The article is an attempt to show rallies as an important element of living in rural communities in the light of the activities of deputy and people's activist Jan Pieniążek in the interwar period, i.e. 1918–1939. The rally in this period was the most effective form of reaching the rural population with its message, clearly winning over the press (illiteracy, lack of access to printed material, unwillingness to read, after 1926 restrictions due to increasingly repressive censorship). Rallies became one of the main means of exchanging information, presenting one's achievements, or discrediting opponents. Therefore, they were also often a place of ‘political struggle’, sometimes taking on rather violent forms (the so–called “breaking up” of rallies). At the same time, however, they were also genuine spaces for meaningful discussion on various issues, becoming a manifestation of a kind of local democracy (an example is the rally referendum in 1933, in which the inhabitants of the village Mokra Strona decided to join the city of Przeworsk). This article describes in detail issues related to the organisation of the rally and its setting. The role and significance of the rally presidium and the resolutions adopted at the rallies are examined. The topics discussed at these meetings are also presented. Finally, issues of attendance and the emotions evoked by the rally speeches are addressed.

This study examines the practice of democracy based on local wisdom through the gilir kaum system in village head elections among the Pekal community of Sibak Village, Mukomuko, from the perspective of fiqh siyasah. The gilir kaum system is a rotational leadership mechanism among clans designed to ensure equitable power distribution, prevent conflicts, and maintain social harmony. The research applies a qualitative-descriptive approach with normative-empirical analysis, using in-depth interviews, field observations, and the review of customary documents and village regulations. The findings show that the gilir kaum system plays an essential role in maintaining political stability, strengthening community participation, and reflecting tradition-based democracy. It also integrates modern democratic values with local wisdom. Leadership rotation ensures fair power distribution, while direct voting provides space for public participation in accordance with Law No. 6 of 2014 on Villages. From the perspective of fiqh siyasah, the gilir kaum system holds legitimacy as long as it upholds justice (‘adl), consultation (syura), and public interest (maslahah). Thus, it represents an adaptive model of local democracy in Indonesia, integrating tradition, modern democracy, and Islamic values

This academic article analyzes the evolution of democracy, highlighting its expansion through digital technologies. Democracy is seen as a continuous process involving citizen participation, deliberation, and transparency, going beyond voting. Throughout history, different models of democracy (direct, representative, and participatory) have consolidated, especially after the French Revolution. In contemporary times, these models expand with the emergence of cyberdemocracy, which uses the internet and social media as tools for expression and social control. This new digital scenario favors greater interactivity between citizens and government, but also presents challenges such as digital exclusion, algorithmic manipulation, and disinformation. Digital communication becomes essential in the formation of citizenship and the political engagement of the population. The new public administration, in turn, is based on principles such as innovation, efficiency, and collaboration, promoting participatory practices with the support of technologies. A practical example, such as the "Prefs" page of the Municipal Government of Curitiba, demonstrates how digital tools can strengthen local democracy. To this end, it is essential to invest in the training of public servants, develop inclusive policies, and foster cooperation between the State and civil society, aiming for a more ethical, responsive, and democratic administration. This article analyzes the transparency portal of the Municipal Government of Porto Velho as a tool for accessing information, in addition to analyzing the participation of cybercitizens in keeping themselves updated on the social media of said Government, seeking active participation on these platforms.

The article provides a thorough analysis of the features of the legal regulation of basic local taxes in Romania as a key element in ensuring the financial independence of local governments. The authors justify the relevance of the study in the context of the processes of decentralization and harmonization of Romania’s tax policy with the norms and principles of the European Union. It is determined that financial autonomy is a fundamental condition for the effective functioning of local authorities and the quality provision of public services, and the presence of a stable system of local revenues, in particular through basic taxes and fees, provides the community with tools for strategic development. The components of the system of basic local taxes in Romania are described in detail, which include: construction tax, land tax, vehicle tax, fee for issuing certificates, approvals and permits, fee for using advertising media, as well as tax on impressions. The mechanisms of fiscal influence of local governments on tax processes, within the limits established by national legislation, are disclosed. Particular attention is paid to the tax on buildings, which in Romania is calculated not on the basis of the total area, as in Ukraine, but based on the economically justified value of the property. This approach allows taking into account the real solvency of the taxpayer, contributes to a fair distribution of the tax burden and creates incentives for the effective use of real estate. Similarly, the land tax is calculated taking into account three factors: area, purpose of the land plot and its location. Such features ensure the flexibility of local tax policy and adaptation to the socio-economic conditions of a particular community. The tax on vehicles, fees for administrative services, as well as taxes on advertising and entertainment activities play not only a fiscal but also a regulatory role. It is determined that in Romania there is a significant decentralization of powers in the tax sphere, which contributes to the growth of the responsibility of local governments, ensuring financial transparency and the development of local democracy.

