Conflict, separation, domestic violence, and economic stress, are some marital crises that pose serious risks to children’s development. This study examined how these challenges affect the wellbeing and social adjustment of school-aged children in Sunyani Municipality, Ghana. A mixed-method design was used in this research. A composite Marital Crisis Index was developed, and data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, correlations, and regression models. The findings revealed that children from highly unstable homes showed sharp declines in school attendance, with a correlation of minus 0.82, and weaker academic performance, with a correlation of minus 0.42. Their self-esteem dropped significantly, correlating at minus 0.62, as depression and anxiety increased with positive correlations of 0.63 and 0.54 respectively, all at high levels of statistical significance. Social risks were also evident: children in high-crisis families were more than twice as likely to experience bullying, with an odds ratio of 2.41, and delinquent behaviors increased by 25% as shown by an incidence rate ratio of 1.25. However, protective factors reduced these risks. Extended family support improved academic outcomes and lowered both bullying and delinquency, while access to school counseling enhanced academic performance and reduced victimization. These results highlight the urgent need for schools, communities, and policymakers to strengthen family stability and provide targeted psychosocial support to safeguard children’s emotional health, academic success, and social resilience.

This paper analyzes how ‘telling’ and ‘not telling’ affect trust in a couple’s relationship by comparing ‘The Bride Who Gave Birth on the First Night’ and ‘The Generous Husband’. To this end, Chapter 2 discusses the overcoming of marital crises and the development of trust in the two works, and Chapter 3 discusses the narrative differences between ‘telling’ and ‘not telling’ as a sign of trust. The narrative structure of both works is based on two embraces. In the first event, the wife’s infidelity (giving birth on the first night or adultery) occurs and the husband embraces it to preserve the relationship, but the relationship is one-sided. This imbalance is restored in the second event. In the second case, a past incident involving the wife’s infidelity is brought up again after the passage of time, proving that trust has been built up in the couple’s relationship during the intervening time. The comparison of the two works also reveals the usefulness of both ‘telling’ and ‘not telling’ strategies in a trusting relationship. <In “The Bride Who Gave Birth on the First Night,” the strategy of ‘telling’ appears, where ‘telling’ is a necessary process for establishing the son’s identity or deepening the husband’s understanding of his wife, and explaining past events is necessary in the present. On the other hand, the strategy of ‘not telling’ is emphasized in ‘The Generous Husband’. When the husband witnesses his wife sleeping with an executive, he covers it up, and when the executive later tries to mention the incident, the husband stops him. Here, “not telling” is a way of maintaining the stability of the couple’s relationship, and a strategy to block the negative impact that bringing up the past would have on the relationship. This is because the speaker is the cadre, and the cadre is revisiting the events that brought the couple to the brink of crisis in order to resolve his own emotional pending issues. The comparison of the two stories shows that both ‘telling’ and ‘not telling’ can be ways of preserving trust, depending on the context of the situation. In conclusion, the message of the comparison between the two stories is that building and maintaining trust in a relationship is not reducible to a single method, and that true trust is demonstrated through a process of building over time.

Marital crises are common and can arise at any stage of marriage. When facing difficulties, many spouses seek support from religious communities, which provide spiritual and emotional guidance. These communities play a vital role in marriage preparation and helping couples navigate crises. In response to rising divorce rates, changing gender roles, and economic pressures, religious communities are adapting their pastoral methods. One innovative approach is storytelling, which allows couples to connect with others’ experiences, helping rebuild trust and understanding in their marriages. This article explores the role of storytelling as a tool for supporting couples in crisis, particularly in the context of religious pastoral care, focusing on its impact on communication, marital bonding, and spiritual growth.

Despite the stressful conditions and difficulties that bring about habitual conflict in many Black African marriages, some couples choose to manage their conflict and remain married, even in the context of the divorce culture. It is important to determine the potential factors that impact marital resilience in the midst of difficulties. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore resilience factors that enhance conflict management in Black African marriages in South Africa. A phenomenological research design was adopted using a qualitative research approach. Forty participants, consisting of 20 married men and 20 married women, were purposively selected to participate in this study. Data was collected using semi-structured individual and focus group interviews which were also audio-recorded. Following recordings, the interviews were transcribed. The data was analysed using inductive thematic analysis. The findings of this study demonstrated that, of all the techniques employed to handle marital crises, effective communication was the most widely favoured. Leaving things alone by opting to remain silent, being humble, and pastoral counselling were also found to be effective tactics. The findings of this study may be useful in therapeutic work with couples. The factors that participants identified as vital in contributing towards their marital resilience may be helpful to add to the understanding of marital resilience and may be used to develop a strengths-based intervention program for couples in marital crisis. Keywords: Marital Resilience, Marital Crisis, Conflict Management, Marriage, Divorce.

