Major English-language Newspapers Research Articles

Reforms and Media Depictions of the Death Penalty in Malaysia

Malaysia has retained the death penalty for violent crimes and some nonviolent drug offenses. Major news dailies, controlled by political parties in the ruling coalition, have helped justify this stance in the past. This situation changed over 22 months when a new coalition, which campaigned on abolishing capital punishment, took office and sparked renewed public discussion on this issue. Depictions of the death penalty debate were analyzed by conducting a content analysis of two major English-language newspapers, The Star and New Straits Times. Our findings suggest that The Star provided more international coverage and the New Straits Times prioritized domestic coverage. While both outlets provided comprehensive, and sometimes, critical coverage of executions elsewhere, they downplayed the fact that Malaysia engages in the same practice. There was no evidence to indicate that they were pushing an agenda as neither took a formal position on the issue. Content to transmit the differing views on the subject, neither functioned as forums to air nor shaped policy positions. This posture was possibly shaped by preconceived notions of what their readership wants and/or self-censorship—a legacy of past subjugation that will hopefully change when press freedom is perceived as a right, not a privilege.

A contrastive study on the representation of “Made in China” in Chinese and U.S. newspapers

The label “Made in China” (MIC) is an essential communication tool in the economic rise of China, marking its increasing prominence in international markets with labor-intensive products and also some knowledge-intensive products. This contrastive study adopts a corpus-based critical discourse analysis approach to illustrate how the major English-language newspapers in China and the United States represented MIC between 2006 and 2018. By categorizing the high-frequency noun lemmas in the two corpora of articles on MIC, we identify seven main topics that are shared by Chinese and U.S. newspapers, but differ in frequency and in trends across time. Through examining the collocates and concordances, we find that the overall attitude regarding MIC in U.S. newspapers is more negative than that in Chinese newspapers, where the dominant attitude shifts from negativity to positivity in 2013, while negativity dominates throughout in U.S. newspapers. We argue that the ideological differences evidenced in language patterns reflect the two countries' conflicting economic interests. This study makes a contribution to the existing literature on MIC by aligning with the prior findings of a negative portray of MIC around 2007, primarily due to product safety issues, and addresses a gap by examining the repidly evolving representation of MIC in the 2010s, which is characterized by the intensified trade relations between the two countries.

News-based sentiment and bitcoin volatility

In this work, I studied whether news media sentiments have an impact on Bitcoin volatility. In doing so, I applied three different range-based volatility estimates along with two different sentiments, namely psychological sentiments and financial sentiments, incorporating four various sentiment dictionaries. By analyzing 17,490 news coverages by 91 major English-language newspapers listed in the LexisNexis database from around the globe from January 2012 until August 2021, I found news media sentiments to play a significant role in Bitcoin volatility. Following the heterogeneous autoregressive model for realized volatility (HAR-RV)—which uses the heterogeneous market idea to create a simple additive volatility model at different scales to learn which factor is influencing the time series—along with news sentiments as explanatory variables, showed a better fit and higher forecasting accuracy. Furthermore, I also found that psychological sentiments have medium-term and financial sentiments have long-term effects on Bitcoin volatility. Moreover, the National Research Council Emotion Lexicon showed the main emotional drivers of Bitcoin volatility to be anticipation and trust.

A corpus-based study of LGBT-related news discourse in Thailand’s and international English-language newspapers

Abstract The present study examines how LGBT is represented discursively in the Bangkok Post, a major English-language newspaper in Thailand, using corpus linguistic methods. A corpus of news reports on LGBT-related matters in the Bangkok Post was compiled. Statistically significant collocates of each word that makes up the acronym were extracted and analyzed in comparison with those found from two international newspaper corpora: COCA and SiBol. It was found that collocations that point to “political movement”, “crime” and “HIV” are shared by the three corpora, suggesting the press’s common stance on the newsworthiness of these issues and at the same time its contribution to the construction and circulation of these discourses related to LGBT. However, the Bangkok Post is marked off from the reference corpora by beauty contest discourse and the absence of issues about the disclosure of homosexual identities and LGBT representation in entertainment. This suggests socio-cultural influence in the way LGBT is represented in Thailand’s English-language newspaper.

