Introduction. The relevance of the study is driven by the need to comprehend historical practices of intercultural communication within the context of modern globalization challenges. The mission of Matteo Ricci in China (16th-17th centuries) serves as a classic example of an attempt to overcome civilizational barriers through dialogue rather than confrontation. However, the strategy of conceptual adaptation employed by Ricci has yet to receive a comprehensive linguo-philosophical analysis. Aim. To conduct a systematic analysis of the strategy of resemanticization of key Chinese philosophical concepts in Matteo Ricci's «Western Song» and to evaluate its effectiveness as a method for conveying Christian ideas. Methodology and research methods. The research is based on an interdisciplinary approach combining methods of conceptual analysis, historical-philosophical reconstruction, hermeneutics, and linguoculturology. The analysis was conducted on the material of Chinese philosophical canons («Analects», «Han Feizi», «Mozi», etc.), canonical texts of the Old and New Testaments, and the text of the first of the «Eight Songs for a Western Stringed Instrument/Qin» by Matteo Ricci. Results. Systematic semantic shifts in the interpretation of five key concepts («Mandate of Heaven», «Heaven», «Shang-di», «Noble man», «Impartiality») were identified. It was established that Ricci's strategy constituted a purposeful transformation of the immanent, cosmocentric paradigm of Chinese thought towards a theocentric and transcendent Christian model. The hermeneutical limits of this adaptation, determined by fundamental ontological differences, were defined. Scientific novelty. For the first time, a comprehensive linguo-philosophical analysis of Ricci's strategy in the «Western Song» through the prism of five interconnected concepts has been carried out. Practical significance. The results of the research can be used in works on comparative philosophy, the history of intercultural communication, translation studies, as well as in the practice of modern dialogues between civilizations.

The mandate of Heaven (tianming 天命) is one of the fundamental beliefs of ancient China. Its origin can be traced back to at least the Shang and Zhou dynasties. During the era of the Hundred Schools of Thought, it was developed into a philosophical concept by Confucianism. Nevertheless, its religiosity was still inherited and developed by Confucianism, particularly the form of Confucianism that served as the state religion since the Han Dynasty. Hence, these two distinct yet intertwined Confucian perspectives on tianming coexist harmoniously. This symbiotic relationship serves a dual purpose: it nurtures the humanistic spirit and belief among the intellectual elite while simultaneously offering a universal religious belief accessible to the common people. The underlying essence that enables Confucianism to accommodate these two disparate spiritual temperaments lies in its core tenets of unremitting self-improvement and profound humanistic concern. The Confucian concepts of tianming and related religious ideas inherently encapsulate a humanistic spirit that resonates with the ethos of modern society.

President Xi’s political thought (XPT) hybridizes Leninist essentials with the moral philosophies of Chinese intellectual heritage, particularly with Confucianism, forming a fused ideological structure. The paper conceptualized this synthesis as a New Mandate of Heaven that draws simultaneously on both traditional Chinese philosophies and philosophical underpinning of Marxism-Leninism. President Xi’s political thought is operationalized through five analytical dimensions: (1) political governance; (2) ideological foundations; (3) economic policy; (4) Chinese nationalism; and (5) global governance. Moreover, the paper examines its implications for the two nuclear South Asian states, Pakistan and India. The analysis concludes that Pakistan’s approach adopts a broadly receptive posture and aligns with XPT. In contrast, India’s policy is informed by a set of strategies that resist, perceiving XPT as a threat to its power projection in the region.

One of the most puzzling problems in Confucianism is how to justify hereditary kingship in Confucian terms. This paper investigates this puzzle—the succession of the Mandate of Heaven—by focusing on Byeon Gyeryang (1369–1430), a Korean Neo-Confucian thinker who grappled with the question of political authority and legitimacy in the formative stage of the Joseon dynasty (1392–1910). It argues that Byeon advocated the “ownership conception” of political authority as an essential condition for the ruler’s effective and responsible service for the well-being of the people, with special attention to the critical importance of “consolidating” a new dynasty. Byeon believed that the ruler’s sense of ownership of the land and the people strongly motivates him to repossess the Mandate of Heaven, further leading him to develop an extensive sense of responsibility for the well-being of the people, which, in turn, drives him to become virtuous, thereby deserving Heaven’s blessings.