The COVID-19 pandemic, which occurred between 2019 and 2022, has brought various pressures to people’s lives globally. The new normal lifestyle restricted daily activities, further triggering global stress. One of the major consequences of this pandemic is the issue of domestic violence, which, more worryingly, often ends in divorce. China is among the countries with a high divorce rate during the COVID-19 era. In Malaysia, a total of 66,440 divorce cases were registered during the COVID-19 pandemic. This figure is quite significant and concerning.This study aims to examine the causes of domestic violence during the COVID-19 era and propose solutions based on Islamic methods and the Johor State Islamic Family Law Enactment 2003. A doctrinal legal analysis was adopted, focusing on the evaluation of relevant statutory provisions, case law, and Islamic sources. The rationale for selecting these materials lies in their legal authority, relevance to Malaysia’s Syariah legal system, and their compatibility with Islamic jurisprudential principles that emphasize justice and compassion in family matters. This includes integrating contemporary Islamic scholarly interpretations to ensure a more holistic understanding of gender equity and domestic rights within Islam.The findings of this study indicate that Islamic methods and existing legal mechanisms, particularly through the Johor State Islamic Family Law Enactment 2003, offer practical and principled approaches to addressing the issue of domestic violence, especially during times of societal crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

Genesis 24:55–60 takes cognisance of the right of a damsel in marriage arrangement. The study aims to examine Genesis 24:55–60 in the context of marriage by proxy in Awkunanaw, Enugu State, Nigeria. The methodology employed in this study is narrative analysis. The findings of the research indicate that marriage by proxy has been a longstanding practice in ancient Awkunanaw. The approach to this practice has evolved between ancient Awkunanaw and contemporary Awkunanaw. The study also reveals that damsels were granted the right to choose their life partners within the socio-cultural context of Genesis 24:55–60. The Hebrew phrase supporting this claim is niqrä’ lanna‘árä, meaning ‘we will call to the girl’. This suggests that Rebekah, the damsel in the text, consented to the marriage made on her behalf. Therefore, the study recommends that parents and guardians in contemporary Awkunanaw should adopt the socio-cultural practices of Laban’s society, as indicated in the study, to help curb the state of chaos within families in Awkunanaw.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This study emphasises the need to advocate for the rights of young women in Awkunanaw concerning marriage by proxy. It indicates that allowing a woman to choose her marriage partner would help reduce domestic violence and other marital crises in Nigeria, particularly in Awkunanaw.

Objectives The purposes of my story is to examine the marital life of a middle-aged woman from the perspective of self-differentiation on a reflective manner. Methods To descrive the marital life of middle-aged married woman from the perpective of self-differentiation, I employed autoethnography. I critically described the oppressive experiences I experienced while living as a middle-aged woman based on the concept of self-differentiation. For this purpose, memory data, recall data, interview data, etc. were analyzed and described. Results As a middle-aged married woman, my early marital life was in an undifferentiated state. Initially, I was undifferentiated from my parents, and I had not attained autonomy and independence in my relationship with my husband. The crises I faced in my marital life served as catalysts for self-differentiation, gradually experiencing it through emotional and financial independence. As a result, I found resolution to marital crises and discovered new meanings. Conclusions My story serves as a meaningful case in counseling, demonstrating the significance and value of self-differentiation in marital life.

Background and aimAlthough infertility as a significant cause of marital crises is prevalent almost equally in men and women, infertile women are under more pressure and distress than infertile men. Therefore, this study was conducted aiming to compare anxiety, depression, and stress between couples with male and female infertility.MethodsIn this descriptive-analytical cross-sectional study, 40 couples (n = 80) with male infertility and 40 couples (n = 80) with female infertility were referred to the infertility clinic of Al-Zahra Educational and Medical Center, Rasht, Iran. Eligible infertile couples were selected by convenience sampling method. The data collection tool was a two-part questionnaire consisting of a demographic information form and a short form of the standard Depression Anxiety Stress Scale-21 (DASS-21). Data analysis was carried out using descriptive and inferential statistical tests at a significant level of p < 0.05.ResultsThe severity of depression, anxiety, and stress also had a statistically significant difference between men and women. The severity of depression was mild in 57.5% of infertile women and moderate in 40% of infertile men. The severity of anxiety was moderate in 42.5% of infertile women and mild in 57.5% of infertile men. The severity of stress was Severe in 37.5% of infertile women and mild in 40% of infertile men. There was a statistically significant difference between infertile women and men in terms of depression (t=-4.213, df = 1619, p < 0.001), anxiety (t=-7.261, df = 2274, p < 0.001), and stress (t=-9.046, df = 2308, p < 0.001) subscales, and the total scores (t=-7.709, df = 2315, p < 0.001). The depression, stress and anxiety levels were higher in infertile women than in healthy women with infertile spouses. This difference was statistically significant (p < 0.01). The depression, anxiety, and stress levels were significantly different between infertile men and healthy men with infertile wives (p < 0.001).ConclusionThe results of this study indicated that depression, anxiety, and stress were more prevalent in infertile women than in infertile men. The severity levels of depression, anxiety, and stress in the wives of infertile men were higher than those in the spouses of infertile women.