Accurate voter data is fundamental to the integrity of democratic elections, ensuring public participation and supporting governance quality. In Gorontalo Regency, Indonesia, the 2020 Regional Elections revealed challenges in the voter list updating process conducted through Matching and Research (Coklit), affecting data validity and electoral outcomes. This study evaluates the product of the voter list updating policy in Gorontalo Regency, emphasizing the achievement of program objectives, data accuracy, public satisfaction, and democratic impact. A qualitative descriptive approach was employed. Data were collected via direct observation, in-depth interviews with voter list updating officers, election supervisors, and official documents from the General Elections Commission (KPU) and Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu). Analysis utilized the CIPP evaluation model, focusing on the product component to assess effectiveness, impact, sustainability, and adaptability of the voter list updating process. Findings indicate that the voter list updating policy’s product remains suboptimal. Discrepancies existed between the Voter List (DPT) published by KPU and Bawaslu findings, including unregistered voters and unrecorded data changes. These inaccuracies contributed to public dissatisfaction and reduced voter participation. Product evaluation also highlighted gaps in operational mechanisms, inter-official coordination, and the underutilization of information technology, suggesting areas for strategic improvement. This study underscores the necessity of systematic evaluation of voter list updating policies to strengthen electoral accuracy, enhance local democracy, and guide decision-making for future policy refinements. Implementing technological solutions and improving procedural coordination are recommended to achieve more reliable, transparent, and participatory voter list management in subsequent elections.

This paper examines the relationship between decentralization and democratic deepening in post-communist Albania. Focusing on the period following the landmark 2015 Territorial and Administrative Reform (TAR), it analyzes the primary challenges and opportunities that have emerged. Drawing on academic literature, reports from international organizations, and findings from Albania's High State Audit (KLSH), the paper argues that while decentralization has created formal structures for local governance, its effectiveness in fostering genuine democratic deepening is constrained by persistent challenges in fiscal autonomy, administrative capacity, political polarization, and rule of law. The paper identifies key opportunities for advancing local democracy, including leveraging the EU accession process, strengthening accountability mechanisms, and enhancing citizen participation.

As a result of the 2016 local government elections, South Africa's municipal system transformed profoundly. The system is shifting from a singular dominant party structure toward more complex and fragmented multiparty systems, which prioritise governance coalitions. Some observers celebrate this change as a move toward deeper democratisation, but many municipalities paint a different picture. The pursuit of inclusiveness and sharing responsibilities has brought about stagnation, strife, and inactivity in many coalition arrangements. This paper delineates some fundamental, persistent structural and behavioural difficulties using consociational theory and analysing policy documents alongside relevant academic literature. These are disputes among coalition partners, insufficient institutional structures to address conflicts, and ambiguous boundaries between the political sphere and administration. Collectively, there is an absence of political sophistication and an unwillingness to move beyond divisive politics and create effective governance. Such circumstances give rise to policy stasis, administrative paralysis, and interrupted public services. To ensure local democracy, this paper argues for more inter-party frameworks, targeted mediation frameworks, and an environment of unconditional goodwill to intra-party relations. Without such frameworks, rampant dysfunction may hinder coalition effectiveness. Furthermore, the paper’s findings reveal that there are destabilising effects of political polarisation on municipal governance, fragile coalitions and the absence of conflict management mechanisms, political infighting and administrative dysfunction, and undermined policy development and deteriorating service delivery affecting the implementation of service provision.

Local elections (Pilkada) are an important moment in local democracy, often pitting incumbents against their rivals. However, not all incumbents are able to retain their seats. This study examines the defeat of the incumbent Mayor of Metro in the 2024 Metro local elections. Incumbents in several democratic elections in Indonesia often have a high re-election rate and a good chance of winning the contest. The opposite phenomenon occurred in Metro City, Lampung, where the incumbent, despite successfully becoming a candidate and being supported by the majority of political parties, failed to secure victory, even suffering defeats in all district-level electoral districts. This research uses a qualitative approach, with data collection methods including interviews, observations, and literature reviews. Data analysis was conducted using qualitative data analysis with the stages of reduction, presentation, and conclusion drawing. The results of the study indicate that there are several factors contributing to the incumbent's failure in the 2024 Metro Mayor Election. First, the educational level of city residents influences their tendencies and satisfaction with the incumbent's performance. Second, public dissatisfaction with the incumbent's leadership. Third, the existing political party machinery was not optimally supporting the incumbent's re-election. Fourth, social media and digital literacy among city residents in responding to campaigns in the digital space.