Exploring the Portrayal of Institutional Translators and Interpreters in the Republic of Ireland’s English-Language Print Media

Although the Republic of Ireland has been a member of the European Union for nearly five decades, the country’s first official language, Irish, was only recognised as an official EU language on 1 January 2007. However, a lack of appropriately qualified linguistic personnel means that the language is currently subject to a derogation on its use in the EU institutions, which is scheduled to be lifted in 2022. Interviews conducted previously with interpreters in the Republic of Ireland (Hoyte-West 2020a) noted that practitioners generally viewed media coverage of the derogation as contributing to a positive image of the translational professions within the EU context; however, further research needed to be carried out on the topic. Accordingly, this article looks at how institutional translators and interpreters have been depicted in the Republic of Ireland’s English-language print media from 2007 to 2019. Using data obtained through a qualitative content analysis of the country’s three major English-language newspapers, an overview of the current situation is provided through analysis of the attitudes and opinions expressed.

The 23rd Language: Official EU Status for Irish as Portrayed in the Republic of Ireland's English-Language Press

Irish became the 23rd official language of the European Union (EU) in 2007. Due to a lack of qualified translators and interpreters, it is currently subject to a derogation which restricts its use in the EU institutions, a situation which aims to be remedied by 2022. Yet the Irish language represents a unique case even within the Republic of Ireland itself. Under British rule, centuries of repression confined its usage to the rural fringes of society, a state of affairs that an independent Ireland has attempted to improve with limited success. This article analyses how recognition of official EU status for Irish has been depicted in the Republic of Ireland’s English-language print media. By performing a qualitative content analysis of the online archives of the country’s three major English-language newspapers, the aim is to illustrate how official EU status for Irish has been portrayed, paying specific attention to political, cultural and economic factors.

The Fukushima Disaster and the Framing of Nuclear Energy in India

AbstractMost research on Fukushima has been directed at technical and epidemiological aspects; yet the ways in which emerging nuclear powers such as India have responded to the meltdown is inadequate. This article investigates (1) the Fukushima meltdown as an epitome of risk associated with nuclear energy to understand what role this disaster has played in the Indian nuclear energy policy; and (2) whether the Indian nuclear authority has renewed its effort to shape the public mind in favor of nuclear safety in the wake of a deadly nuclear disaster in Fukushima. I use content analysis of statements made by nuclear personnel in response to the Fukushima meltdown from newspaper articles published in five major English-language newspapers in India. The findings suggest that the Fukushima meltdown has little impact on India’s nuclear energy policy. Instead, the Indian nuclear authority uses language to shape the public opinion surrounding nuclear energy.

Polish-Jewish Relations: As Reflected in the Pages of the Republika-Górnik, 1926–1930

Abstract The press has always served as a historical document of tremendous value, reflecting the concerns, opinions, and interpretations of the times. In some current university lectures on the Holocaust, students are taught that there are few reliable ways to gauge the German public’s opinion on what was happening within their country. The main source, outside of private materials, is Gestapo reports, which in and of themselves are biased, purposefully tampered with, and unreliable. The same cannot be said when attempting to understand how the Polish population, both inside and outside of Poland, felt regarding what was happening inside Nazi Germany, and eventually in occupied Poland. Unlike major English-language newspapers in North America, such as the New York Times, the Polish-language press did not bury or ignore news from Europe concerning the rise of Nazism and subsequent persecutions, but focused directly on them demonstrating that the news being communicated—and reactions to that news— was very real and not incomprehensible or implausible. The Republika-Górnik was one of America’s largest Polish-language weeklies, and one that reported extensively on the European situation regarding fascism and Hitler well before 1933. This article specifically examines how Polish-Jewish relations and the looming war were reflected in this press from 1926–1930.