Dentro del denominado “Derecho de Familia” es innegable que la regulación de las crisis matrimoniales y sus efectos ocupan un lugar relevante. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo revisar la figura de la pensión compensatoria y poner de manifiesto las últimas tendencias relativas al tratamiento jurisprudencial de la compensación, atendiendo a los distintos aspectos considerados más relevantes tanto por nuestros tribunales como por la doctrina especializada. A través de una metodología descriptiva, se pretende hacer llegar al lector la importancia de esta institución civil recogida en el artículo 97 del Código Civil y que, por su amplia utilización a lo largo de los años y su cercanía a otras figuras, provoca una cercanía social que se ve desdibujada con el análisis en profundidad. Se observa que el desarrollo jurisprudencial ha permitido que, en la actualidad, los elementos definitorios de la institución sean claramente determinables y pueda hablarse de la pensión compensatoria como pensión de desequilibrio económico, dejando atrás realidades desactualizadas.

Mainland Chinese grow up in a nation with Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism as their cultural heritage, and are educated with atheism, materialism, and scientism in contemporary China. However, the high rate of conversion to Christianity among Chinese immigrants in Anglo-Saxon countries constitutes a distinctive feature in studies of migration. This paper aims to investigate the reasons for becoming Christian and the development of spirituality of a group of first-generation Chinese Australians from mainland China. All the seven participants are highly educated women who migrated to Australia as adults and had young children at the time of conversion. Data were collected mainly through open-ended in-depth interviews, and triangulated with private conversations, observations, and WeChat messaging. This ethnographic qualitative research found that these immigrants’ Christian attempts were prominently triggered by settlement crisis as new immigrants and as immigrant parents. They see Christianity and church community as a strong vehicle to resolve integration difficulties in a new society, such as economic and career insecurities, social isolation, language barriers, marital crises, and parenting dilemmas. Their Christian movement is facilitated by identified ideological congruence but hindered by cultural conflicts between their newly acquired Christian doctrines and their previously instructed values. The findings have implications for immigrant families, secular institutions, and religious organizations, as to the psychosocial well-being of new migrants.

The object of the present work is to describe the elements that the lawyers must take into account when dealing with cases of marital crises and the role of companion animals in these. The progressive transformation of the family model has led to the appearance of new situations that are not legally regulated, one of which is how to proceed in cases of separation and divorce in which the spouses have shared pets. The lawyer's role in cases of marital crisis is one of the great questions of the practice of law today. Without developing a stricto sensu parenting plan, which is reserved exclusively for the treatment of the children of the marriage, these situations require a language similar to that used to regulate guardianship and custody relationships. However, it is undeniable that these situations require detailed attention, having to avoid problems and future contingencies that could affect the welfare of the spouses and animals.

This paper examines the symmetry between domestic violence and gender domination by x-raying some of the issues and challenges that generate domestic violence. Using two video Films produced in the Nigerian Film Industry as case studies, the work argues that gender based violence is not limited to the female gender because, beyond physical demonstration of violence against women, men face psychological violence in the pursuance of their patriarchal ideologies. The study employed the interpretative approach to content analysis within the qualitative research methodology in undertaking a critical analysis of the films. Video Compact Discs (VCDs) and Digital Video Discs (DVDs) and related literatures in film, and feminist theory as well as postulations on domestic violence and Gender domination are used for data analysis. The findings reveal that domestic violence is not limited to the feminine gender. Beyond physical demonstration of violence against women, men also face psychological violence in varied degrees. The investigation reveals that gender domination generates violence among men and women because groups with the intent to dominate and suppress one another in a relationship cause marital crises. A strive towards mutual co-existence is therefore advocated.