This paper aims to respond to the foundational crisis faced by contemporary philosophy (understood as the ontology grasped by modern individuals) by proposing an onto-praxis metaphysical framework grounded in confronting death: the "Politics of the Mandate of Heaven." It begins by critiquing the inauthenticity of "Dasein's death" in Heidegger's ontology, arguing that his poetic ontology of "Ereignis" evades the reality of death, resulting in an empty existentialism devoid of genuine practice. Subsequently, in the pursuit of practice, the paper emphasizes the importance of a relational ontology for human existence, defining the human being (Dasein) as an "I" coexisting with the "Other." It clarifies that the individual must confront the existential horizon of nothingness and contingency and engage in an ontological life-projection upon it. Finally, the paper fully unfolds the theme of the "Politics of the Mandate of Heaven," revealing it as a form of metaphysical praxis. Within this framework, Dasein, amidst its historicity and alienation, returns to its authentic self and fulfills its mandate through practice, elucidating a fundamental harmony and co-actualization between the individual and the community at the ontological level. The entire text attempts to reconstruct, within the radical abyssal groundlessness, a philosophical possibility that faces Being itself, courageously confronts death, and assumes historical destiny.

Introduction: Much of pre-colonial Africa's history is unknown due to a lack of writing systems south of the Sahara. Surviving oral accounts are incomplete. Researchers rely on Arabic chronicles, European travelers' records, and present-day African traditions to reconstruct the past. Charles Gabriel Seligman defined a "divine king" as a ruler who: 1) has power over nature; 2) serves as the universe's dynamic center, with strictly regulated actions influencing all beings; and 3) must be killed if his power wanes, to protect the world. This description also applies to the rulers of ancient Egypt. Aim: This study is dedicated to the topic of divine kings and the similarities and differences between the concept of divine kingship on the African continent. Materials and Methods: The paper uses reports published by anthropologists. The reports recorded certain African customs. These customs are then compared with sources from ancient Egypt. The analytical method was used. Results: The results of the analysis demonstrate that ancient Egyptian traditions are not entirely disconnected from their African background, and this relationship should not be overlooked in interpreting ancient Egyptian customs. Conclusions: The Egyptian pharaoh embodied the African “divine king” tradition, with the Sed festival replacing ritual regicide, as seen in other African cultures. Although revered, pharaohs were still considered mortal, as evidenced by historical assassination attempts. This dual view echoes the “Mandate of Heaven” idea: if chaos prevails, the ruler is not truly divine. Customs like sibling marriage set divine kings apart, reinforcing their unique status. Overall, Egyptian kingship shares strong ties with broader African traditions.

Academic attention has long been accorded to Yan Zhitui and his Family Instructions for the Yan Clan; however, the Confucian philosophical dimensions of his thought remain underexplored. This article will analyze his concepts of Virtue and Happiness alongside his thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven to explore how he found his place in the chaotic landscape of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Reacting to the contemporary trend of pursuing high-ranking posts and generous emoluments while disregarding morality, Yan Zhitui first defined the connotations of Virtue and Happiness. He then established a causal relationship between them through the correspondence between Name and Reality, an act which reestablished the central position of Virtue. To address the conflict between Virtue and Happiness, his response was to trace its root cause and divide the Mandate of Heaven into two dimensions: Virtue and Time. Transcendental assurance for the core status of Virtue and the unity of Virtue and Happiness is provided by the former dimension, while the latter’s uncontrollability, in comparison, offers an explanation for contradictory realities. Based on this understanding, Yan Zhitui’s guidance urged individuals to adhere to the Way and uphold virtue while observing the macro situation and micro signs, and to wait for the right moment for the unity of Virtue and Happiness to be realized. The flourishing of Buddhism during the Northern and Southern Dynasties was also a significant influence; therefore, Yan Zhitui’s thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven absorbed Buddhist karma theory. This process formed a model that employed Confucianism as its foundation and Buddhism as its supplement.

