Translation Of Manuscript Research Articles

Not the Lun yu: The Chu script bamboo slip manuscript, Zigao, and the nature of early Confucianism

AbstractThis article includes a line-by-line translation and textual analysis of the Warring States period Chu script bamboo slip manuscript, Zigao 子羔. It argues that the manuscript differs from the transmitted Confucian tradition, but would have been considered a ru 儒 (“Confucian”) text. Unusual features include: (1) The disciple is Zigao, who is described negatively in the Lun yu. (2) The term tian zi 天子, “son-of-sky/heaven” is used literally, to refer to the divinely conceived progenitors of the three royal lineages. (3) The term san wang, “three kings”, refers to these progenitors rather than the founding rulers. (4) Confucius advocates abdication. (5) The progenitors of the dynastic lineages, rather than the founding rulers, are juxtaposed to Shun 舜, who received the rule from Yao because of his merit. A Chinese edition, with direct transcriptions and alternative readings of the Chu script graphs, is appended.

:Queen Elizabeth's Book of Oxford

Acknowledgements List of Illustrations Introduction, Louise Durning Note on the Manuscript, Louise Durning The Manuscript Translations i. The Topographical Delineation of the Colleges and Public Schools of the University of Oxford, Translated from the Latin by Sarah Knight ii. Gratulatory Address and Poem, Translated from the Hebrew by Helen Spurling Notes on the Drawings, Louise Durning Notes

The Myth of Bryson and Economic Thought in Islam

The inspiration for the present note comes primarily from a statement in the old edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. In its volume four on page number 595, Heffening (1934) states that to Helmut Ritter 'the whole economic literature of Islam can be traced to economics of Neo- pythagorean Bryson' (emphasis added). In 1917 the German writer Ritter edited and translated Abu Jafar al-Dimashqi's treatise Kitab al-Isharah ila Mahasin al-Tijarah. In his introduction of the book he noted the said remark. It is this unqualified statement that we dispute here. Later in 1928 another German author Plessner tried to show Bryson's influence on Islamic economic thought by making a review of all the Arab-Muslim literary works that concerned themselves even remotely with Bryson's text (Heffening 1934, Vol.4, p. 595). His assertion of Bryson's influence was later taken up by many other writers. Now who is this Bryson? It is said that he was a Greek philosopher whose personality was 'unidentified' and 'whose work was unknown to the West' (Spengler, 1964, p. 276 footnote). It may be noted that there is no mention of Bryson in Schumpeter's encyclopedic work History of Economics Analysis which presents minute details of the history of the intellectual efforts 'from the earliest discernible beginning' (Schumpeter, 1997, p. 3). Bryson's name came from an Arabic translation of an unknown manuscript entitled Kitab Tadbir al-Manzil (the book of household management). Its author and the translator both are obscure. There is no consensus on the correct form of his name. It is guessed to be a Latin or Greek name such as 'Barses', 'Brasius', 'Beresius', 'Bersius',

Geschichte der sorbischen Grammatikschreibung. Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts by Sonja Wölke (review)