": ---- ----- " 1351, ""&lt;br&gt;'War and Peace': Domestic Peace Claims in Rabbinical Courts, and the their Failure in Resolving Marital Crises

This study was informed by the rising profile of broken homes in the Nigerian society of contemporary times as many Nigerian homes today are riddled with marital crises. The investigation was designed as opinion survey using a structured questionnaire rated on a 4-point scale. Three research questions and four null hypotheses guided the investigation, and generated data was analyzed using descriptive statistics of the mean and standard deviation, while the hypotheses were subject to the t-test statistic. Findings indicated that emergence of crises in marital homes is occasioned by a lot of factors including incompatibility in social and sexual life, lack of marital confidence, third-party syndrome, economic disquiets, to mention a few. Consequences of marital crises were identified to include; poor mental, emotional and physical health of couples and their children, physical abuse and threat to life of partners, escalation of social vices and crimes such as drug abuse, kidnapping, prostitution, deschooling of children of crises-ridden and broken homes. Recommended management strategies include pre-marriage orientation, seminars, workshops and counseling. The education system was identified as a potent medium for reducing the threat of marital crises sequel to which a curriculum approach was recommended, proposing the integration of pre-marriage courses and family living into the Basic Education Programme. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n26p133

Zeruya Shalev writes on marital crises through the prism of Jewish legends and Greek myths on catastrophic themes. The destruction of the Second Temple, the rift between the biblical Kingdom of Israel and the Kingdom of Judea, and an ancient earthquake that decimates an entire civilization serve as analogies to events in the personal lives of her characters. The article examines Shalev’s novel Thera , whose protagonists are archeologists married to one another, and Wilhelm Jensen’s Gardiva: A Pompeiian Fancy (1903)—whose protagonist is also an archeologist, who received a fascinating treatment in Sigmund Freud’s Delusion and Dream in Wilhelm Jensen’s Gardiva (1907). Both Shalev’s Thera and Jensen’s Gardiva use an ancient artwork related to a cataclysmic natural disaster to stimulate the male protagonist’s falling in love with a woman. The scientific archeological investigation serves as an excuse, camouflage, and metaphor for real life taking place in the present.

