Marian Exiles Research Articles

Victims of Compromise: The Elizabethan Psalm Tunes

AbstractThe music of The Whole Book of Psalms (first printed in 1562) was not a product of English tradition, but a new congregational system brought home from Geneva. Psalm tunes in Edward VI’s time had been secular, iambic and based on dance rhythms; in so far as Thomas Sternhold’s metrical psalms were sung in church, they were chanted by choirs to Sarum tones. The tunes created for congregational use by the Marian exiles had to satisfy Calvin’s principle that they must be distinct from secular songs. They avoided strong rhythms and imitated the Huguenot psalter, which catered for a very different French prosody. Elizabethan congregations were enthusiastic about singing, but did not take to many of these tunes. Evidence shows a growing tendency for the printed tunes to be ignored in practice, and to be replaced by orally transmitted ‘common tunes’ restoring the secular Edwardian idiom. These, rather than the Elizabethan tunes, became the lasting model for the English hymn tune.

‘All skillful praises sing’: how congregations sang the psalms in early modern England

AbstractThe tunes of The Whole Book of Psalms would become the foundation of congregational singing in England. But when Thomas Sternhold published his first collection of paraphrases (circa 1548) he expected them to be sung in a private domestic context, and the few extant Edwardian settings do not differ in character from secular songs and dances of the time. There is no record of congregational singing until it was adopted by the Marian exiles under the direct influence of Calvin. The first tunes were printed as part of the 1556 Anglo‐Genevan service book. They were clearly modelled on the grandly solemn tunes of the French Psalter, but the fundamental differences between French and English prosody created a conflict that was too much for anyone in the small English colonies to resolve satisfactorily. Nevertheless, congregational singing of ‘Geneva psalms’ was rapidly adopted in English churches from 1559 onwards. The tune selection was revised and enlarged, and had settled into a permanent ‘canon’ by the time the 1565 edition of The Whole Book of Psalms appeared. Metrical psalm‐singing soon became popular well beyond the Puritan faction, both in church and in private settings. The tunes, like the psalms, were reprinted with only minor changes for the rest of Elizabeth's reign. There is evidence, however, that by the 1590s many of them had been abandoned in practice as too difficult, or perhaps too tedious, as they slowed down year after year. They were largely replaced by a handful of short, simple tunes of unknown authorship, which became known as the ‘common tunes’ because they were not tied to specific texts. In some respects the common tunes were a return to the more popular idiom of Edwardian times. Many of them outlived the psalm paraphrases themselves and are still in widespread use as hymn tunes today.

Radical Geneva? The publication of Knox'sFirst Blast of the Trumpetand Goodman'sHow Superior Powers Oght to be Obeydin context

John Knox's First Blast and Christopher Goodman's Superior Powers arguably represent two of the most radical pamphlets produced during the reign of Mary Tudor. Both texts were published in Geneva in early 1558 and attracted the displeasure not only of their authors' fellow exiles, but also of Queen Elizabeth herself when she heard of their publication. Ever since, these pamphlets have been closely associated with the climate of radicalism which supposedly prevailed in Geneva under the aegis of Calvin. Yet, it is also clear from his writings that Calvin never went so far as to endorse any of the Marian exiles' most controversial ideas. Rather, archival and bibliographical evidence suggests that it was the lively and highly competitive Genevan book trade, combined with inconsistent mechanisms of censorship and a system of monopolies favouring the wealthiest printing firms, which provided ideal conditions for the publication of these pamphlets.

The Victorian Reformation Bible: Acts and Monuments

In 1611 the King James Bible was printed with minimal annotations, as requested by King James. It was another of his attempts at political and religious reconciliation. Smaller, more affordable, versions quickly followed that competed with the highly popular and copiously annotated Bibles based on the 1560 Geneva version by the Marian exiles. By the nineteenth century the King James Bible had become very popular and innumerable editions were published, often with emendations, long prefaces, illustrations and, most importantly, copious annotations. Annotated King James Bibles appeared to offer the best of both the Reformation Geneva and King James Bible in a Victorian context, but they also reignited old controversies about the use and abuse of paratext. Amid the numerous competing versions stood a group of Victorian scholars, theologians and translators, who understood the need to reclaim the King James Bible through its Reformation heritage; they monumentalized it.