REVIEWS !33 there is an incorrect alphabetical order in the references on p. 67. As stated by the editors, they 'kept different styles of transliteration of Cyrillic and adjusted them according to accepted standards' (p. 7). Yet for non-Cyrillic names, there is a disturbing inconsistency, as in the case of 'Al-Ghazzali' in Romanchuk's essay (pp. 148, 149, etc.) and the Index, and 'Al-Ghaz?lF in Taube's text (pp. 191, 194, etc.), although the Library of Congress lists this name as (al-)Ghazzal?. A more serious shortcoming ishidden in the titleof the book. The editors erroneously equate the Russian pozdnee srednevekov 'e, stretch ing, according to East Slavic historiography, from the late fifteenth to the seventeenth century,with theLate Middle Ages in West European tradition, covering a time span between roughly 1300 and 1500. Save for the latter drawback, most shortcomings are relatively inconse quential and will not diminish the book's appeal to a wide range of scholars interested in the cultural and linguistic history of thatperiod, who will surely find it most stimulating and enlightening. Pace University, New York Andrii Danylenko W?lke, Sonja. Geschichte der sorbischenGrammatikschreibung. Von den Anfangen bis zum Ende des ig. Jahrhunderts.Schriften des Sorbischen Instituts, 38. Domowina, Bautzen, 2005. 304 pp. Bibliographies. Index. 24.90 (paperback). In 1650, or perhaps a littleearlier,Johannes Choinanus (1610-64), a graduate of the University ofWittenberg and a native-speaker of Lower Sorbian, without any precedent to guide him, set about writing the firstSorbian gram mar. That is the beginning of the story thisbook has to tell.More precisely, however, the story of Sorbian grammar-writing has three beginnings, embod ied in the grammars of Choinanus (1650), Georgius Ludovici (before 1673), andjakub Xaver Ticin (1679), for these threeworks do not form a progression. On the contrary, each one of them represents the beginning of a separate tradition. Choinanus came from the north of Sorbian territory, Ludovici from the south. Ticin came from roughly halfway in between. Choinanus and Ludovici were both Protestants, but they spoke different dialects and the linguistic gap between them was considerable, so their grammars laid the grammatical foundations for the separate Upper and Lower Sorbian literary languages (or variants). Ticin was a Jesuit. All three were priests and itwas missionary goals that stimulated the need to understand Sorbian grammar. The Reformation had come early to the Sorbs. In 1520 inPostwitz (Budestecy) Paul Bossack had preached theGospel and permitted his flock to receive communion in both kinds, but even by the end of theThirty Years War (1648), by which time 90 per cent of Sorbs were Lutherans, they still had neither the Bible nor even printed extracts from the Bible in theirmother tongue. They made do with homespun oral or manuscript translations fromLuther's Bible, improvised by theirpastors, some of whom were aided by the grammars of Choinanus and Ludovici, which circulated in manuscript copies. These translations varied a good deal and caused confusion. 134 SEER, 86, I, 2008 Ticin had plans for the re-conversion of his compatriots to theChurch of Rome and knew that his dialect, which was closer than Ludovici's to the Sorbian ofLower Lusatia, was justwhat was needed for thismission. He saw that a separate grammar of his dialect was necessary and in 1679 in Prague he published his Principia linguae wendicae, the firstprinted Sorbian grammar, laying down a framework for Sorbian literature of theCounter-Reformation. The Upper Lusatian States, realizing now that their Sorbian subjects, having no Bible of their own, were vulnerable to the blandishments of Rome, responded by appointing Paul Pr?torius to head a committee to produce Upper Sorbian translations of themain devotional texts.The committee used Ludovici's manuscript grammar and, showing a degree of pragmatism, used Ticin as well. It is inevitable that Sonja W?lke's subject should involve questions of historical dialectology, for in the seventeenth century itwas said that there were asmany dialects as therewere parishes and, though the dialectal features and their boundaries changed, this was still true 300 years later. Expert handling of the local and chronological variation underlying attempts to describe Sorbian grammar isone of the outstanding ingredients in thisbook's success. However...