When Aimé Césaire returned to Fort-de-France in August 1939, after having finished his studies at the Ecole normale supérieure on the rue d'Ulm in Paris, one of the most prestigious institutions of higher learning in France, he was not entirely unknown—he had published poems in several journals. Two years after his return, he encountered the leader of the surrealist movement, André Breton, who was forced to stop for three weeks in Martinique from 24 April to 16 May during his circuitous voyage from Nazi-controlled Paris to New York via Marseilles and Fort-de-France.1 He found Césaire thanks to the discovery of a copy of the first issue of Tropiques, the just-launched cultural journal edited by the young lycée teacher, his wife Suzanne, and a small group of friends—Georges Gratiant, Aristide Maugée, René Ménil, and Lucie Thésée. The encounter with Breton and his fellow traveler, the Cuban artist Wifredo Lam, expanded the publishing horizon of the Martinican poet. Poems from Tropiques, as well as others not published in the journal, now began to appear in New York in the journals VVV and Hémisphères; in Havana, with the Spanish translation of Cahier d'un retour au pays natal; in Santiago in Leitmotiv; in Buenos Aires in Lettres françaises; and in Algiers in Fontaine, before the collection Les armes miraculeuses was published by Gallimard in Paris in 1946.2 Breton's discovery of Césaire, whom he praised in an article titled "Martinique, charmeuse de serpents," published in Hémisphères in 1943, gave an enormous boost to the career of the young poet. It is generally assumed, then, that it was Breton who launched Césaire onto the global literary scene.3 But as I show, new evidence reveals that Césaire's development as a writer and his increasing visibility come from a far more complex confluence of events and people during this turbulent period. In addition to Breton, who maintained his network of surrealists from his apartment in New York, two other networks contributed to Césaire's higher profile in the world of letters. The first was based on his ties with alumni from the Ecole normale supérieure. The second was his involvement in strengthening the links of the Free French with other countries. In the course of research on Césaire at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, I came across the collection of correspondence between Césaire and Henri Seyrig, the cultural attaché at the Free French consulate in New York.4 In those letters emerges a Césaire in flux, concerned about his own development as a writer. Information about the three interrelated networks contributes to a far more nuanced portrait of Césaire in the 1940s. It allows one to understand how, beginning with the appearance of Tropiques in an international context that led to the isolation of Martinique, Césaire was able, paradoxically, to develop a much higher profile in the world before major presses in Paris published his work.The key to understanding that picture is Seyrig. The crossroads is Haiti, where Césaire spent seven months, from 17 May to 15 December 1944, accompanied by his wife Suzanne, who remained with him until 27 October.In an article titled "Henri Seyrig (10 novembre 1895–21 janvier 1973): Nécrologie" that appeared in the journal Syria, Ernest Will offers insights into the life of the man who played such a key role in Césaire's life during the war.5 From Will we learn that Seyrig was a brilliant archaeologist. He was also a very generous and open-minded man. Born in 1895 into a cultivated and well-off family, he studied at Oxford, served in World War I, and then enrolled at the Sorbonne, where he earned the coveted agrégation de grammaire in 1922. He was admitted the same year to the Ecole française d'Athènes, where he remained for seven years. Named director general of antiquities in Syria and in Lebanon, two states under French control, he married Hermine de Saussure, the niece of Ferdinand de Saussure, in 1930. The actress Delphine Seyrig was born from this union. When his work in the Levant was interrupted by the war, he quickly sided with Charles de Gaulle and undertook several missions to London, South America, and New York, where he was named cultural attaché and assigned to the Free French consulate. Seyrig finished his career in 1967 as the director of the Institut français in Beirut.An examination of the letters in chronological order reveals the nature and evolution of the relationship between Seyrig and Césaire.There are two important pieces of information conveyed in this letter. First, it confirms that an edition of Cahier d'un retour au pays natal (Notebook of a Return to the Native Land) was scheduled for publication at the beginning of 1944 by Hémisphères. Seyrig, who had visited Martinique in November 1943 while on a mission to examine the situation of instruction in the French Caribbean, met Breton in New York and notes that Breton is "ravi" ("delighted") to receive "la nouvelle version corrigée du Cahier" ("the new, corrected version of the Notebook").6 Seyrig adds that it "est venue à point" ("arrived at just the right time") because a new version, printed by Yvan Goll (born Isaac Lang), founder of the journal and the publisher of Hémisphères, "est très avancée" ("is far along"). We know that the long poem was first published in issue number 20 of the journal Volontés in Paris in August 1939, just before the departure of Aimé and Suzanne Césaire for Fort-de-France. It appeared thanks to a network of alumni of the Ecole normale supérieure where Césaire had been admitted in July 1935.It is in large part thanks to that alumni network, and in particular to a tutor named Pierre Petibon, whose task was to help students preparing to take the difficult examination for the agrégation, that Césaire was able to find an outlet for his explosive poem. Petibon encouraged Césaire to submit the manuscript to Georges Pelorson, a former student at the Ecole normale supérieure who had quit school in an untimely manner and then founded Volontés. Compromised by his support for the Vichy regime of Marshall Pétain during the war, he would later take the name of Georges Belmont.7 We know from Breton's article "Martinique, charmeuse de serpents" that Césaire had offered him an offprint of the Volontés version of Cahier d'un retour au pays natal during his stay in Fort-de-France. Breton would write in his article that "ce poème n'était rien de moins que le plus grand monument lyrique de ce temps" ("this poem was nothing less than the greatest lyrical monument of this time").8The article by Breton was accompanied by a note indicating that "cette étude constitue la Préface, qu'André Breton vient d'écrire pour l'édition bilingue du Cahier du Retour au Pays Natal [sic] d'Aimé Césaire, à paraître prochainement aux Editions Hémisphères" ("this study constitutes the preface that André Breton has just written for the bilingual edition of Cahier du retour au pays natal [sic] by Aimé Césaire, forthcoming from Hémisphère Editions").9 The note raises a fundamental question. Why was this edition abandoned? We do know from correspondence between Breton and Goll that there were translation problems and that there was a rift between the two men that went back to the prewar period. But above