Pulitzer's World Glenn C. Altschuler (bio) James McGrath Morris . Pulitzer: A Life In Politics, Print, and Power. New York: Harper/Collins, 2010. xiii + 558 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $29.99. "The World should be more powerful than the president," Joseph Pulitzer proclaimed. "He is fettered by partisanship and politicians and has only a four-year term. The paper goes on year after year and is absolutely free to tell the truth and perform every service that should be performed in the public interest" (p. 3). Pulitzer exaggerated, of course. But, as James McGrath Morris reveals in this richly detailed biography, Pulitzer (and his New York World) were pretty darned powerful. Although he's best known for the prize that bears his name, Morris reminds us, in a narrative light on historical context and interpretation, that Pulitzer was a founding father of the mass circulation newspaper. Ahead of his archrival, William Randolph Hearst, he introduced a new kind of journalism—entertaining, independent, and crusading. Pulitzer's rapid rise to fame and fortune fit the classic American pattern. Born in 1847, he came to New York City at age seventeen, following the bankruptcy of his father, a leading merchant in Hungary, and speaking barely a word of English. He enlisted in the Union Army, served about eight months in the cavalry, returned to Manhattan, moved to New Bedford to try his hand at whaling, and then, flat broke, made his way west to St. Louis. Pulitzer worked here and there as a laborer and a waiter; and he spent countless hours in the Mercantile Library polishing his English and making contact with lawyers, journalists, and politicians. He soon parlayed his fluency in German into a job as a reporter for the Westliche Post, which was owned by Carl Schurz and Emil Preetorius, two staunch Republicans, and joined the party. The rest, as they say, is history. In 1869, at age twenty-two, Pulitzer was nominated by the Republicans in a special election to fill a seat in the Missouri General Assembly. With the Democrats in disarray, he won, and took his seat in the legislature, despite a statute setting the minimum age to serve at twenty-four. In 1872 Pulitzer purchased the St. Louis Post; seven years later he bought the St. Louis Dispatch, whose value, he recognized, was enhanced by its membership in the Associated Press; then he merged the two papers. Within [End Page 464] about a year, the paper was producing a profit of more than $85,000. In 1883 Pulitzer moved to the nation's center stage, buying The New York World from Jay Gould for $346,000. As a media mogul, Pulitzer recognized that the vast majority of Americans weren't all that interested in politics. But as a young man, Morris points out, politics to him "was a siren" (p. 186). Although opponents mocked his too-short buff-colored pants, soiled jacket, and big nose—and even called him "Joey the Jew"—few denied that Pulitzer was a force to be reckoned with on the stump, especially with German-speaking voters and in the rough and tumble of behind-the-scenes electioneering. And, Morris demonstrates, he was a perennial candidate. Defeated for re-election to the Missouri legislature in 1870, he lost a race for the United States Congress in 1880 and won a House seat four years later. Unlike many of his contemporaries, however, Pulitzer did not stick with one political party. In 1872, he joined the Liberal Republicans, taking to the stump "almost full-time" (p. 92) to support the quixotic presidential campaign of fellow editor Horace Greeley. When Greeley lost and the Liberal Party imploded, Pulitzer switched to the Democratic Party, where he remained for the rest of his life. Morris struggles, not always successfully, to understand Pulitzer's political odyssey. Relatively free of Civil War-related partisanship, he argues, Pulitzer never shared the hostility of his fellow Republicans to the Democrats. Taking Pulitzer's rhetoric at face value, Morris portrays him as an idealist: "The concept of politics with principle might seem oxymoronic, given the nature of politics at the time, but Pulitzer was sincere" (p. 105). Having seen "laws...
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