Anselm of Canterbury. It is considered on an equal basis and paired with credere (to believe), forming a dichotomy of understanding/believing that permeates all of Anselm’s work. Consistently «deploying» the ontological argument of the «Proslogion», Karl Barth analyzes its concept by concept, paying special attention to the concept of «intelligere». His interpretation of Anselm’s argument ultimately proves decisive for his own theological thought: the process of God-knowledge in Barth’s theology is made possible by the Protestant theologian’s appeal to Anselm’s legacy

This article presents the first scholarly exploration of a work by a medieval Dagestani theologian ʿAlī b. Shamkhusan al-Rīsī, composed in the literary genre of munājāt (supplicatory prayers), which remains understudied in both modern and classical Arabic literature. Munājāt evolved over time, gaining formal literary status during the first three centuries of Islam, particularly through its adoption by Sufi practitioners. Examples of munājāt can be found in the Qurʾān itself. The sole known manuscript of al-Rīsī’s Munājāt was discovered in a private collection during an archeographic expedition, where it appeared in a handwritten poetry anthology. Al-Rīsī, a Dagestani ʿālim (scholar) and Sufi sheikh, lived between the late 15th and early 16th centuries, as attested by manuscript colophons he transcribed. Though briefly mentioned in Dagestani biobibliographical sources, his life and works were previously obscure. This article introduces newly uncovered biographical details, enriching our understanding of this medieval theologian. We demonstrate that al-Rīsī’s Munājāt follows the tradition of the Suhrawardiyya Sufi order, to which he belonged. Notably, the genre was otherwise unattested in Dagestani Arabic literature, suggesting its composition was unique to the Suhrawardiyya in the region. This supports our hypothesis that al-Rīsī was a sheikh of this order. His Munājāt is the only confirmed 16th century Dagestani-authored work of its kind, making it a significant testament to the Suhrawardiyya’s influence in Dagestan. The study not only sheds light on al-Rīsī’s previously unrecognized literary contribution but also advances knowledge of Sufi practices in Dagestan, highlighting the region’s connections to broader Islamic intellectual traditions.

This review is dedicated to the book “Verneinung und Verschweigen. Apophatische Rhetorik in den Werken russischer romanticischer Authorren, ihrer Vorgänger, Nachfolger und Antagonisten” (“Negation and Silence. Apophatic Rhetoric in the Works of Russian Romantic Authors, Their Predecessors, Successors, and Antagonists”) edited by P. E. Bukharkin, E. M. Matveev, Andrea Meyer-Fraatz, and Olga Sazonchik, published in the current year of 2025 by “Harrassowitz Verlag”, Weisbaden. The idea of the reviewed publication is to describe the “rhetoric of denial” (apophatics) in Russian literature. As is known, apophatics is one of the strategies of medieval theology, which consists in knowing God by denying all possible definitions of Him. In the Modern era, apophatic strategy belongs to not only theology, but also secular rhetoric. One of the most interesting features of the book is the authors’ concentration on the era of Romanticism – the most non-rhetorical period in the history of literature. The book consists of two main parts, the first of which is a monographic study by E. M. Matveev on the rhetoric of denial in the works of leading Russian romantics. The second includes individual articles by Mikhail Weisskopf, Anna Warda, Boris Lanin, Maria Rubins, Helene Tolstoy, Mateusz Jaworski, dedicated to the work of a number of writers of the 19th – 20th centuries (G. R. Derzhavin, L. N. Tolstoy, I. E. Babel, V. V. Nabokov), as well as individual genres and literary phenomena: spiritual poetry, fantastic and philosophical prose, Russian utopia and literature of the Stalin era. The authors of the book proceed from different methodological approaches and understanding of apophatic rhetoric, which, on the one hand, makes it difficult to generalize the research to any conclusions concerning the development trends and features of the poetics of Russian literature; on the other hand, the works collected under one cover allow us to present the phenomenon of rhetorical apophatic strategy not as a private artistic device, but as a literary tendency in a diachronic perspective.

The theme of this article focuses on a specific group of visual artworks created during the late Middle Ages. This group is characterised by the use of the Adoration of the Three Kings iconography, with the key aspect of the composition being the act of gazing at the genitals of the Infant Jesus. The article has reviewed the medieval cultural and theological model of thinking about the naked body of the child as both sexless and male. The origins of Christian views on the biological nature of man can be traced back to Hebrew and ancient culture and the concept of Logos. The relationship between creation, male sexuality, and the ideal of physical perfection was vividly taken up by medieval theologians, and also reflected in fine art works. The formation of the iconography of representations of the Adoration and the understanding of how secular rulers and representatives of the clergy were viewed is also an important theme. The group of depictions in question seems to serve to explain the origins of power and to indicate moral standards. The use of the depiction of the naked body of the Child to demonstrate the genesis of earthly, secular, and clerical authority was specific to the late Middle Ages.