all, we learn that Goll doesn't have any more paper.10 For this reason, Brentano's proposes to take over the editorial activities of Hémisphères. The sending of a second manuscript of the volume to Breton confirms moreover that Césaire continued to rewrite the poem. This work leads to two different editions published in 1947. The first is the bilingual edition published by Brentano's on 7 January; the second one is the first French edition in book format published by Bordas on 25 March.11The second interesting bit of information in the letter is that Seyrig was making arrangements for the poet to go to Haiti, where the cultural attaché had stopped on his return to New York."Cette île brûle de vous voir" ("This island is burning to see you"). He adds, "Le gouvernement haïtien a décidé d'organiser un congrès de philosophie et invite des personnalités des pays voisins" ("The Haitian government has decided to organize a philosophy conference and has invited important people from neighboring countries").12 Seyrig indicates that the Haitian president and his son, minister of foreign affairs, had read and appreciated Cahier d'un retour au pays natal.He also comments that "M. Lhérisson, qui est chargé d'organiser cela, m'a prié officiellement de demander qu'on vous délègue. J'ai écrit à Alger et j'écris par ce courrier à M. Ponton. J'espère donc que ça s'arrangera, car je pense que la France ne doit pas seulement être représentée là par notre Ecole libre de New York, mais par ses Antilles" ("M. Lhérisson, who has been asked to organize everything, has requested officially that I ask that you be sent as a delegate. I have written to Algiers and I am writing a letter to M. Ponton. I hope that that can be arranged, because I think that France must not be represented there only by the Ecole libre of New York, but also by its Caribbean").13The conference, however important, was only a pretext. Césaire would be sent to Haiti on a mission of cultural diplomacy aimed at restoring French influence in the world. Seyrig explains the nature of the mission in the following way. "Les Haïtiens se regardent à bon droit comme les représentants de la civilisation française dans leur région; ils souhaitent que nous les soutenions dans ce rôle, non pas en créant chez eux des institutions françaises, mais en les aidant eux-mêmes. Cela me semble juste, et je m'y emploierai tant que je pourrai" ("The Haitiens see themselves with good reason as representatives of French civilization in their region; they want us to support them in this role, not by creating French institutions, but by helping them to help themselves. This seems right and I will work toward this goal as much as I am able").Césaire expresses his gratitude to Seyrig: Tout d'abord merci pour mon "voyage haïtien" décidé maintenant. Il ne reste plus qu'à en fixer la date (je la souhaite proche). Merci de m'avoir choisi. Pour la cure d'évasion, merci. Et pour la bouffée d'air que nous a apportée votre venue parmi nous. Une des rares bonnes choses que cette visite aient occasionnée: que certains hommes, qu'une certaine espèce d'hommes, qu'une certaine catégorie d'esprits, ait pu faire trou dans le vieux mur colonial. Je tiens pour très précieux (pour nous) que des hommes tels que Breton, Mabille, vous, aient connu nos Antilles, nos hommes, nos choses, nos espoirs, nos désespoirs.(First of all thanks for my "Haitian voyage" that is now set. All that remains is to choose the date (I hope soon). Thanks for having chosen me. For this getaway cure, thanks. And for the breath of fresh air that your stay here has brought to us. One of the rare positive things that your visit has produced: certain men, a certain kind of men, a certain category of minds, have been able to break open a hole in the old colonial wall. It is a precious thing for us that men such as Breton, Mabille, and you have learned about our Caribbean, our men, our things, our hopes, our despairs.)He reports that he is working very much. He is teaching courses every day at the University of Haiti and gives weekly lectures on "poésie moderne" ("modern poetry"). He meets often with Haitian intellectuals and the French ambassador, known as the "ministre de France" ("minister of France").14 The stay is going well and the Haitians want him to extend his visit.But his wife Suzanne is ill and he would like her to have some medical tests done in the United States.He sends news of René Etiemble, a student who was three years ahead of Césaire at the Lycée Louis-Le-Grand and who then enrolled at the Ecole normale supérieure in 1929. It is probable that he met Césaire before the war. In any case, their paths had crossed a few months prior to this letter. Etiemble was serving with the Free French Office of War Information in New York. En route from New York to Alexandria in Egypt, where he was assigned to teach at a new university, Etiemble gave a talk in Fort-de-France on 6 March 1944. Titled "L'idéologie de Vichy contre la pensée française" ("Vichy Ideology Against French Thought"), his presentation generated a sharp response from the bishop of Martinique who had had good relations with the Vichy regime. Césaire published both a summary of the talk and his own response to Bishop Varin de la Brunelière.15 During his stay in Martinique, Etiemble became a close friend of Césaire and of his relatives. When he arrived in Alexandria, he reported on Tropiques in his own journal, Valeurs.16Etiemble reported to Seyrig that Césaire was much appreciated by the Commissariat aux colonies et à l'instruction publique (Commission for Colonies and Public Instruction) in Algiers, then the seat of the Free French government. Another supporter of Césaire was George Gorse, a classmate at both Louis-le-Grand and at the Ecole normale supérieure. He had become a member of the cabinet of General de Gaulle in Algiers. Given the growing interest in the poet on the part of the Free French government, and at the suggestion of Etiemble, Seyrig proposed to Césaire that he make a trip to Africa.The most surprising news conveyed by Seyrig was that, according to Etiemble, André Gide wanted to publish a text by Césaire titled Toussaint Louverture in L'Arche. It was a monthly journal founded under the aegis of Gide in February 1944 in Algiers. The editor-in-chief was the Algerian writer Jean Amrouche. His editorial board included Maurice Blanchot, Albert Camus, and Jacques Lassaigne. It was in this journal that Etiemble published another article on Tropiques shortly after his stop in Martinique. From the evidence, it is clear that Gide was not referring to Césaire's detailed historical study of Toussaint Louverture, the hero of Haitian independence, titled Toussaint Louverture: La révolution française et le problème colonial, that appeared in 1960.17 Gide was doubtless referring to the play on which Césaire was working at the time. After many changes, it was published in 1947 as Et les chiens se taisaient, a work to which I return.Césaire raises the matter of the proposed trip to North Africa. He reports that his wife is still ill, that he would like to send her to Algiers for treatment, in spite of the difficulty of such a trip (and how expensive it would be). She is suffering, writes Césaire, from a case of "pneumothorax