This article examines how political elites in Kosovo and Serbia employ rhetorical polarization to establish legitimacy amid disputed statehood. This study analyzes 180 quotes of political leaders published in international media spanning 2012–2020, using keyword frequency analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis within van Dijk’s socio-cognitive framework (text–cognition–society) to explore how positive self-representations and negative portrayals of others influence the conflict narrative. Serbian discourse often uses delegitimizing terms like “so-called state” and “illegal,” while Kosovo’s rhetoric emphasizes themes of recognition and sovereignty. Both sides advocate for peace and stability while accusing each other of fueling insecurity. Although justice and victimhood are important, they are less prominent, with Kosovo stressing accountability for war crimes and missing persons, and Serbia casting itself as a guardian of minorities. International alliances have further sharpened the division between the two countries; Kosovo supports the EU and NATO, while Serbia references the UN, Russia, and China. This research contributes theoretically by applying the ideological square to recognition conflicts; methodologically, by combining quantitative and qualitative discourse analysis; and empirically, by providing enriched insights by situating the Kosovo–Serbia dialogue within broader discussions of contested sovereignty. The corpus reveals cross-actor convergence and shared ideological grammar with findings showing a shift from procedural to moral–affective legitimation and a pattern of mirror polarization across Kosovo and Serbia. Given that ongoing discursive polarization hinders conflict resolution, the findings underscore the need for mediation efforts to focus on shared values rather than zero-sum claims.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the diplomatic means of the African Union used in the process of resolving the political and armed conflict in the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. The focus is on the evolution of the African Union's role as a key regional actor in maintaining peace and security in Africa, as well as the specifics of its intervention in a protracted domestic political crisis. The institutional foundations of AU peacekeeping are being considered, the powers of the Chairman of the AU Commission, mediation mechanisms and interaction with subregional organizations. Special attention is paid to the diplomatic initiatives of the AU during the civil war of 2002 and the post-electoral crisis of 2010-2011, including the Pretoria Agreements and the activities of the High-level Group. The article also analyzes the reasons for the limited effectiveness of these mechanisms, due to both internal institutional problems of the African Union and the political position of the conflicting parties and member States of the organization. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is based on the provisions of the theory of regionalism and the concept of collective security, as well as approaches to the analysis of international and regional organizations in the field of conflict management. The paper uses historical, political and institutional approaches to consider the evolution of the mandate and practice of the African Union in the field of peaceful settlement. The methodological tools include a systematic and structural-functional analysis, a comparative analysis of official AU, UN and ECOWAS documents, as well as case study elements used for a detailed study of the conflict in Cote d'Ivoire. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the comprehensive consideration of the diplomatic instruments of the African Union in conjunction with the practice of their use in the context of the Ivorian conflict, and not in isolation from a specific crisis situation. Unlike existing works that focus either on the role of the UN and external actors, this study integrates the AU's institutional analysis with a detailed analysis of its mediation efforts and interaction with ECOWAS and the UN. As a result, it is concluded that the African Union has faced serious limitations in their practical implementation. The key factors of inefficiency were the lack of unity among the Member States, institutional inertia and the unwillingness of the organization to resort to tougher pressure measures. At the same time, it is shown that the experience of Cote d'Ivoire has become an important stage in understanding the AU's role and has identified areas for possible modernization of its diplomatic and crisis tools to increase independence and effectiveness in future conflicts.

Legal issues in a multiethnic society lie in the implementation of Article 2 of the Regulation of the Chief of Police Number 8 of 2021 concerning Handling of Criminal Acts Based on Restorative Justice. One form of restorative justice is Palanta Baselo Nagari Sungai Duo which is used to resolve criminal cases in a multiethnic society in the jurisdiction of the Sitiung Police, Dharmasraya Police. This study aims to analyze the challenges faced by Palanta Baselo in handling criminal cases based on restorative justice. This research is empirical legal research with analytical descriptive specifications. The findings of the study conclude that the resolution of criminal cases through Palanta Baselo Nagari Sungai Duo in a multiethnic society in the jurisdiction of the Sitiung Police, Dharmasraya Police has been implemented. However, in practice, there is still a lack of facilities and infrastructure to support mediation. In addition, traditional figures who act as mediators also lack the skills to reconcile the disputing parties. Although the penghulu (traditional figure) is a respected and revered figure, they have not been equipped with the knowledge and skills to carry out mediation efforts effectively.