Beth Quitslund, The Reformation in Rhyme: Sternhold, Hopkins and the English Metrical Psalter, 1547–1603The Reformation in Rhyme: Sternhold, Hopkins and the English Metrical Psalter, 1547–1603. Beth Quitslund. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008. Pp. x+322.

<i>Beth Quitslund</i>, The Reformation in Rhyme: Sternhold, Hopkins and the English Metrical Psalter, 1547–1603<i>The Reformation in Rhyme: Sternhold, Hopkins and the English Metrical Psalter, 1547–1603</i>. Beth Quitslund. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008. Pp. x+322.

John Dee: the patronage of a natural philosopher in Tudor England

For all of his failures to secure patronage, John Dee was successful compared with his contemporaries. We know more about his patronage relations than those of any other natural philosopher in Tudor England. Only by comparing him with other English client practitioners can we understand how unusual and even productive were Dee’s relations with his patrons. This article makes those comparisons and offers an overview of Dee’s patronage, but in the main it explores three of the unusual aspects.The first is Dee’s good relationship with female patrons and patronage brokers, notably Queen Elizabeth. The second is the kind of office that Dee sought. His greatest efforts were aimed at securing the headship of a collegiate institution such as Eton College or the Hospital of St Cross. Not only did they fit his aspiration to set up a research institute, but all were offices in the Queen’s direct gift, and so played to Dee’s strengths. Nevertheless, Dee was frustrated at nearly every turn. It is suggested that a major cause was the young Dee’s links with both Sir John Cheke’s network of Protestant humanists, who became Marian exiles, and with ‘Louvainist’ Catholic exiles opposed to Edward VI and Elizabeth. We see how Dee was consistently passed over in favour of other members of these circles. Notwithstanding this, it is concluded that Dee was relatively successful, given the English court’s refusal to patronise speculative natural philosophy, even that offered by Thomas Digges, William Gilbert or Francis Bacon. Finally, some of Dee’s supposed failings as a client, such as the sparseness of printed works, are shown to have been systemic.

Milton Among the Puritans: The Case for Historical Revisionism

Reviewed by: Milton Among the Puritans: The Case for Historical Revisionism Katherine Romack (bio) Catherine Gimelli Martin . Milton Among the Puritans: The Case for Historical Revisionism. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010. 360 + xvi pages. $99.95. Catherine Gimelli Martin opens her Milton Among the Puritans: The Case for Historical Revisionism with an offensive against the Whiggish tendencies of contemporary Milton studies, a subfield she characterizes as "exceptional" in its ignorance of the now "mainstream" revisionism informing early modern historiography (xiii). Framing her study as a corrective, Martin pointedly asserts, "contrary to long-standing assumptions still held widely in the academic community, Milton was not a puritan" (xi). Distancing Milton from his puritan [End Page 146] contemporaries, Martin situates him in the liberal theological tradition that gave rise to religious rationalism and modern Unitarianism and argues that Milton's art and philosophy, especially later in life, are better compared to the comprehensive, ecumenical, and rationalist thinking of the Anglican Latitudinarians than to the puritans (12). The book is divided into two parts. The first half of the book surveys revisionist contributions to seventeenth-century historiography and situates Milton in contexts that question the easy association of Milton with puritanism. Her introduction, "Carlyle's Ghost," deftly covers revisionist accounts of the "multiple causes and effects of the 'Great Rebellion'" (26) from Conrad Russell to Patrick Collinson. Martin moves on, in subsequent chapters, to examine the "non-puritanical" and Baconian aspects of Milton's early poetry and prose writing. She pits the puritans against rationalist and secular approaches to "law, education, science, rhetoric and the ministry" (26), anchoring Milton firmly to the latter. Part II "traces the effects of these mainly secular-rationalist influences (including classical republicanism) on Milton's major poems" (26). Her afterword explores Milton's "posthumous contribution" to modern "secular theories of toleration" (27). Despite her affirmation of the relevance and indispensability of the term "puritan" for Milton studies, Martin's somewhat murky and selective deployment of the term detracts greatly from the book (32-33). Her merging of a wide array of religious dissenters under the broad label of "puritan," a term that she not so subtly equates with anti-intellectual Calvinist zealotry, does more to obscure than to clarify Milton's place "among" but not "of " the puritans (21). Dissenters as disparate as Baptists, Fifth Monarchists, Levellers, and Quakers are yoked together and reduced to a "godly" common denominator throughout much of the book. Also, the privileged place of the Socinians in Martin's account is accomplished only by downplaying the radical piety and congregational impulses of Socinians like John Biddle, whose 1655 imprisonment for blasphemy, for example, was opposed most strongly by Henry Vane, a figure who is consistently identified with "the godly" by Martin (153; 284). The understanding of puritans advanced by her book is inferior to that of other revisionist scholars such as Nicholas Tyacke who, following the work of Christina Garrett, has carefully traced the genealogy of puritanism back to the Marian exiles. Contra Martin, Tyacke, recognizing the diversity of puritan thought, documents a progressive broadening of the field of their thought and action over time and has recently asserted that Milton's arguments [End Page 147] for liberty, in fact, "exemplify . . . the puritan paradigm of English politics" (550). Tyacke documents a long history of puritan engagements with secular politics and rejects "misleadingly narrow" religious definitions that "ignore the existence of a much more all-embracing puritan political vision" (527). The chapters in Part II are very strong for what they are: a close reading of the Baconian and secular aspects of the cosmology and anthropology of Paradise Lost, an interpretation of Paradise Regained that provocatively and persuasively critiques scholarship that "isolates" Milton from the dominant neoclassical aesthetics of the day, and an argument for classifying Samson Agonistes as a "classical republican" tragedy (279). These chapters offer a more nuanced survey of Milton's writings and to some extent qualify the strident anti-puritan polemic that structures the first two hundred pages of the book. The opening chapter of Part II offers a survey of "secular resources" that illuminate the "philosophical, cosmological and anthropological framework" (215) of Paradise Lost. Martin clearly states that her chapter is...