qui ne marche plus" ("a pneumothorax that no longer works"), an expression that, in medical terms, means almost nothing. He adds that she is also bothered by a "coeur dévié" ("deflected heart"). With a pulmonary lesion and the marital problems that she and Césaire were experiencing, she was in fragile condition. Suzanne had written to Breton on 20 May 1944, three days after the arrival of the couple in Haiti: Jamais vous n'avez été si présent que ces deux derniers mois où nous avons joué—vous ne le savez pas encore—la plus terrible partie de notre vie. Et comme il faut que les signes les plus éclatants viennent de vous, au moment où dans l'angoisse nous cherchions à voir le nouveau visage de l'amour, vous avez écrit en parlant du prochain numéro de VVV: "l'amour, la liberté."18(You have never been so present as during these last two months we have know about it most terrible of our And it is that the most come from at a in our we for a new of you of the issue of VVV: trip to Haiti, then, at a of a marital in the course of which Césaire was by a "coeur in several of this for the of to Algiers by Césaire was not de dans cette partie du of which the me in this part of the would have dans la des kind of cultural in the He with the of to the Lycée "ce qui un des que vous avez pu would a with the with whom you had the of then reports on his literary in particular on his que je le d'un très Il que vous en avez Il me pas Je ne pas le J'ai les reste Et mon ne être que si je la le du J'ai de vous le je pas à mais je ne pas en En must that I it with a First, it a bit you the last it still me me a much. I think that it will see the of the In spite of my remains And In my it be I it in the context of to have to you my in not to but I to talk about it for several years. a few know that this had been Césaire for months because he had written several letters about it to In one April 1944, he écrit contre au plus du et du au plus de la cette pas la des under written at the of and at the of the this work the of the The sent to Breton donc être et dans le plus En la part de de doit être à be and in the of In the historical the must be was still with the version of the play he had to Seyrig during the cultural stop in Martinique months He reports that the stay in Haiti is now going for all has The Haitian are his The French has in a to have Césaire named cultural attaché in Césaire's would in Martinique. But he was The Free French government in Algiers had the for his mission to Haiti, and he would have to return to Martinique in the philosophy un a cette de car le de mon voyage à ce have a bit the that Algiers no longer has this in because the for my trip here is my in the He Seyrig to in order to the thanks him for his The mission of the Martinican has been until 15 Suzanne had returned to Martinique the day before in order to take of the Césaire also gives news of Et les chiens se pas mon du en la me a bit of on the of more work to But the thing seems to me that the of his stay in Haiti have been He from his with "la de ("the whom he as and to for the Césaire et en de la des des des Tout de nature à Je a un un Pour fixer à ce il me de de de la Pour le moment Martinique, the good and on the of of of of All this to my I that there is a a my on this I to learn about the Spanish the Caribbean, For the Martinique, was writing un que à Paris la des et je la au am preparing a collection that I would like to publish in Paris as as French publishing and the on the explains that during a trip to France he undertook a at the of Colonies to have Césaire and his brought to He also that he has sent of Tropiques to the journal Lettres his last letter to Seyrig, Césaire with a note of that he has become in the life of Martinique. The he led the in Fort-de-France on 27 May He of his trip to Haiti, et interesting and Et ça a été de nouveau 6 mois à à dans la de Fort-de-France. retour des vieux Une qui se contre le du au en de le la pour cela, de faire aux me de Fort-de-France. il le de me ce que je de je pas pour la then there were months of in the of Fort-de-France. The return on the of the old that the Martinican from Vichy to small the the In to that, I to become one with the here I am of Fort-de-France. In the I had to do I was to of the to break with I never stopped for that I have not not that it was at the of the Martinican of the French that he became in He gives some news of his new Il plus grand de ce que vous avez de et pas la le non pas les mais des d'un doesn't have much in with so and not before the but the of a by a still to Martinique and has an from the of un mais pas de by an but no news so He le moment je de mon horizon de les car il me the going to to clear my horizon of done so far because it is for Césaire was as one of to the first in Paris, whose was to write a new for by his Suzanne, he for Paris on November in and New York where the couple was by Breton and the of French armes the play Et les chiens se taisaient, and a titled is the first collection of Césaire's work to appear as a book in It was published on April by We know thanks to and that it was not Breton who the to have the collection but a friend of Georges before the and a member of the Volontés He to la pu ce qui de pu voir que vous les que votre et le dans et dans Je de à de the I was able to with was published of I was able to see that you were the by our first and I read with the same interest your Poems published in and I would be to be able to to an edition of your correspondence between Césaire and Seyrig, as as it a of with a long and Haitian for In his as a cultural attaché and his with Césaire and his family, Seyrig to the influence of Free France by sending the young of the Ecole normale of a journal, and poet by his with his to an island that was still from a Haiti, Césaire encountered a people he a that and Haitian some of whom remained by his teaching about He was to his island in a that would his about cultural and his own literary for a long time. The stay there was by a of in both and letters also us rare information about the of the different of Cahier d'un retour au pays natal and above all the that would to Et les chiens se in The correspondence reveals a writing that is in The poet his to his then the editorial by He and marital as he before and as he would do in the are that not only his but more his can also read in those letters about the ties those in who were part of the to the Ecole normale supérieure of the rue others who were in the to and those who found themselves in a surrealist in New York both the and Seyrig, a that launched Césaire into the des thanks to for his work and their with the man and his into the life of Martinique came as a for a man who in May to the as a of the the of and who then, in of the same to present as a for the on the Césaire wanted to his as in his correspondence with Seyrig. He to do paradoxically, by the of the first of Martinique, a that until he in would him to most of his in Paris so that he be present during is that the of cultural beginning with his first in the student in paradoxically, the for of the known also as the a of that would the old colonies of Martinique, and into of All of this a few weeks before the publication in Paris of Les armes