Thomas Percy, China, and the Gothic

Thomas Percy, China, and the Gothic James Watt (bio) While assembling the materials that were to make up his influential collection Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (1765), Thomas Percy issued the first translation of a Chinese novel in a European language, Hau Kiou Choaan, or, The Pleasing History (1761), and he produced a collection of (mainly translated) essays and extracts under the title of Miscellaneous Pieces Relating to the Chinese (1762). The first half of this article will examine these works as provocative interventions in long-standing debates about the prestige of Chinese civilization, and it will discuss the way that Percy positioned himself in relation to other available means of presenting "Chinese" material, as well as to the substantial body of Jesuit missionary sources that were at his disposal. In the remainder of this piece, I will be concerned to trace the continuity of Percy's preoccupations and editorial practices across his diverse publications of the 1760s, in order to suggest that The Pleasing History and Miscellaneous Pieces were also constitutive parts of his larger and much better-known project to recover and celebrate the integrity of a native and sometimes specifically Gothic genius. Briefly considering the wider field of late-eighteenth-century literary orientalisms, towards the close, I will go on to claim that Percy's writings of the 1760s set out a particular position in what was to become a contentious argument over the nature and origins of the stimuli that might rejuvenate British literary culture. It is not clear precisely how and when Percy's interest in China began, but we know that in February 1758 he borrowed a manuscript translation of the seventeenth-century Chinese novel Hau Kiou Choaan from a Captain Wilkinson, whose uncle, James Wilkinson, had first translated the work in 1719, probably as a form of language exercise while he was resident as a merchant in Canton. Percy later claimed to have pruned and refined Wilkinson's manuscript, and he also added a preface and an extensive apparatus of footnotes to his 1761 edition of the novel, as well as a series of addenda, including "The Argument or Story of a Chinese Play," "A Collection of Chinese Proverbs," [End Page 95] and "Fragments of Chinese Poetry." The fame at this time of Percy's publisher, Robert Dodsley, testified to the potentially broad appeal of works that claimed—either real or imaginary—Chinese origins. Dodsley was widely known not only as one of London's preeminent booksellers (he later published other works by Percy, including the Reliques), but also as the author of The Oeconomy of Human Life, a collection of general ethics that first appeared in 1750, and went through almost two hundred editions before the end of the century. Dodsley's work claimed to have been transmitted from China by an unnamed "English gentleman," who had caught on to the "great noise" made by a rare Indian manuscript that had been picked up by the Chinese imperial envoy on a mission to Tibet; offering a calculatedly broad and nondenominational appeal, The Oeconomy of Human Life assumed the appearance of an "ancient piece of eastern instruction," as a means of addressing abstract moral questions concerning the "Duties that relate to Man, considered as an individual."1 Although there is little available evidence on the basis of which to reconstruct Percy's negotiations with his publisher, it seems fair to suggest that Dodsley would have initially seen The Pleasing History as a means of further capitalizing on the great commercial success of The Oeconomy of Human Life, as well as of catering to the popular taste for things Chinese (the frontispiece to the novel's first volume, depicting a wedding procession, is in fact strongly reminiscent of a "chinoiserie" scene).2 One of the many striking things about Percy's edition of this Chinese novel, however, is that it eschews the generalized "eastern instruction" framework that had been employed by Dodsley's Oeconomy. Whatever their actual provenance, early and mid-eighteenth-century oriental fictions published in Britain tended to offer themselves to their readers as works that provided a combination of instruction and delight. Percy referred to the "moral tendency" of The Pleasing...