History over the Water: The King James Bible Turns 400

History over the Water: The King James Bible Turns 400 Derek Wilson (bio) The King James Version of the English Bible is 400 years old this year. For a country like Britain that prides itself on being multicultural and secular, the anniversary has been afforded a surprising amount of media attention. Hours of television and radio time have been devoted to it, and the celebrated film director Norman Stone has made a ninety-minute documentary describing its genesis. All this to commemorate the far-from-romantic work of six committees of scholars and senior ecclesiastics spread over seven years from 1604 to 1611. Moreover, the King James Bible was just one episode of a translation process that had been going on for more than a century and has continued to the present day. It was not the last word in faithfulness to the best ancient texts available at the time, and it has been subjected to various revisions throughout its lifetime. Yet until recent times it was firmly established as the English Bible, and there are many users today who will still countenance no other. The reasons for its success do need exploring. For its devotees there is nothing remotely odd about its longevity: the KJV, they will claim, is written in unsurpassably beautiful language, which speaks directly to the soul. It is not just a vehicle for the eternal word of God; it is the word of God. Click for larger view View full resolution Archbishop William Laud, from Thomas Longueville, A Life of Archbishop Laud (London, 1894). Well, pace Marshal McLuhan’s famous dictum, in this instance at least, the medium is not the message. Whatever the historian may believe about the workings of providence in history, he cannot be satisfied with value judgments but is professionally bound to investigate those circumstances on the terrestrial plane that influence major events. This is not always easy for people to understand. As I have delivered talks and lectures on the KJV over the last few months I have sometimes been taken to task for irreverence or, at least, for not making sufficient allowance for the sheer excellence of this particular translation. In response, I have been at pains to point out that the dominance of the KJV can largely be explained in terms of the usual conflicts of interests and socio-political changes that govern all our history. There were, it seems to me, a series historical “accidents” that to a remarkable degree extended the shelf life of the 1611 Bible, making it the authoritative text throughout the English-speaking world. The first was the eradication of the opposition. By the beginning of the 17th century the Geneva Bible had become the translation of choice for most English readers. Shakespeare had read it and heard it read from his schooldays in Stratford-on-Avon onward. At least 1,200 references and allusions to it appear in his plays and poems. By 1604 this version had been in use for a generation or more and had far out-sold its rival, the bland Bishops’ Bible. Its language was vigorous. It was the first to divide the text into chapters and verses for ease of reading and reference. Its various printings included maps, charts, linguistic notes, and, of course, the Calvinistic glosses that rendered it anathema to middle-of-the-road Anglicans. If any version was responsible for making the English “the people of a book and that book . . . the Bible,” as J.H. Green claimed, that version was the one compiled by the Marian exiles in the 1550s.1 If it had continued to be freely printed, we might now be celebrating the anniversaries of the Geneva Bible. The fact that we are not is largely down to one man: Archbishop William Laud. His appointment to Canterbury in 1633 was a deliberate move by Charles I to suppress the Puritan element in the English church. On the scaffold ten years later Laud claimed that he had labored “to keep an uniformity in the external service of God.”2 What this meant in practice was the bolstering of royal absolutism and of episcopal power by enforcing on all congregations the doctrinal and...