Peking opera The Revenge of Prince Zi Dan reinterprets Shakespeare’s Hamlet by integrating supernatural elements and traditional rituals from Chinese folk religion. The religious transformation is revealed through the reworking of lines, incorporation of ritual traditions, and portrayal of supernatural figures. The divine entity that is invoked in Hamlet’s prayers (2.2.169, 5.2.316) and Claudius’s repentance (3.3.36–72) is translated as tian 天 (Heaven) in Revenge, thus introducing the concepts of the worship of tian and tianming 天命 (Mandate of Heaven). Revenge also adapts Claudius’s command of “give me some light” (3.2.261) by associating it with ancient exorcisms, thereby dramatizing his attempts to conceal the guilt for regicide. Ophelia’s “maimed rites” (5.1.208) are depicted as a deviation from Confucian funeral rites in Revenge, reflected in the simplified funeral banners and Hamlet’s transgressive mourning. The “sulphurous and tormenting flames” (1.5.3) and the morning cock’s crow (1.2.217) are reinterpreted through the introduction of the judicial system of the underworld. These changes are not merely transitions in performing conventions but reflect the deep connection between folk religion and traditional Chinese theater through these prayers, rituals, and supernatural elements, thus creating a specific theatrical “field” in which Chinese folk religion interacts with Western classics.

Abstract: The role of transcendence in early Chinese thought has long been the subject of debate among comparative philosophers and sinologists. This article attempts to contribute to the debate by bringing the concept of transcendence into dialogue with the "Sandai gaizhi zhiwen" 三代改制質文 (Three dynasties' alternating regulations of simplicity and refinement) chapter of the Chunqiu fanlu. By reading the chapter's historical cycles in the context of wider pre-Qin and Han understandings of the "Mandate of Heaven," it argues that they can best be characterized as "ontologically ambiguous," thus, as optimally understandable via "non-contrastive" models of transcendence. From here, clues toward a more subtle and malleable comparative discourse can be found.

This paper explores how the interpretations of the phrase “tian you qi zhong 天誘其衷” in the Zuozhuan 左傳 (The Zuo Commentary) have changed over time. These changes reflect early Confucian perspectives on the relationship between Heaven and humanity. By examining the polysemous terms (you 誘 and zhong 衷) and by comparing transmitted texts with excavated manuscripts (e.g., Guodian 郭店, Shangbo 上博, and Tsinghua corpora), the paper demonstrates a vital dilemma in early Chinese philosophy: whether Heaven endows moral qualities or simply awakens the innate dispositions of human beings. The paper traces the moralization of tian 天 (Heaven) from the Shang 商 dynasty’s theocentric worldview to the Zhou’s 周 focus on ethical responsibility, showing how the Zuozhuan bridges archaic religious beliefs and emerging Confucian humanism. Traditional commentaries read tian you qi zhong as Heaven “bestowing goodness” or “guiding moral intention,” while the manuscript evidence suggests that the phrase actually meant Heaven “descending its heart or will” to attune human affairs to the cosmos. Han exegetes redefined the term you as pedagogical guidance due to Confucianism’s growing emphasis on self-cultivation. By contextualizing the phrase at a larger backdrop of discussions of the Mandate of Heaven (tianming 天命) and moral cultivation, the study contends that early Confucians transformed tian from a deity figure to a moral principle dwelling in the human capacity, integrating religious reverence and ethical emancipation. This interdisciplinary approach studies ongoing scholarly discussions on the interrelationship between religion, ethics, and philosophy in early China.

The “Jiugao 酒誥” chapter of the Shangshu 尚書 is a proclamation on wine ethics, ordered by the Duke of Zhou for Kangshu to disseminate among the people. It marks the earliest system of laws and regulations concerning wine usage in Chinese history. In this chapter, the Duke of Zhou analyzed drinking from the perspectives of ethical philosophy and political dynamics, closely associating it with ethical codes, moral values, and political order. He criticized King Zhou of Shang for “drunkenness leading to national ruin” and detailed three ethical codes to regulate drinking practices. The Duke of Zhou established the ethical foundation of the Western Zhou Dynasty, incorporating the theory of wine virtue, and constructed its comprehensive political order. This exerted a profoundly lasting impact on Confucius and later Confucian scholars concerning the mandate of heaven and political thought, forming the basis of China’s political and cultural ethos for millennia.