Swimming Down the Gutter of Time with Sterne and The Scriblerian

48 adjudged the ‘‘idealist’’; Fielding, the ‘‘realist.’’ Fielding and Richardson as eighteenth -century adumbrations of Dostoevsky and Tolstoy, Faulkner and Hemingway —great siblings with opposing ontologies—that is an interesting claim. Mr. Weidhorn’s commentary upon them, however, is old news. WRIGHT, GILLIAN. ‘‘Epictetus in Eighteenth -Century Wales: Timothy Thomas’ Manuscript Translation of the Enchiridion ,’’ Tr&Lit, 14 (Spring 2005), 45–63. From a manuscript dated 1744, we know that Timothy Thomas, the Anglican rector of a remote Welsh parish, translated Epictetus’s Enchiridion into an English work of learning and skill. Thomas incorporated scriptural references his readers would find apposite for the moral resonances they drew from the Greek text. Further, he rendered the original into a popular eighteenth-century idiom , following the style of satirical imitation associated with Pope and Swift. Ms. Wright traces Thomas’s connection through his brother William to the Earl of Oxford, and suggests this MS was a coterie text influenced by, if not influencing, the literary network associated with the Harleys from the 1720s through mid-century. The obscure Thomas and his translation have found a sensitive and thorough reader. SWIMMING DOWN THE GUTTER OF TIME WITH STERNE AND THE SCRIBLERIAN* Melvyn New In 2004 I published a small piece in these pages, in sympathetic response to an article by W. B. Carnochan concerning the reshaping of the canon in recent years; he had used the MLA bibliography to chart the fortunes of authors, noting significant drops, for example, in the number of studies on Dryden, Pope, and Fielding, but an enormous rise, from near obscurity to celebrity status, for Aphra Behn. Using the Scriblerian indexes for the 25-year period from 1973–1998, I found similar numbers. The gist of my findings was that scholarly work on such authors as Addison, Steele, and, most sadly, Dryden and Pope, was dropping precipitously, while scholarship on Behn went from no articles reviewed between 1973–1983, to only six in the next five years, 26 in the next five, and a whopping 62 articles between 1993–1998—that is 12 articles a year—and this did not take into account book-length studies. I begin my discussion where I believe it should begin—with the purpose of literary commentary as it relates to Prince Posterity, deftly invented by Swift. As I concluded in that earlier essay, ‘‘rather than being overly exercised by Behn’s meteoric rise, we must ask ourselves a larger question about the canon based on these numbers: is a canon expandable, as most of those laboring away today on Pix or Astell, Rowe or Oldham, would maintain, or is the canon a zero-sum entity? . . . If we add an author to our list, can we adjust our eyes and years upward as well, or do we subtract an author to make room? And if we do add and subtract, how do we justify our doing so?’’ 49 The question of swimming down the gutter of time, writing a work that would indeed be perused and commented upon, was uppermost in the minds of Scriblerian writers. It was, indeed, a period that witnessed an explosive development of commentary , scholarly and popular, on what we today deem ‘‘literature’’ as opposed to our ‘‘commentaries’’ on them. Poets and dramatists recognized almost immediately that with an enormous proliferation of available texts vying for recognition, the initial and continuing reception of their work would mean the difference between fame or obscurity, and even infamy was, for a few hardy souls, then as now, just as good as fame. Hence, for Dryden (think of The Rehearsal, if nothing else), for Swift, for Pope, the world of commentators (reviewers if you will) became of crucial significance, and much energy was expended in trying to shape and control what was said about their own writings—rewarding the favorable, carving up the others. In short, canon formation was already an issue in the eighteenth century, when authors realized instantly (and quite naturally, since their survival was at stake), that their existence depended on their readers—both their quantity and their quality. For good or ill, eighteenth-century authors embraced the problem of creating a receptive and perceptive audience for themselves, lauding those they...

Die Griekse manuskrip van die <i>Kindheidsevangelie van Tomas</i> in Kodeks Sinaïtikus (Gr 453) vertaal in Afrikaans

The Greek manuscript of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas in Codex Sinaiticus (Gr 453) translated into AfrikaansFourteen Greek manuscripts and early translations exist of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. The Greek version in Codex Sinaiticus (Gr 453) represents the most authentic version. The article shows that the reproduction of this Greek manuscript was made possible because of Constantin von Tischendorf’s collection of Greek manuscripts and a Latin translation. The aim of this article is to provide an Afrikaans translation of the Greek manuscript in Codex Sinaiticus (Gr 453) in order to purport further investigation into the redactional tendencies found in the manuscript. These tendencies are oriented by motifs in the Ebionite Gospels rather than in Gnosticism.

Epictetus in Eighteenth-Century Wales: Timothy Thomas' Manuscript Translation of the Enchiridion

The widespread admiration enjoyed by the Greek philosopher Epictetus in late seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century Britain is well attested. Between 1660 and 1760, Epictetus (c. ad 60-140) is cited by writers as diverse as Dryden, Pope, Chudleigh, Centlivre, Congreve, Fielding, Richardson, and Sterne, and he was not only widely read but taken seriously as a moralist with much to say to contemporary society. Seventeenth-century churchmen such as Jeremy Taylor and Simon Patrick quoted him extensively; to the latter in particular Epictetus exemplified the moral superiority over the moderns that might be attained by a virtuous ancient, even if lacking the benefits of Christian revelation.1 Epictetus was also admired and endorsed by moralists such as Addison and Steele in the Spectator, and Shaftesbury, both in the Characteristics and in his unpublished manuscripts.2 Although the longer version of Epictetus' teachings, the Discourses (compiled by his pupil, Arrian), seems to have been known, it was the much shorter summary, the Enchiridion or Manual (also compiled by Arrian) , which was most frequently cited and reproduced.3 Prior to Elizabeth Carter's rendering of his complete extant works (1758), all printed English translations of Epictetus had been of the Enchiridion, Of these, by far the most successful were Ellis Walker's verse text (1692; eight subsequent editions published in London and three in Dublin) and George Stanhope's prose version with Simplicius' commentary (five editions between 1694 and 1741). A manuscript translation of