A corpus analysis of discursive constructions of the Sunflower Student Movement in the English-language Taiwanese press

The Sunflower Student Movement was a protest movement in Taiwan against a trade agreement with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) by students and civic groups, in which the national legislature was occupied by protesters between 18 March and 10 April 2014. This study examines the discursive constructions of this movement in the two major English-language newspapers in Taiwan, The China Post and the Taipei Times, in corpora of articles published in the six-month period after the protests began. The data were collected from the online editions of the newspapers and analysed utilising a corpus-driven approach. First, frequency lists of the corpora were studied and an in-depth analysis of collocates and concordances of certain frequent words was undertaken. This was followed by a study of keywords when each corpus was compared against the other. The findings demonstrate that one newspaper depicted the protests as a struggle for democracy, associating the protests with democracy movements from the past and emphasising the inclusivity of the movement, while the other media source constructed the protests more negatively, focusing on destabilising elements of the protests such as the economic consequences of the occupation, highlighting instances of violence and disruption to the status quo, as well as constructing the protesters as being unrepresentative of the general population of the island. The article concludes by critically discussing how the differing discursive constructions of the protest movement are representative of the divisions within the Taiwanese society in relation to questions of nationhood and its stance towards the increasing economic and political influence of the PRC.

The Express Tribune: touching the tricky price point

Subject area Economics, entrepreneurship, pricing and marketing strategy, print industry in Pakistan. Study level/applicability Undergraduate and first-year graduate level. Case overview The main theme of the case revolves around decision-making by the publisher, Bilal Lakhani, as he operates in conditions of an oligopolistic market. The case focuses on the set-up of a major English-language newspaper, The Express Tribune, in conjunction with the internationally branded and well-regarded International Herald Tribune by a well-known business group of Pakistan. The group already has a major Urdu newspaper, which has been operational for 15 years, and three television channels, as well as a host of other non-media-related businesses. The case tries to go behind the reasons for setting up an English-language newspaper in a market which already has at least five major existing ones and where literacy is not that widespread. Also, experience in much of the rest of the world would suggest that newspapers – i.e. the print media – are in decline, especially because of the rise of the Internet and social media as means for providing news, information and entertainment. The case is set in Karachi, Pakistan's media capital and, in particular, in an organization that has been involved in the business of media for several years. It currently runs the country's second most-circulated Urdu newspaper, Daily Express. Specifically, the time period is three weeks after the paper, The Express Tribune, was launched into a market with a few competitors and high brand loyalty for existing competitors. The publisher of the paper, Bilal Lakhani, is questioning his pricing decision right after the launch of the paper and there are a series of reasons he is looking into on how he set the original price and why should he reduce the price of the paper now. Expected learning outcomes Students should be able to see, understand and analyze: challenges faced by entrepreneurs of starting an initiative which has a largely unreliable and untested audience; the extent of interdependence in an oligopolistic industry and how it influences the current and future decision-makings of an entrepreneur or any other firm for that matter, especially in a developing economy; the personnel, financial production and regulation issues involved in setting up assembly/ delivery systems that deliver a product for mass use, i.e. a newspaper; and the pricing and marketing strategies involved in the launch and subsequent successful operation of a product, in this case, a newspaper. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.

Political discourse in China's English language press

ABSTRACTThis paper discusses some of the ways in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses language in its English media. After a historical overview of political ‘fixed formulations’ (tifa) in China through the ages, we look at specific terms in their contemporary forms as they appear in China's major English language newspaper, the China Daily. Data taken from a specialized corpus focusing on the term ‘harmonious society’ is investigated for information on how the term is used and with which language patterns it most frequently appears. In terms of world Englishes, usage may be classified as an Outer Circle Chinese English lexis as the formulations are translated from Chinese, making them a distinctly ‘Chinese’ type of politicized English. Linguistically, ‘harmonious’ often collocates with effusive modifiers and dynamic‐sounding verbs, which portray growth and stability. The English of China's political media does not have much currency outside of the CCP ‘news’ context and due to its distinctive ideological characteristics, it has been labelled Zhonglish, Xinhua English or New China Newspeak. Preliminary research shows evidence of formulations being increasingly picked up by the media in geographically surrounding areas and even overseas.