Purpose: This study examined mediation as a conflict management tool in South Sudan from 2005 to 2023, focusing on key peace agreements including the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) of 2015 and the Revitalized Agreement (R-ARCSS) of 2018. Methodology: The research adopted a descriptive design using both qualitative and quantitative approaches, targeting stakeholders such as government officials, civil society organizations, rebel representatives, and grassroots actors. Purposive sampling was employed, while data collection relied on interviews, questionnaires, and document analysis. Findings: The research revealed that IGAD’s mediation efforts contributed to notable achievements. However, effectiveness was degraded by lack of inclusivity, limited political will, and insufficient cultural sensitivity. Exclusion of grassroots actors especially women, youth, and local leaders reduced legitimacy and local ownership of agreements. Concerns were also raised about mediators’ impartiality due to national allegiances and reliance on top-down communication. Respondents emphasized the need for reforms to embed inclusivity, integrate indigenous conflict resolution practices, and embrace adaptive methods. Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practice: Structural-Functional Theory and Narrative Mediation Theory provided the theoretical framework, highlighting the role of mediation structures and communication in peacebuilding. The study offered policymakers, both within South Sudan and internationally, evidence-based recommendations for improving mediation strategies and conflict management mechanisms. The study helped practitioners involved in mediation processes in South Sudan by identifying best practices and areas for improvement. The study provided valuable academic insights and a foundation for future research into conflict resolution in similar volatile settings.

This paper examines internal and external mediation efforts aimed at addressing the devastating war in Sudan. The nature and scale of the war in Sudan make mediation extremely difficult but also increasingly urgent. The paper engages with existing mediation frameworks and tackles complexities of peacemaking efforts in Sudan. It adopts a qualitative approach, relies on an actor-focused analysis, desk review of mediation literature and initiatives, and stakeholder interviews with academics, civil society activists, politicians and experts. The war in Sudan is proving difficult for mediators and peacemakers due to the entanglements of sociopolitical, geographical, economic, regional and international factors. This is not simply a war between two armies, but a political and social conflict, with regional and international dimensions. Several internal and external mediations emerged to address the war. Internal initiatives failed due to the lack of a clear vision, deep societal divisions, weak mediation capacity, complexity of the crisis, short-term interests and the lack of genuine commitment to inclusive peace. External actors simplify the crisis by not fully acknowledging the diversity of political forces at play. This overlooked the multifaceted nature of the situation. Therefore, the complexity of the conflict is ignored, leading to stalemates in the mediation initiatives.

The meeting held at the White House under the mediation of the United States is considered a significant step toward the resolution of the long-lasting Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and an important stage in the post-conflict period following the Second Karabakh War, particularly in the context of Azerbaijan’s extensive efforts to ensure peace in the South Caucasus. On August 8, 2025, in Washington, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, and U.S. President Donald Trump came together to sign a historic peace declaration. The main objective of the declaration is to put an end to the Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict, cease hostilities, and pave the way for the normalization of diplomatic relations. The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, which began in the late 20th century, has been one of the most complex and long-standing conflicts in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan’s victory in the 44-day Second Karabakh War marked a new stage in which Baku’s main priority became the establishment of lasting peace in the region. This article analyzes how the French media covered the Azerbaijan-Armenia meetings mediated by the United States. The aim is to identify how the French press portrays Azerbaijan and Armenia, how the role of the United States is presented, and how France’s interests are reflected in this discourse. The analysis reveals that the French media at times portrays U.S. mediation efforts as those of a rival power, depicts Azerbaijan as the “strong side” and a target of criticism, while Armenia-traditionally under French patronage-is represented as a “weaker” actor under pressure. In this regard, the French media’s discourse is important for understanding the perception of the region not only in France but also in Europe as a whole.

The strategic alignment of Kenya’s foreign policy with international norms and it’s conduct within multilateral relations has significantly evolved, enhancing its global standing whilst promoting national interests. The paper examined Kenya’s diplomatic practices and the influence of international norms, focusing on the multilateral platforms like the United Nations, the African Union, and other multilateral organizations. The objective was to assess Kenya’s adherence to global diplomatic norms, their influence on the country’s foreign policy decisions and the approach to the international cooperation. An evaluation on Kenya’s role in shaping and being shaped by international governing frameworks such as peace and security, climate change and human rights. The paper also explored challenges related to sovereignty and national interests that Kenya navigates while upholding international norms in the diplomatic engagement. A secondary objective examined the implications of these international norms on Kenya’s diplomatic strategies, particularly how these norms inform decision-making processes, negotiations, and partnerships at the global level. The study draws on case studies of Kenya’s involvement in international peacekeeping efforts, human rights advocacy, and climate change negotiations, highlighting the intersection of diplomatic conduct and global governance standards. Through a detailed analysis of Kenya’s participation in the UN Security Council, the Paris Agreement, and peace mediation efforts in the Horn of Africa, the paper explores how international norms shape Kenya’s positioning in multilateral negotiations. The findings underscore the complex dynamics of international diplomacy, where Kenya seeks to balance adherence to global norms with its national priorities. While Kenya has achieved notable success in advancing multilateral diplomacy and enhancing its international influence, challenges such as limited resources, geopolitical competition, and the prioritization of national interests remain. The paper recommends strengthening Kenya’s diplomatic infrastructure, improving intergovernmental coordination, and enhancing capacity building for diplomatic actors to better leverage international norms in future negotiations. Contributing to the discourse on international diplomacy, the study provides important insights for policymakers, diplomats, and international relations scholars on how emerging powers can effectively navigate the complexities of multilateral diplomacy in a globalized world. The research draws on primary and secondary sources, including policy documents, case studies, and interviews with key stakeholders involved in Kenya’s diplomatic practices.