Christopher D'Addario, Exile and Journey in Seventeenth-Century LiteratureExile and Journey in Seventeenth-Century Literature. ChristopherD'Addario. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. v+199.

<i>Christopher D'Addario,</i> Exile and Journey in Seventeenth-Century Literature<i>Exile and Journey in Seventeenth-Century Literature</i>. ChristopherD'Addario. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. v+199.

THE PURITAN PARADIGM OF ENGLISH POLITICS, 1558–1642

ABSTRACTTraditionally puritanism has been treated as a religious phenomenon that only impinged on the world of that ‘secular’ politics to a limited extent and mainly in relation to church reform. Such an approach, however, is to employ a misleadingly narrow definition which ignores the existence of a much more all-embracing puritan political vision traceable from the mid-sixteenth century. First clearly articulated by some of the Marian exiles, this way of thinking interpreted the Bible as a manifesto against tyranny whether in church or state. Under the successive regimes of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I, puritans can be found who continued to judge the actions of government by the same biblical criterion, which also helps to explain among other things their prominence in opposing unparliamentary taxation. Puritan ideology itself was transmitted down the generations partly via a complex of family alliances, underpinned by teaching and preaching, and this in turn provided a basis for political organization. Moreover, the undiminished radical potential of puritanism is evident from responses to the assassination of Buckingham in 1628. Given these antecedents the subsequent resort to Civil War appears less surprising than historians often claim.

The Biblical Origins of Nationalism

March/April 2006 · Historically Speaking 21 The Biblical Origins of Nationalism Anthony D. Smith Nationalism is generally assumed to be a secular ideology and a modern movement. While there may be some debate about the nature and dating of nations, there is little or no disagreement about the character and modernity of nationalism. Yet, even here, things are not that clear-cut. Not only do we find strands ofnationalist ideology in earlier periods of history, but closer inspection reveals an early modern form of nationalism, one with an ancient religious pedigree, which I shall term "covenantal" nationalism.1 What can such a term imply? Pacts and oath swearing were common enough in the French Revolution and its successors. In Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Greece, and elsewhere the formation of more or less secret societies whose members were bound to each other by oaths and rituals was a common prelude, or accompaniment, to mass agitation. There were also open, public oath ceremonies. An early example was the celebration of the Fete de la Federation on the Champs de Mars in 1790, when the tricolor was flown and the participants swore to defend the patrie using the selfsame gestures of the Roman oath sworn by the three Horatii brothers in Jacques-Louis David's painting ofLes Horaces of 1784. The point of such oath ceremonies was not to enter into mutually beneficial contracts. It was to bind the nation to its own image of itself. As such it was an act ofworship, and its god was as exclusive as that of any previous monotheism . As the Petition ofAgitators put it in 1792: "The image of the patrie is the sole divinity whom it is permissible to worship."2 In other words, this secular doctrine was embedded in a sacred context and had a religious purpose. Ofcourse, this was not religion in a transcendental mode. It did not seek salvation from a suprahuman, otherworldly cosmos . The salvation it offered was entirely of this world—to be part of the nation progressing through time and history. The immortality it conferred was equally terrestrial: the judgment ofhistory and the praise ofposterity. But it was not less religious for that. Better than any Durkheimian totemism, the rituals of nationalism created social solidarity through collective effervescence in national self-worship , if only temporarily. They also set the nation apart from others and imbued its members with strength and purpose, including aggression and expansion, as happened in Revolutionary France from 1793. Yet these rituals were not the first of their kind. They possessed a lineage, not so much in France perhaps, but certainly in England, Scotland, and the Netherlands. Though these mation was a growing identification of England as an elect nation, a view encouraged by the ideal of the Covenant found in the Hebrew Bible. This in turn encouraged a return to the study and inspiration of the Old Testament (long regarded in Catholic theology as merely a prelude to the gospel of the New Testament), with the laws of the Pentateuch Colonel Titus addresses Oliver Cromwell, undated. The James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. are not the only cases—we may cite the cases of Ulster, the northern colonies of the United States, and the Afrikaners—they are the first, and the most striking. Here, we can clearly discern the biblical lineage ofnationalism and the image ofthe ancient Mosaic Covenant.3 Let me start with England. Here the Henrician Reformation, much like those of Denmark and Sweden from the 1530s, was undertaken by the state and elevated the Royal Supremacy in place of papal authority. But it was succeeded by a more radical Protestant reform, whose main legacies were a vernacular Bible and Book of Common Prayer. However, it was the bitter experience of the Marian exiles from 1553 to 1558, reflecting on the Protestant martyrs of Mary's reign, that established a specifically English mode of Protestantism with growing Calvinist tendencies . Foxe's Book of Martyrs (1560-1573) became, after the Bible, the most widely read Protestant text. One of the fruits of this reforand the moral examples of biblical heroes serving as models for the Puritan...