This article examines the recent emergence of China’s private investigation industry, focusing on investigators of spousal infidelity. It outlines the professed business rationales of private investigators that target women experiencing marital crises, including claims that they provide a necessary social service, protect women’s rights, promote anti-corruption measures, and uphold Chinese law. It also details growing criticisms of China’s “infidelity sleuths” for violating Chinese law and citizens’ rights. Finally, the article examines some of the proposed responses to the problems associated with private investigators and the policing of infidelity. The demand for such services highlights the laissez-faire position that economic reform has increasingly forced China’s governmental authorities to assume with regard to regulating the private affairs of Chinese citizens.

There is only scarce information on the quality of life of child recipients of liver transplants and their families. Particularly children with a living related graft and their families never have been compared to children who received a cadaveric graft and their families. We investigated the following issues in our study: How do parents and children from participating families rate their strain, their quality of life and their relationships within their family? Do families with a living - related donor differ from those with a cadaveric donor? What do living donors and their partners think about the donation retrospectively? The study was conducted with 106 participants from 50 families (42 mothers, 40 fathers, and 24 children older than 6 years). In 20 of these families, a living transplantation had been performed. Participants were interviewed and asked to fill out several questionnaires. School-aged children with a liver transplant show good social integration among their peers and in school. The child's disease, however, has a great impact on the family. Family members show a reduction in social contact, and an increase in marital crises, and problematic relations amongst siblings. Families in which a cadaveric graft was performed, are less satisfied with life, and show more symptoms of exhaustion. Every family studied possessed or acquired - a high degree of internal or external coping resources. Living - related donors tried hard to obtain an understanding of the medical context. The partner, rather than the donor himself, feels anxious before the donation. The limited time available for the decision to donate is not perceived by the donors to be critical. Ten percent of living donors feel "a little" that their health is affected. The decision to donate is supported "strongly" or "very strongly" by the partners in 80 % of the cases. A possible strain on the child through the expectation of gratitude by the donor is stated by 20 %. All of the donors agree that if they were to be asked today, they would donate again, only one of the partners raised objections. In summary, as a retrospective pilot study, this study primarily generates hypotheses rather than testing them and helps to develop research tools for the field. Results suggest that a psychological support be made available both prior to and following the operation, not only for the children but also for their families, with particular attention to the partners of the living donors and the siblings of the affected children.

Marital crises in oncology patients: An approach to initial intervention by primary clinicians

Marital Crises and Short‐Term Counseling: A Casebook