Guangzhou 2010: Singapore at a Global Crossroads

This essay is an analysis of the reality of Singapore's Asian Games' aspirations and achievements and the responses to the challenges it faced in Guangzhou in 2010. How did ‘Team Singapore’ respond to the challenges that they met at what represented a crossroad in their sporting history at which they met the vehicle carrying China's sporting and soft power products. How did they react and were the effort, industry, hyperbole and not insignificant government financial outlay and policy initiatives worth it? The analysis constitutes a critique of articles relating to the Guangzhou Asian Games of 2010 that appeared in the three major English language newspapers in Singapore, The Straits Times, The Sunday Times and The New Paper before, during and after the Games. From the analysis, major themes emerged which characterised the environment of elite sport in Singapore and revealed that it is very much part of the nation's inimitable social, political and diplomatic schema; sport, as with all other socio-cultural institutions in Singapore, has not and does not evolve accidentally.

The Funny Business of Being Tina Fey: Constructing a (feminist) comedy icon

Since her appointment as head writer on Saturday Night Live in the fall of 1999, Tina Fey has enjoyed unprecedented success as a writer, creator, and performer, in a genre notorious for favoring male-oriented fare and its attendant male writers and performers. The press surrounding her various film, television, and literary projects provides a unique opportunity to consider how Fey has worked with reporters to construct her public reputation as a successful woman working in comedy. Based on a Lexis-Nexis search of major English-language newspapers worldwide dating from Fey's appointment as head writer on Saturday Night Live in September 1999 through to the release of her best-selling book Bossypants in April 2011, this analysis finds that Fey employs a complex mix of self-deprecating and somewhat aggressive humor to answer reporter questions about topics ranging from her personal grooming habits and myriad talents to the treatment of women in the male-dominated business of comedy.

SARS: ‘It's as bad as we feared but dared not say’

IN 2003, a health crisis took place that severely tested Hong Kong, among a number of other parts of the world, with at 15 June a death toll in the city of 295 (out of 1,755 cases). Schools were closed, an apartment block was quarantined, and businesses suffered as people stayed home. Because no one at that time knew much about what came to be called ‘severe acute respiratory syndrome’ (shortened to both SARS and Sars), the disease offered a ‘blank screen’ onto which various fears could be projected. It seemed to spread directly to close contacts – but airborne contagion could not be ruled out. The death rate was under five percent, but there was a possibility that it could become more virulent. It might turn out like any other flu-like illness, or like the 1918 flu pandemic that killed millions. In addition, it was the perfect mechanism for Hong Kong to project its current uncertainties over its image and place in the world. Thus, the ‘pragmatic handling’ of this event in the major English language newspaper of the city, the South China Morning Post, holds much linguistic interest. The SCMP is a major English-language newspaper in East Asia.

Reported fatal and non-fatal incidents involving tourists in Thailand, July 1997–June 1999