The Use of Natural Law in Early Calvinist Resistance Theory

A remarkable phenomenon in the history of Western political and legal thought is the emergence of so-called sixteenth-century Calvinist resistance theory. Groups of intellectuals, committed to the theology of John Calvin and seeing the Reformed churches of their homelands oppressed by hostile monarchs, stepped beyond the rather strict obedience that Calvin commended toward civil authority and advocated various degrees of civil disobedience and even revolution. Two early and famous expressions of Calvinist resistance theory were from the “Marian exiles,” British Calvinists on the continent who fled the persecution of Bloody Mary Tudor in the 1550s, and the French Huguenots who wrote in the aftermath of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572. Scholars have made impressive claims about these writers. Many perceive in their work a major turning point in political and legal theory and identify it as a key source for the development of Western revolutionary thinking and modernization more generally.

Heretic Hunting beyond the Seas: John Brett and his Encounter with the Marian Exiles

The story of beleaguered Protestants who fled to the continent during the reign of Mary Tudor in the 1550s is well-known, but less familiar is the attempt by the queen and her representatives to order some of those exiles apprehended and brought back home for confrontation or punishment. One agent placed in charge of tracking down a few of the more prominent exiles and serving them with papers was John Brett: over the course of several months, in which he himself was pursued, insulted, beaten, and ultimately chased from Frankfurt and Strasbourg by protestant sympathizers, Brett persisted in his attempt to reach figures such as Katherine, the godly duchess of Suffolk, and her family; the result however was utter failure, described in an account of the tribulations written by Brett himself after his empty-handed return to England.

The First Earl of Salisbury’s Pursuit of Hugh Owen

Robert Cecil, the first Earl of Salisbury and James I’s principal secretary of state, had every reason for regarding Hugh Owen with intense dislike. Born at Plas Du on the Lleyn peninsula in Caernarvonshire in 1538, he belonged to a family that was completely devoted and committed to the old faith. For some time until 1571, he was secretary to Henry Fitzallan, twelfth and last Earl of Arundel of his house. He left Wales for the Low Countries in 1571 looking for the freer life that the Marian exiles sought abroad under Mary I. It was alleged by some that this was a virtual admission that he had been involved in the recent Ridolfi plot. Lord Lumley who knew him was prepared to defend him from any implication in that conspiracy. In fact the plot, like most of the plots of the period, was more likely to have been a contrivance to get rid of rivals and opponents.

Marian Exiles and the Legitimacy of Flight from Persecution

With particular attention paid to the experience of the Marian exiles, this paper analyses the sixteenth-century Protestant debate about the rectitude of flight from persecution. It suggests that, although this debate must be located in a centuries-old Christian discussion about flight, contemporary understandings of the nature of God's will and providence were equally important. The paper contends that the Marian exiles largely succeeded in justifying their flight to their brethren, and that this success had a significant impact on the subsequent historical accounts of the period.