Longstanding and arch rivals in West Asia, Iran and Saudi Arabia, who pulled out their diplomats and downgraded bilateral relations in 2016, had agreed on a rapprochement in their relations in March 2023. This time, it is not the Western states who were behind such a crucial and successful mediation effort in West Asia, rather, it was brokered by a new global actor— China. Therefore, it will be interesting to study the role of China as a peacemaker and the longevity of the Iran-Saudi rapprochement in the politically volatile West Asian region. As both the states have been competing and damaging each other in their quest to emerge as regional powers, especially since 1979. This rivalry is multilayered and deeply entrenched in their respective historical memories. To understand the power politics between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region, an attempt is made in the paper to analyse the efforts of these two countries to project themselves as regional powers. To explain the power politics in the region for regional power status by different states, in contemporary times, the paper has, first, examined the quests of Egypt, Iraq, and Israel and corresponding limitations of them becoming regional powers. Considering the long-standing and multilayered regional rivalry for supremacy between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the paper, in the second part, has examined the question—will China-brokered Iran-Saudi rapprochement be merely a temporary thaw in bilateral relations or will it turn into a long-lasting and comprehensive peace?

ABSTRACT The effectiveness of coercive versus incentive-based sanctions in securing compliance with non-proliferation commitments remains contested. Contributing to this debate, this study analyzes Turkey and Brazil’s mediation in the 2010 Iranian nuclear negotiations, highlighting their non-coercive diplomatic approach as a potential alternative to the negative sanctions-based strategy pursued by the P5 + 1 (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany) to prevent nuclear proliferation. By combining incentives, trust-building, and technical innovation, their initiative – culminating in the Tehran Agreement – created a non-coercive, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)-consistent pathway to peaceful nuclear cooperation. The study applies a process-tracing approach, combining primary and secondary sources to reconstruct the causal pathways. A semi-structured interview with former Turkish Foreign and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, who acted as mediator, offers firsthand insights that clarify remaining ambiguities in the causal chain. The findings contribute to sanction theory by showing that incentive-based, trust-building measures – when embedded in facilitative mediation efforts and reinforced by technical innovation – can reduce resistance and promote compliance in complex diplomatic contexts. Amid stalled U.S. – Iran nuclear talks and rising Israel – Iran military tensions, these insights highlight the urgent need for diplomatic solutions over military approaches.

The United Nations has deep roots in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, having evolved alongside its emergence and development. More than merely acting as an "external" mediator, it has become a key architect of the conflict's historical narrative, legal framework, and proposed two-state solution. This study examines its multifaceted challengesincluding "power politics" (the U.S. routinely using veto power to protect Israel in the Security Council), "weak implementation of resolutions" (as seen with Resolution 242), and "bilateral confrontational stances"all unfolding within this complex historical and institutional context. This study examines the United Nations mediation efforts in the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a case-based analysis of its multiple challenges and response strategies. Utilizing case studies and textual analysis, it dissects relevant UN resolutions, declarations, and practical interventions. Key research questions include: Why has the UN struggled to effectively advance the Israeli-Palestinian peace process? What pathways could overcome these obstacles? The analysis unfolds in four parts: Part I traces the historical roots of the conflict, evaluates the UN's evolving role and challenges, and proposes solutions. This study concludes that the UN's difficulties stem from power politics, weak resolution enforcement, and opposing stances. Nevertheless, it remains indispensable by fostering international consensus, advancing the "two-state solution," and innovating peace mechanismsserving as the cornerstone for achieving a just and lasting peace.