Легенда о святой Урсуле в старой польской и восточнославянской письменности (XVI-XVII вв.)

The variant of the Saint-Ursula-legend, which is preserved in the Polish chronicle written by Maciej Stryjkowski (Königsberg 1582) and put in the Hunnish period, is an unaltered borrowing from Cyprian Bazylik's Polish translation (Cracow 1574) of Miklós Oláh's work (Nicolaus Olahus) Athila (Basel 1568). Around 1580 an anonymous Belorussian translation was made from this Polish version in Vilna (Vilnius). As Cyprian Bazylik, the first translator did not indicate the name of the author (that is of Miklós Oláh) in his Polish translation (1574), the later translators, both Stryjkowski and the unknown Belorussian one, carried on this legend without mentioning its author. Later, in the 17th century Stryjkowski's chronicle was translated twice into Russian Church Slavonic and in this way the Ursula-legend, as part of these translations, got into the Russian literature in the version formulated by the Hungarian humanist Miklós Oláh. At the end of our study we publish the text of the Ursula-legend in the following variants: 1) the original Latin work of Miklós Oláh (1568), 2) Cyprian Bazylik's Polish translation (1574), 3) the anonymous Old Belorussian manuscript translation (around 1580), 4) the legend according to the Polish chronicle of Maciej Stryjkowski (1582), 5) the anonymous Russian Church Slavic translations of 1673-1679 and 6) 1688.

Les jarres de Bornéo d'après un texte malais de 1839

Henri Chambert-Loir This article presents the facsimile edition, transcription and translation of a Malay manuscript written in Nanga Kayan (West Borneo) in 1839. This text, probably written for the use of merchants and collectors, illustrates and describes with much detail the Chinese jars which were available in the region in the early nineteenth century. It gives the names of more than forty kinds of jars, enumerates the characteristics of the main types, and gives an estimate of their comparative prices. This text is therefore one of the rare attempts ever made to give a systematic classification of such jars. It is even more interesting that it should have been done in Malay.

Joel and Obadiah: A Commentary

In Joel and Obadiah, John Barton furnishes a fresh translation of the ancient manuscripts and discusses questions of historical background and literary architecture before providing a theologically sensitive and critically informed interpretation of the text. The Old Testament Library provides fresh and authoritative treatments of important aspects of Old Testament study through commentaries and general surveys. The contributors are scholars of international standing.

Hypoplastic Left-Heart Syndrome: The First Description of the Pathophysiology in 1851; Translation of a Publication by Dr. Bardeleben From Giessen, Germany