:Pilgrimage to Puritanism: History and Theology of the Marian Exiles at Geneva, 1555-1560

Protestants who fled England during the reign of Mary Tudor settled in a number of cities on the Continent. Those who went to Geneva at the invitation of John Calvin have become known as the most radical voices for reform of the Church of England during the Elizabethan Settlement. Many scholars have called them puritans. Pilgrimage to Puritanism is a comprehensive study of these English Protestant refugees: who they were, what they published while in Geneva and later during Elizabeth's reign, the nature of the refugee church they established under Calvin's tutelage, and the theological and political thought that became pivotal in sixteenth-century English Puritanism.

Marian Protestantism: Six Studies

The English church at Emden the stranger community in Maraian London the London exile community and the second sacramentarian controversy, 1553-1560 Nicodemism and the English reformation the Latin polemic of the Marian exiles the Marian exiles and the Elizabethan settlement conclusion - Marian Protestantism

:Politics, Censorship and the English Reformation

Introduction: the Reformation and the English state. Part 1 Politics: the Royal Supremacy - a note in discussion the Essex Inquisitions of 1556 the enforcement of reaction, 1553-1558 the origins of English protestant nationalism the sense of identity among the Marian exiles relations between the Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches in the 16th century. Part 2 Censorship: the authorship and publication of Copye of a Letter sedition the theory and practice of censorship in 16th century England illicit presses and clandestine printing in England, 1520-1590 books and the English reformation prior to 1558. Part 3 The English Reformation: Martin Luther and the early stages of the English Reformation the Collegiate churches of County Durham at the time of the dissolution the dissolution of the diocese of Durham, 1553-4 Anabaptism and English sectarianism in the mid-16th century the bishops of the restored Catholic Church under Queen Mary the piety of the Catholic Restoration in England 1553-1558.

Cowley's Verse Satire, 1642-43, and the Beginnings of Party Politics

Political parties which are recognized and named by the I68os were not much in evidence prior to the civil wars. Although conditions for party formation had been developing since the Reformation, the vertical model of king/subject held the cultural imagination and so defined political reality. By 1640, however, other models could be conceived: for instance, Oliver St John could speak of a ruling parliament as a 'great body politic' comprehending 'all from king to beggar',1 and verse satire of the i64os, as we shall see, provides some evidence that political activity could be perceived as a function of party organization. I will argue that satire of Horatian kind, in particular Cowley's second satire, helped to make the new political vision possible. The genre both reflects and alters its subject, and the form which it imposes brings an otherwise vague political structure into clearer focus. The phenomenon of party politics has been broadly described by a number of social and literary historians. Lawrence Stone, for example, puts the origins of political parties in the i57os and I58os, when 'a vacuum of religious zeal was created by the non-preaching, non-proselytizing, absentee clergy of the church established by Elizabeth' which 'was filled by two groups of dedicated and determined men who differed utterly in their religious loyalties and beliefs'. The first was made up of seminary priests, who built a post-Reformation Catholic minority. The other was a group of Puritan ministers and preachers, either Marian exiles returned or younger men whose muses were Protestant martyrs. Stone cites J. E. Neale's judgement that the Puritan lobby in the Elizabethan House of Commons was the first political party in English history, and adds that 'the congregations clustering around the Puritan lecturers in the urban churches of the 162os and 163os were the models for ideological party organization'.2 Mark Kishlansky, who studies political party formation through parliamentary selection, locates evidence for political organization in shifts from 'unified choice' candidates to contests. Kishlansky cites David Underdown's broad formula that 'between the Elizabethan era ... and the crisis of the Popish

The Sense of National Identity among the Marian Exiles (1553–1558)

Dr Cox and others with him came to Frankfort out of England, who began to break that order that was agreed upon; first in answering aloud after the minister, contrary to the church’s determination; and being admonished thereof by the Seniors of the congregation, he, with the rest that came with him made answer, That they would do as they had done in England; and that they would have the face of an English church….Thanks to the Brieff Discours, a partisan account published for polemical purposes almost twenty years later, the ‘Troubles’ which began with this gesture form one of the best-known aspects of the Marian exile. However, because of the context within which the compilers of that work were operating, it is usually seen simply as a liturgical conflict between the protagonists of the 1552 Prayer Book, and those of the Geneva rite, which had been printed in English as far back as 1550. In fact, the issues which it raised were far wider, embracing the whole conduct of ecclesiastical affairs, and the nature of the English church.