ABSTRACT This study extends the previous literature on multiparty mediation by examining how the composition and structure of multiparty mediation affect the prospects for mediation success from a social network perspective. There is little, if any, existing literature that systematically investigates how combined mediation efforts by IGOs, NGOs, individuals and states influence the outcome of intrastate conflict resolution. Accordingly, this study examines the performance of what I term the ‘multiparty mediation networks.’ My analysis of annual relational data on multiparty mediation in the period 1946–2004 reveals that a coordinated, e.g. dense, multiparty mediation network is more successful than an uncoordinated mediation network.

This paper explores the intricate role of identity in the processes of intercultural conflict resolution and mediation, focusing specifically on the African context. It delves into how ethnic, cultural, and national identities influence conflict dynamics and the effectiveness of mediation efforts across diverse African societies. It explores the intricate role of identity in the processes of intercultural conflict resolution and mediation, focusing specifically on the African context. It delves into how ethnic, cultural, and national identities influence conflict dynamics and the effectiveness of mediation efforts across diverse African societies. This research also explores how cultural identities, encompassing ethnicity, religion, and social groups, influence conflict dynamics and complicate peacebuilding efforts. Drawing on case studies of prominent African conflicts, interview sessions with some affected Africans and a target audience survey questionnaire, the dissertation analyses how: Identity-based grievances fuel conflict escalation. Misunderstandings of cultural norms hinder communication and trust during mediation. Exclusion of certain identity groups from peace processes undermines their legitimacy and sustainability. The research highlights the pivotal role that identity plays in both exacerbating conflicts and facilitating their resolution. The study employs a multidisciplinary approach, integrating theories from history, sociology, and conflict resolution to understand the complex interplay between identity and intercultural conflicts. By examining successful mediation practices that have effectively addressed identity-based tensions, the dissertation offers valuable insights into developing more culturally sensitive and effective conflict resolution strategies. The dissertation proposes a conflict resolution game and course specially designed for Africans for incorporating culturally sensitive and identity-conscious mediation strategies. This framework emphasizes: Pre-mediation training for mediators on cultural competency and identity dynamics. Inclusive dialogue that acknowledges and respects diverse perspectives. An African inspired Conflict resolution game which is infused with ways on how the concept of identity can be used for successful mediations Power-sharing mechanisms that address underlying inequalities between identity groups. By integrating these strategies, the research argues that mediation can be more effective in resolving and preventing future conflicts in Africa. The dissertation contributes to the ongoing dialogue on intercultural conflict resolution by offering a nuanced understanding of the interplay between identity and peacebuilding in a critical region.

Marriage is for life, but reality is not always in line with expectations. Households will always be hit by problems, when a husband and wife are able to face them and find solutions, then the household will last. However, if the opposite happens, then the household will end. One of the causes of disputes in the household is due to violence. Violence in various forms in the household can come from the husband or wife or children, but women are often the victims. Therefore, mediation efforts by a mediator are very necessary as a mediator and peacemaker. Even though the mediator is not the only person who determines the success of mediation, the mediator's role in the mediation process is very determining. Mediators who act as mediators or judges must equip themselves with abilities that include basic skills and the ability to understand the character of the parties being mediated. Apart from ability, you must also have strong determination and sincerity which is manifested in seriousness to reconcile.

The South China Sea represents one of the most strategically significant maritime regions globally, characterized by complex territorial disputes involving China, Taiwan, Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei. This study examines the resource potential of the South China Sea and analyzes how these resources influence conflict risks for ASEAN member states. Employing qualitative research methodology through case study design and process-tracing techniques, this research investigates the interplay between natural resource exploitation, territorial claims, and security dynamics in the region. The findings reveal that the South China Sea contains substantial reserves of oil (estimated 11 billion barrels), natural gas (190 trillion cubic feet), and fisheries resources (8 million metric tons annually), alongside serving as a critical international trade route with approximately $5.3 trillion in goods transiting annually. The territorial disputes are exacerbated by competing interpretations of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), China's nine-dash line claims, and increasing militarization of disputed features. ASEAN's mediation efforts face significant challenges due to diverse member interests, Chinese economic leverage, and external power involvement. The study concludes that effective conflict management requires strengthened ASEAN unity, enhanced diplomatic mechanisms, adherence to international law, and cooperative frameworks for resource sharing. The research contributes to understanding how resource-rich maritime territories shape regional security architecture and provides policy recommendations for peaceful dispute resolution in contested waters.

ABSTRACT Kuwait’s strategic integration of mediation and humanitarian aid has allowed the country to carve out a distinct identity as a regional and global middle power. By balancing these two pillars of its foreign policy, Kuwait has successfully navigated the intricacies of regional geopolitics, bolstering its diplomatic stature. The interaction between institutional continuity and individual agency is central to understanding how Kuwait has cultivated its middle power identity. It demonstrates how small states can effectively leverage structural advantages and strong leadership to influence specialised areas like mediation, humanitarian assistance and coalition-building. However, following the death of Emir Sabah, Kuwait's mediation role, though enduring, has become increasingly constrained.