The term hypoplastic left-heart syndrome was first proposed by Noonan and Nadas 1 Noonan AJ Nadas AS The hypoplastic left heart syndrome: an analysis of 101 cases. Pediatr Clin North Am. 1958; 5: 1029-1058 Crossref PubMed Scopus (266) Google Scholar in 1958 and comprises a continuum of congenital cardiac anomalies characterized by underdevelopment of the aorta, aortic valve, left ventricle, mitral valve, and left atrium. The first published cases of aortic atresia were reported by Romberg 2 Romberg ELR On arctation and closure of the arteries in disease. Edinburgh Med Surg J. 1846; 65: 149 Google Scholar in 1846 and Canton 3 Canton Congenital obliteration of origin of the aorta. Transactions of the Pathological Society of London. 1848–1849/1849–1850; 2: 38 Google Scholar in 1849, and are more or less restricted to brief pathologic and anatomic descriptions. Neither pathophysiologic nor pathogenetic aspects were discussed. The account of Dr. Bardeleben, 4 Bardeleben K Obliteration of the left ostium arteriosum in the heart of a half-year old infant. in: Virchow R Reinhardt B Archiv für pathologische anatomie und physiologie und für klinische medicin (vol III). G. Reimer, Berlin, Germany1851: 305-312 Google Scholar written in 1851, was probably the first complete description of the clinical features, the pathologic-anatomic characteristics, and the pathophysiology of the hypoplastic left-heart syndrome. It includes an illustration of this malformation, a hypothesis on the etiology, and reflections on the symptoms. This historical publication documents the correct understanding of the circulation in this disorder, realizing that survival depends on a patent ductus arteriosus. Also, a differentiated theory on the development of cyanosis is provided. Pathogenetically, Dr. Bardeleben attributed aortic atresia not to a simple arrest of normal development, but to a pathologic process developing during intrauterine life. The precision and the clarity of the description and figures is striking. This account given by Dr. Bardeleben remains entirely valid even today. The following literal translation of the original manuscript gives the reader a sense of the original and gives credit to this early, superb, as yet unknown description (in the international literature) of a congenital heart disease.

Lucy Hutchinson and the Authorship of Two Seventeenth-Century Poems: A Computational Approach

Context of inquiryDavid Norbrook has recently offered strong evidence for attributing two seventeenth-century poems to Lucy Hutchinson.1 He has also invited the present authors to employ the methods of computational stylistics as an independent test of these attributions. The objects of this article, therefore, are to test the authorship of the two poems and to consider the significance of the outcome. Much the larger of the two is Order and Disorder, a versification of the Book of Genesis in twenty cantos of rhymed pentameters. Its first five cantos were published anonymously in 1679 and, following Anthony Wood, have always been attributed to Sir Allen Apsley, Lucy Hutchinson's brother (DNB). The whole poem survives in manuscript in the Osborn Collection in the Beinecke Library at Yale University.2 The second poem, an anonymous piece running to 188 lines, is a polemical rejoinder to Waller's fulsome 'Panegyrick to My Lord Protector'. It survives among the Additional Manuscripts in the British Library.3To set our inquiry in context, we shall begin by identifying Norbrook's candidate and sketching some of the literary-historical interest of the case. Lucy Apsley was born in 1620 and married John Hutchinson in 1638. During the Civil War he served as governor of Nottingham on the parliamentary side; later he was one of the regicides. Until Norbrook's researches, and the work of Hugh de Quehen, who has edited her manuscript translation of the De rerum natura,4 Lucy Hutchinson was known almost entirely for a remarkable memoir of her husband, which is one of the chief eyewitness sources for the Civil War. Indeed, the facts of Hutchinson's canon as they were formerly understood seemed to tell a story in themselves. Her achievement was a significant, but narrow one. In the same manuscript as the life of her husband there is a fragmentary autobiography, which breaks off unfinished. Sandra Findley and Elaine Hobby suggested that after the 'failure' to write her own life Hutchinson found her voice in writing the biography of her husband, and then fell silent. They expressed frustration that her canon is such that (as so often in seventeenth-century women's autobiography) discussing Lucy Hutchinson's writing one inevitably ends up discussing the deeds of her husband.5Within the Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson Lucy Hutchinson writes of herself as an actor in the story in the third person ('Mistress Hutchinson', 'she', etc.) but has an 'I' for the author of the memoirs. This Mistress Hutchinson is a submissive wife. She declares her existence to be negated by the Colonel's death: 'Soe, as his shadow, she waited on him every where, till he was taken into that region of light which admitts of none, and then she vanisht into nothing'.6 There are some ironies in this situation. As N. H. Keeble points out, Hutchinson celebrates wifely silence and submissiveness, but wrote forcefully and at length. The Memoirs, Keeble says, argue fiercely both for rebellion and for patriarchy, championing at the same time the Revolution and submission to male authority; meanwhile every page she writes casts an ironic gloss by its own existence on the arguments for female silence which it puts forward.7Acceptance of Norbrook's attributions would give Hutchinson an altered place in literary history and in the historiography of the Early Modern woman writer. For she would need to be recognised, in the first place, as an independent voice in the resistance to Cromwell's growing power in the 1650s. Nor could she be seen any longer as falling silent after composing elegies on and a memoir to her husband. This Hutchinson, on the contrary, was capable of writing as herself rather than as her husband's wife. She was writing, and indeed publishing, into the late 1670s - the dedication to the Lucretius translation is dated 1675 and the first part of Order and Disorder was published in 1679. (She died in 1681 or early 1682.)The possibility that Lucy Hutchinson wrote these two poems is therefore of real literary and historical interest. …