Objectives. To examine fatal and non-fatal incidents involving tourists in Thailand. Methods. Press records from a major English language newspaper for the period from July 1997 to June 1999 were examined for reports of fatal and non-fatal incidents involving tourists. Results. From July 1997 to June 1999, up to 233 deaths were reported and up to a further 216 were reported injured in incidents involving tourists. One hundred and one deaths and 45 injured were reported following one major domestic jet aircraft crash in southern Thailand, however, it was not stated what proportion of casualties were tourists. Approximately 90 people perished in a single hotel fire in southeast Thailand. Most of the victims were local travellers attending meetings of two Thai companies. Sixteen deaths and 86 injured resulted from five road accidents. The majority of deaths and injuries involved foreigners. Twelve deaths and at least 33 injured resulted from three ferry and tour boat accidents. Most victims were reported to be foreigners. Three deaths and 35 injured resulted from a single cable car accident in northern Thailand. Most of these were Thai tourists, however, four of the injured were foreigners. Eight deaths and six injured resulted from 11 muggings and other violent incidents. All were foreigners. Six deaths were reportedly connected to a scam at the airport in Bangkok involving unlicensed airport taxis. Three deaths and four injured were due to other reported incidents. Conclusions. Newspaper reports of fatal and non-fatal incidents involving tourists in Thailand were probably uncommon, particularly given the volume of tourists entering the Kingdom, although better reporting mechanisms are needed. With the exception of the unusual major incidents, most reported fatal and non-fatal incidents involving tourists were due to road trauma and other transportation accidents, muggings, and occasional water sports and other accidents, which could occur at any major tourist destination. Travel health advisers should include advice concerning personal safety abroad and tourist authorities should endeavour to promote and advocate for tourism safety.

Showcasing India: Gender, Geography, and Globalization

n a cool late November evening in Bangalore, India, a city held under siege by a 12,500-strong security contingent, Irene Skliva from Greece was crowned Miss World 1996. Since August of 1996, when it was announced that India was to host Miss World Pageant, controversy and debate had surrounded issue. Members of political parties and particular national and local women's organizations, farmers, students, and trade unions from various parts of country demonstrated, wrote petitions, filed public interest litigations in court, and threatened to damage venue of pageant. Opposition to pageant spanned a broad enough spectrum to accommodate an entire range of concerns. For instance, opposition to imperialism, resentment against retreating role of state, high inflation, threatened Indian culture, and an anxiety with foreign all crystallized in response to pageant. Conversely, for state and domestic capital, pageant provided an international opportunity to new, liberalized India to world. The pageant, therefore, was a site at which political protest and anxiety with globalization as well as opportunity to showcase India to world were articulated. It is in this tension between sentiments of proving national worth, on one hand, and protests against pageant, on other, that I examine staging of discourses of gender, nation, sexuality, and place in this article. A month prior to event, in Times of India, a major Englishlanguage newspaper, an advertisement for pageant read the time has come for world to see ... what India is all about, Indian hospitality, Indian culture, Indian beauty, Indian capability.' What is striking about advertisement is statement that real India-its capability

Maksim Litvinov: Commissar of Contradiction

When the Sudetenland was absorbed into nazi Germany in September 1938, the German Counsellor in Moscow assessed the implications and thought it likely that Stalin would soon 'draw conclusions about personalities from the failure of Soviet foreign policy'. He (von Tippelskirch) had in mind primarily Maksim Litvinov, who had 'made fruitless efforts in Geneva throughout the crisis . ..'. Indeed, as Litvinov's staff began to be purged during the next few months, several commentators thought that Litvinov's own head would soon roll.2 Such predictions came to nothing; but then they had been based on the all-too-ready assumptions about the Soviet political system, not on any real insight into the relationship between Soviet domestic and foreign policy. Regrettably, however, almost fifty years on, we have still not isolated certainly not in a form that allows us to predict with any certainty what it is that allows a Kollontai, a Litvinov or a Gromyko to survive, even to flourish. One may well argue that Gromyko's ability, for instance, to steer clear of intraParty bureaucratic feuds and rivalries, keeping out of behind-thescenes conflicts, ensured his survival.3 But that hardly explains his success within the system. Gromyko and Litvinov clearly had much in common, but it would not be a realistic exercise in political science to match them point for point, experience for experience, if only because of the qualitative difference in the nature of their counterparts. In any case, an overriding consideration is surely the more basic difference between their foreign policies: Gromyko's seemed to work by Soviet standards at least; Litvinov's was seen to fail. Gromyko's roots, it is true, lay in the Litvinov renaissance, at a time of USSR-US anti-fascist cooperation; yet such co-operation materialized quite accidentally. Gromyko's mastery of English, his regular perusal of the major English-language newspapers and journals, even his lack of contact with the sidewalks and streets of his own capital city might almost be