By reconstructing the concept of the “Mandate of Heaven”, the Zisi School grounded the universality of Confucian ethics in the ontological stipulations of Heaven’s Way, bridging the intellectual gap between Confucius’s practical ethics and Mencius’s theory of mind-nature. Central to their framework is the proposition that “Heaven’s mold imparts form to mankind; and imparts inherent pattern to objects”, which constructs a generative chain from the Mandate of Heaven to the nature of objects and human nature. The School posited that the Heavenly Way endows all objects with inherent patterns, while human nature, derived from the Mandate of Heaven, harbors latent moral potential activated through edification. By dialectically reconciling the “differentiation between Heaven and humans” with the “unity of Heaven and humanity”, the Zisi School emphasized both the transcendent authority of the Mandate of Heaven and human moral agency, forming an “immanent yet transcendent” ethical paradigm. However, theoretical limitations persist, including ambiguities in the certainty of innate goodness due to the separation of Heaven and human nature, mind-body dualism that risks formalizing moral practice, and latent fatalism in their concept of mandate. Despite these unresolved tensions, the Zisi School’s metaphysics laid the groundwork for Mencius’s theory of innate goodness, Xunzi’s legalist emphasis on ritual, and Song-Ming Neo-Confucian discourses on “Heaven’s inherent pattern”. As a pivotal transitional phase in Pre-Qin Confucianism, the Zisi School highlights the interplay between metaphysical grounding and pragmatic adaptability, underscoring the enduring dynamism of Confucian ethics.

This study explores the ideal vision of the state pursued by Emperor Xiaowen of the Beiwei period through an examination of his ritual reforms. While his reforms are commonly described under the umbrella term “Sinicization,” this term not only carries discriminatory undertones but also fails to adequately capture the historical nuances of the period. Successive Beiwei rulers had already adopted Han cultural elements, and thus the concept of “Sinicization” does not fully reflect the distinctive significance of Xiaowen's policies. This paper focuses specifically on the ritual reforms during Xiaowen's direct rule (親政期) to reassess the characteristics of the era and to identify the ultimate goals of his initiatives. The emphasis on ritual reforms suggests that his primary aim was the construction of a centralized imperial state. Given that rituals provided ideological and legitimizing foundations for sovereign authority, this interpretation is plausible. For instance, reforms in state sacrificial rites (郊祀) were aimed at affirming the emperor’s Mandate of Heaven, while reforms in the ancestral temple system (宗廟制) sought to solidify the legitimacy of the Tuoba clan’s succession line. By restructuring the ancestral rituals, Xiaowen legitimized the imperial inheritance of the direct descendants of Emperor Daowu, and through the establishment of southern suburban sacrifices (南郊祭祀) based on Confucian classics, he reinforced a classical model of rulership. The capital relocation to Luoyang, though often viewed as a strategic move for military or administrative reasons, functioned as a declaration of cultural governance (文治) and symbolically likened Xiaowen to King Wu of Zhou. Ultimately, while Xiaowen's reforms are frequently described as Sinicization, his true intention was not to imitate Chinese (or Han) institutions superficially. Rather, he sought to construct an ideal Confucian state grounded in the moral and political principles of Confucianism. His deep engagement with Han culture and Confucian learning, far surpassing that of his predecessors, enabled him to envision and attempt to realize such a state. 文成帝以后进入相对稳定期的北魏为稳定因战乱而疲乏的百姓的生活集中于地方统治, 并作为其前提推动了良吏的活动。但因不稳定的生活使官吏行私舞弊, 从而开始实施俸禄制来展开吏治。问题是为此需要进行统一的增稅, 从而为实施均等的课税需要展开旨为实现土地所有公正化、合理化的均田制。也就是说, 在孝文帝亲政前改革具有国家体制的重建与建立旨为实施有效统治基础的一面。 与此不同的是孝文帝的改革集中于礼制方面。这表明孝文帝的目标在于向皇帝国家的转换和确保正統性。特别是他欲通过宗庙帝的改革将道武帝直系子孙的帝位继承正当化, 从而废除遊牧族特有的西郊祭祀, 并确立了基于经典的南郊祭祀, 并以此拥有了昨晚受命天子的威容。洛阳迁都作为文治的宣言是可将自己堪比周武王的事件。 孝文帝的改革主要可以汉化来说明, 但汉化这个词语则忽略了其改革固有的特性。他并未停留在模仿中国式(或汉式)制度与文化方面。他欲实现的是重建基于儒敎的理想国家。自北魏初期起展开的与汉文化的接触, 使比汉人更像汉人的孝文帝得以诞生, 他欲通过自己学习而掌握的儒敎思想来建立理想国家。