Rekonstrukcja zaginionych fragmentów Bazylikowego przekladuAthiliM. Oláha (1574)

The historical work of Miklos Olah, the Hungarian humanist, was first published in Latin in Basel in 1568. In 1574 it was already translated into Polish by Cyprian Bazylik and published in Cracow. The only existing copy of this edition is a defective one with 4 pages missing at the beginning and 4 at the end of the book. Fortunately, in 1580 an Old-Belorussian manuscript translation was made which closely follows the Polish text. In our study we reconstruct the missing parts of Cyprian Bazylik's Polish translation by using the original Latin and Old-Belorussian texts. The importance of this reconstruction for the reception of the work in Poland is that Cyprian Bazylik translated the ethnonym Hunni (Huns), used in the Latin original, with the Polish word Wegrowie (Hungarians) and in this way in the Polish text “Attila the King of the Huns” is transferred to “the King of the Hungarians”.

Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts (review)

Scholarship on the Mawangdui manuscripts is revolutionizing our understanding of early Chinese medical history, and we are fortunate to have a scholar of Donald Harper's caliber to bring the revolution to us. Early Chinese Medical Literature is an excellent introduction to the medicine of China in the fourth to second centuries b.c.e. Harper presents a rigorous, carefully considered historical [End Page 121] analysis and translation of the medical manuscripts buried with their owner in 168 b.c.e. and unearthed in Mawangdui, Hunan, in 1973. Although studies of these texts exist in Chinese and Japanese, and Harper has written a Ph.D. dissertation and articles on portions of them, this book is the first of its kind in a Western language, making all the texts and this scholarship available to a wider Western audience.

DOES FAITH CONTRIBUTE TO HEALING? SCIENTIFIC EVIDENCE FOR A CORRELATION BETWEEN SPIRITUALITY AND HEALTH

International Review of MissionVolume 90, Issue 356-357 p. 140-148 DOES FAITH CONTRIBUTE TO HEALING? SCIENTIFIC EVIDENCE FOR A CORRELATION BETWEEN SPIRITUALITY AND HEALTH Christoph Benn, Christoph Benn Dr Christoph Benn is a medical doctor working with the German Institute for Medical Mission. The author wishes to express his deeply felt gratitude to Prof. Troy W. Martin, Saint Xavier University, Chicago, for valuable advice and assistance with the translation of the original manuscript into English.Search for more papers by this author Christoph Benn, Christoph Benn Dr Christoph Benn is a medical doctor working with the German Institute for Medical Mission. The author wishes to express his deeply felt gratitude to Prof. Troy W. Martin, Saint Xavier University, Chicago, for valuable advice and assistance with the translation of the original manuscript into English.Search for more papers by this author First published: 25 March 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.2001.tb00270.xCitations: 3 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume90, Issue356-357January‐April 2001Pages 140-148 RelatedInformation

An Early Record of the Sarcophagi of Tjaiharpata and Esshu-Tefnut and the Identification of Some Lieder Squeezes at the Griffith Institute, Oxford

This article discusses the provenance of the sarcophagus of Tjaiharpata (now in Cairo) and the sarcophagus of Esshu-tefnut (now in Vienna): two shafts (or possibly just a single shaft), demonstrably near the Teti pyramid. It is based on a step-by-step identification of four Lieder squeezes (17.1-3, 18) kept in the Griffith Institute, Oxford. Heinrich Brugsch used these particular squeezes as the basic source for 'Planche vi' of his Recueil de monuments egyptiens and for a manuscript translation of the texts, but this was never mentioned in any of his later publications.

Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India (review)

Reviewed by: Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India Dan Arnold Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India. By Gregory Schopen. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1997. Pp. xvii + 298. For over twenty years now, Gregory Schopen has prolifically been producing articles on the archaeology, epigraphy, and texts that pertain to Indian Buddhist monasticism. Schopen's treatment of this material has been extremely insightful and original, and his work has been instrumental in overturning many of the cherished convictions that had long constituted the "received wisdom" of Buddhist studies. In particular, his articles have prompted significant revision in thought regarding the development of Mahāyāna and regarding the role of the monastic religious in Buddhist cultic life. With the publication of this collection of Schopen's essays, Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India (the first of two such volumes, according to the Preface by Donald Lopez), Schopen's work stands to receive a wider hearing, and so to extend its already significant influence in the field of Buddhist studies. This is as it should be; for all scholars in the field are very much in Schopen's debt for the illuminating interpretations and conclusions that he has distilled from monumental amounts of epigraphical data. While Schopen has devoted care to the edition, translation, and interpretation of manuscript remains from Gilgit (chiefly, the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins), his most characteristic and original interpretations have been of the kind of "donative inscriptions" attached to the material remains of Indian Buddhist cultic life—a task that requires, among other things, a rare expertise across the range of Middle Indic dialects. In deploying such expertise, Schopen has presented compelling evidence, for example, that it was in fact monks and nuns who sponsored the kinds of practices typically associated with the rise of Mahāyāna—a conclusion that counters the long-unchallenged view that it was Buddhist laypeople who initiated this movement. It would be good indeed if such conclusions, as well as the exemplary scholarship that warrants them, were to have influence in proportion to their originality and importance. Still, it must be said that the presentation of the essays collected in this volume also reveals one important problem, and it is to be hoped that this feature does not become entrenched as part of Schopen's influence. For particularly when reading these essays all at once, one is struck by the recurrent statement of a specious dichotomy between what religious people "actually did," and what canonical texts say they should have done. Overcorrecting the biases of his philological predecessors, Schopen insists on this dichotomy in a way, it seems to me, that reflects a problematic view of how canonical texts must have been used—a view according to [End Page 620] which, if attested behavior contradicts such texts, they must simply not have been used. The influential essay "Two Problems in the History of Indian Buddhism: The Layman/Monk Distinction and the Doctrines of the Transference of Merit" (reprinted as chapter 2 of this volume) clearly exemplifies the pattern of Schopen's work. He starts by arguing (contra the presupposition of many of his predecessors) that there is little basis for taking the Pāli canon as reflecting anything like the state of practice at an early point in history. He then goes on to show (on the basis of donative inscriptions that are much more reliably datable indicators of what was happening on the ground) that, contrary to what the "canon" would lead us to expect, it was in fact chiefly monks and nuns who sponsored the production of cultic images. This evidence calls for the recognition that "from its first appearance in inscriptions, the Mahāyāna was a monk-dominated movement" (p. 32); that "not only was the image cult overwhelmingly a monastic concern, it was also, on the basis of the available information, a monastically initiated cult" (p. 32); and that, "All of . . . [the] monks [involved] were doctrinal specialists...

On the Sources of the Manuscript Translation of the Second Treatise of Government of John Locke (First Third of the 18th Century)

On the Sources of the Manuscript Translation of the Second Treatise of Government of John Locke (First Third of the 18th Century)

El hallazgo del escrito oculto en la literatura española del Siglo de Oro: elementos para una mitología del Libro

The pseudo-historicity, spurious attribution and alleged translation of a lost manuscript was a paratextual theme widely used in the Spanish literature of the Golden Age, usually associated with a taletype in which the author tells the circumstances of finding the lost text. Delpech focuses on the relations of such a theme —essential in apocrypha and in the literature of Revelation— to the mythology underlying talismanic magic. He argues that this mythology is rooted in some esoteric trends of Judaism and Islam that originated in the Hermetic Tradition, where ancient views of the East on the heavenly origin of writing and the holy nature of the book converged.