Marriage is a legal bond regulated in Law Number 1 of 1974 concerning Marriage, which aims to create a harmonious and prosperous family. However, in practice, divorce still occurs frequently, including in Stabat Religious Court Decision Number 1113/Pdt.G/2023/PA.Stb. The main problem in this study is how the regulation of marriage law in Indonesia regulates divorce and the main factors that cause divorce in these cases. This research aims to analyze the regulation of divorce in Indonesia and identify the main causes of divorce based on a case study at the Stabat Religious Court. The research method used is normative juridical, with a legislative approach and case studies of court decisions. The results showed that divorce in Indonesia must go through the courts in accordance with Article 39 of the Marriage Law, with reasons regulated in Government Regulation No. 9 of 1975, such as prolonged disputes and domestic violence. In the case of the Stabat Religious Court Decision, the main factors for divorce are disharmony, unresolved arguments, and differences in principles that cause the relationship between husband and wife to be untenable. In conclusion, divorce is the last resort in resolving household conflicts that can no longer be saved. Therefore, there is a need for more effective mediation efforts and legal education to married couples so that they can understand the legal consequences of divorce before filing it with the court.

Despite being located in one of the world’s most unstable regions—characterized by persistent tensions, turmoil, and conflict—the Sultanate of Oman has successfully maintained a policy of neutrality and adeptly assumed the complex role of mediator, both within the Arabian Peninsula and more broadly across the Middle East. This study examines Oman’s mediation efforts in the Middle East during the 21st century through the lens of niche diplomacy, providing a fresh and timely perspective. Middle-power diplomacy is typically associated with foreign policy activism, particularly in a constrained international environment. Given their limited resources, middle powers often adopt niche diplomacy by concentrating on specific issue areas. The key contribution of this study lies in its novel application of niche diplomacy theory to examine and interpret Oman’s mediation strategy.

Nigeria is not an exception to the endemic conflicts that plague the African continent. Amidst a variety of conflicts, including political, ethnic, religious, and communal ones, the nation, as well as other advocacy organisations and INGOs, have collaborated and operated independently to promote peaceful coexistence. In light of the foregoing, this study was conducted to evaluate the communication strategies used by the government in North Central geopolitical zone in relation to regional conflict mediation efforts. Accordingly, the study recorded 94.6 percent response rate following the retrieval of the 600 questionnaires administered to the respondents. Results demonstrated that the government had adopted several conflict mediation techniques. Some of the strategies mentioned are media relations, public relations, peacebuilding communication, community connections, traditional institutions approach, and religious organisation approach. Findings further indicated a high level of use of communication in conflict mediation while showing that the employment of techniques has led to reduced tensions and peaceful cohabitation among others. The researchers concluded that communication techniques are useful tools for conflict resolution and recommended their continuous adoption and application in comparable circumstances.

This study aims to determine the settlement of family disputes through litigation. The method used in this study is qualitative with the type of library research and uses an empirical normative-juridical approach, where the study focuses on the reciprocal correlation between law and the phenomena that occur. The results of the study indicate that the settlement of family disputes through litigation is a dispute resolution method in which there is a process of mutually disabling opposing evidence (op tegenspraak) and producing a win-lose solution. In fact, the resolution of household problems outside the court, such as mediation which in traditional societies is often carried out at the village level or tahkim which is carried out in large families through negotiation and arbitration. However, in the modern era, people now prefer to resolve family disputes through litigation in court so that married couples are forced to choose a court decision which mostly ends in divorce.

This study examines the media framing of the US-Taliban negotiations, with a particular focus on Qatar's pivotal role as a mediator, as portrayed by three prominent news organizations: The New York Times, Al Jazeera English, and Deutsche Welle. Employing qualitative content analysis, 150 articles were systematically sampled from an archive of 915 pieces. The article emphasizes the dynamic characteristics of media framing in relation to political contexts. The analysis reveals that war-related content was more prominent than peace-related narratives, with Al Jazeera English emphasizing Qatar's mediation efforts and the Taliban's legitimacy. In contrast, Deutsche Welle and The New York Times focus more on the humanitarian implications and security concerns surrounding the negotiations. These differing frames shape public perception of diplomatic efforts and highlight the impact of geopolitical stances on media narratives. This study enhances the existing literature on media framing and conflict resolution by illustrating the critical role of media in shaping public understanding of diplomatic initiatives.