The article notes that the sources of legitimacy were different in ancient and medieval times than today. It is emphasized that the concept of legitimacy in China emerged from a complex interplay of philosophical ideas, cultural beliefs, and historical precedents. The Mandate of Heaven, Confucianism, and legalism each provided different sources through which rulers sought to legitimize their authority. In ancient Greece, the concept of legitimacy arose from a combination of civic participation, philosophical thoughts, mythological narratives, and the pursuit of virtue. In ancient India, however, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the rich tapestry of spiritual, social and philosophical ideals. Dharma served as a spiritual compass that guided rulers to maintain cosmic order and ethical principles. The article also notes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient Rome were multifaceted, based on a combination of mythology, legal foundations, religious symbolism, and the ability to ensure stability and prosperity. In medieval Europe, the concept of legitimacy was shaped by the complex dynamics of feudal relations, religious beliefs, and evolving political structures. In medieval Islam, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the caliphate, the implementation of the Sharia and the pledge of allegiance. The interaction of political and religious factors determined the sources of legitimacy, emphasizing the importance of rulers to rule according to Islamic principles. The scientific result of the article, the novelty and importance of the work is that it shows how the concept of legitimacy changes over time and space and the impact of these changes on the management structure of societies. The author emphasizes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient and medieval times, unlike in the modern era, originated more from religious, philosophical and cultural contexts. The novelty of the work is the comparative presentation of specific models of legitimacy in ancient China, Greece, India and Rome, as well as in medieval Europe and the Islamic world. The main hypothesis is that the sources of legitimacy were formed according to the social, economic and ideological realities of the time and had a direct impact on the management mechanisms. The importance of the work is that it provides an opportunity to better understand the dynamics of legitimacy in the modern era and build effective governance structures by learning from its historical models. This approach creates a new perspective for both philosophical and political-legal studies.

This study focuses on Xizi-belief (惜字信仰) and provides a comparative analysis of the religious philosophies of Tianming (天命) and Tianli (天理), using the Hunan region as a case study. Through anthropological methods and fieldwork, this study explores how Classical Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism shape and guide word-cherishing behaviors based on the conceptual philosophies of Tianming and Tianli. The Tianming conception views characters as revelations of heavenly destiny. Through religious rituals, people cherish words to honor heaven and seek to change their destinies through heavenly forces, reflecting worldly desires and spiritual pursuits and emphasizing heaven with personhood. In contrast, the Tianli conception sees words as carriers of moral and natural laws. Guided by Confucian ethics and the concept of karma and retribution, it influences people’s moral norms and behavioral practices, reflecting the metaphysical moral law of a just and righteous heaven. Both conceptions not only involve the worship and protection of words but also profoundly embody a deep understanding and pursuit of the order of the universe, moral norms, the ethics of life, and the meaning of life. This study reveals three modes of influence: the religious philosophy integration model, the ritual practice model, and the architectural embodiment model. These models emphasize the positive impact of Xizi-belief on ethics and social life, prompting people to demonstrate positive guidance in human behavior through reverence for Tianming (mandate of heaven), adherence to Tianli (principle of heaven), and respect for nature. Under the guidance of classical religious ethical principles, the spread of Xizi-belief and the practice of Xizi religious ceremonies promote the harmonious development of individual virtues and social order, achieving harmony between humans and the universe.

Abstract: The author proposes the concept of “Virtue China”, centred on the union of virtue and politics, as a defining characteristic of traditional Chinese political and cultural ideals, and as a fundamental theoretical framework for understanding China and Chinese civilisation. Virtue has been creatively combined with the Mandate of Heaven expressed through “people’s heart-mind” to provide political legitimacy. The Confucian culture of dignity has institutionalised the union of virtue and politics, eventually establishing “Virtue China”. The union has persisted to the present day, fundamentally shaping the spiritual, political and social life of the Chinese. The virtue-based hierarchical concept of dignity, as the author argues, should be considered in the context of the establishment and continuity of “Virtue China”.

This article discusses the biographies of the Turkic tribal leaders whose activities lasted from the collapse of the East Turkic Qaghanate in 630 to its revival in 682 under the power of Ashina Gudolu 阿史那骨咄禄 (?–691). These biographies are described in 194th juan of the Chapter “Biographies [put in] a row” (Lie zhuan 列傳) of the “Old Book of Tang” (Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書) normative history. Two blocks of information about political and ideological aspects of presenting the history of the Turkic people (tujue) during this period are identified. Topics from the first block include assertion of control over the Turkic tribes (relocation of the tujue after the collapse of the First East Turkic Qaghanate, bestowal of Chinese positions and titles on the representatives of the Turkic elites, institution of hostage taking); armed conflicts between the Turkic tribes and other nomadic tribes, and attacks on China; issues associated with the inclusion of the “Turkic” areas into the administrative and territorial structure of the Tan 唐 Empire (618–907), and relocation of the Turkic people into its interior regions). Topics from the second block include the reflection of the universalist paradigm of the Chinese foreign policy based on the worldview of the Mandate of Heaven (tian ming 天命) in the corresponding parts of the Jiu Tang shu as well as details of the Chinese attitudes towards the non-Han populations dwelling on the periphery of the Empire. Differences in the approaches of the Chinese historiographers to narrating the history of tujue of the period of existence and collapse of the Turkic nomadic states are discussed.

This study explores the origins and evolution of the Confucian concept of “moral governance”, a central tenet of Confucian political thought emphasizing that effective leadership and societal harmony stem from the moral integrity of rulers. Rooted in ancient Chinese philosophy, “moral governance” is defined as governing through the moral influence of leaders, inspiring ethical behavior among the populace. Historical sources, such as Shangshu and The Records of History, highlight the role of virtuous monarchs like Emperors Yao, Shun, and Yu in establishing moral governance as a cornerstone of national stability and prosperity. The development of this ideology is traced through key historical periods. In the Shang dynasty, the Mandate of Heaven underscored the ruler’s moral obligations and its misuse by tyrants like King Zhou led to the loss of legitimacy. The Western Zhou dynasty institutionalized moral governance through virtuous leaders like King Wen and King Wu, whose personal cultivation of virtue and ethical administration solidified the nation’s foundation. During the Warring States period, the transition from a clan-based society to regional states further refined the principles of moral governance, integrating them into Confucian philosophy. Modern scholarship explores the relevance of moral governance in contemporary society, while foreign research has been limited to its intersections with law and morality. This comprehensive analysis highlights the enduring significance of moral governance in ancient China as a model for ethical leadership and its influence on Confucian political theory.‎

This study analyzes the slave management policies of early Goryeo in the context of reorganizing the new dynasty’s hierarchical system. Positioned at the bottom of society, slaves were excluded from political participation and state welfare initiatives. Policies regarding slaves evolved with the state’s priorities, and slaves’ responses influenced future measures. King Taejo legitimized his rule by promoting “fostering public welfare” (安民) and equating rebellion with defiance of the Mandate of Heaven. Dissidents were demoted to public or temple slaves to block political re-engagement. This policy, institutionalized in the Eighth Articles of Royal Instruction (訓要八條), reinforced the view of slaves as traitors’ descendants. King Gwangjong expanded Taejo's vision by introducing the Slave Review Act (奴婢按檢法) to prevent freeborn individuals from being enslaved and to bolster the hierarchical order. This act led to significant slave emancipation nationwide. King Seongjong, addressing unrest from these reforms, curtailed emancipation while allowing conditional freedom. He enacted policies to return freed slaves to servitude if they disrespected former masters, a system later tightened under King Hyeonjong.

The present article explores the Jesuit interpretation of the Confucian concept of “tian” 天 (usually rendered as “heaven”) and “tianming” 天命 (“mandate of heaven”) within a few passages from the first Western translation of the Lunyu 論語 (Analects) to Latin (1687). Thus, it examines how Jesuit missionaries, driven by the goal of evangelization, sought to reconcile Confucius’ philosophy with Christianity. This not only implied interpreting terms such as “tian” or “tianming” through a Christian’s perspective but also commenting on the original text and adding content to it so as to portray Confucius as a proto-Christian. By using an orientalist framework, this article will analyze the construction of a “Christo-Confucianism”; a phenomenon that could be understood as a natural product of the particular material and theological conditions to which the Jesuit Order had to adapt in China.