This study aims to analyze how decentralization and the dynamics of local bureaucracy affect the quality of local democracy in Simalungun Regency, North Sumatra. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, data were collected through document studies, field observations, and in-depth interviews with bureaucratic actors, community members, and academics. The findings reveal that the implementation of decentralization in Simalungun has not been fully effective in fostering substantive local democracy. The regional bureaucracy remains stuck in hierarchical and unresponsive patterns, marked by politicization of positions and weak adherence to transparency and accountability principles. Public participation through the Musrenbang (development planning forums) tends to be procedural and symbolic. The weak oversight mechanisms worsen governance quality and hinder the realization of participatory democracy. Therefore, merit-based bureaucratic reform and institutional capacity strengthening are essential to improve the quality of local democracy.

This research is entitled Lopo as Symbol of Local Democracy in the Atoin Pah Meto indigenous Community” (Study of the Lopo Traditional House as a Symbol of Local Democracy in Saenam Village, Miomaffo Barat District, North Central Timor Regency). The main problem in this research is how Lopo as a symbol of local democracy in the lives of the Atoin Pah Meto indigenous community. The purpose of this research is to analyse and describe Lopo in the lives of the Atoin Pah Meto indigenous community. This research uses qualitative methods. Data were collected through interviews, observations, and dokumentation with traditional leaders, religious leaders, village government officials, yo uth, womwn, and the community. Data analysis was conducted by systematically reviewing and interpreting field data. The finding reveal that lopo is not merely a place for storing harvests, but also serves as a central space for deliberation in resolving social, cultural, and political issues. It open structure without walls symblolizez valuesnof openness, equality, and participation. The local democratic values embodied in lopo include family values (mutual cooperation, solidarity, kinship), cultural values (traditional rituals, marriage, harvest celebrations), and political valuess (consensus, adherence to customary rules, and equality in decission making). Therefore, lopo is not only a cultural heritage but also a symbol of local democracy that strengthens the identity and social cohesion of the Atoin Pah Meto community.

This study aims to explore how identity politics was constructed, disseminated, and received by the public in the context of the 2020 Surabaya mayoral election through social media, particularly Instagram and X (formerly Twitter). The research focuses on how identity narratives were manipulated by candidates and their campaign teams as an electoral strategy, how the public responded to such campaigns, and the socio-political impact on the quality of local democracy. Using a qualitative approach and digital netnography methods, this study analyzes candidates' content, campaign hashtags, and public interactions. The findings reveal that social media became a highly contested arena for identity politics, where religious, regional, and moral narratives were used to shape candidate images and mobilize support. However, these practices also resulted in social polarization, minority exclusion, and limited deliberative space. This study contributes to the discourse on digital democracy and identity politics in the context of local elections in Indonesia.

Local communities play an important role in national economic development in general and local development in particular, striving to achieve the well-being of citizens in all fields and ensuring the stability of society.To achieve this goal, local communities adopt policies and plans to manage their financial resources obtained, but sometimes they may fail to achieve the desired results due to their inability to manage those revenues independently. This has led to the erosion of citizens’ trust in local and national government authorities in general, which has prompted governments in different countries to move toward adopting new methods in the local management of public expenditures and in the formulation of public decisions in general. These methods embody a democratic government policy in a participatory manner, based on effectively involving citizens in the formulation of public decisions and the management of public expenditures, through the application of participatory democracy by means of various tools in managing local public utilities, the most important of which is the participatory budget. This has been adopted by Maghreb countries, either by stipulating it in their various laws or by ensuring its actual implementation in the public policies of local communities.Through this research paper, we will study the subject of participatory budgeting as a mechanism for embodying local democracy in the Maghreb countries (Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco), by addressing the concept of both participatory democracy and participatory budgeting, along with identifying the legal mechanisms adopted by the three countries to apply them across their local regions.

In Southeast Asia, women's political representation is often explained through dynastic ties or grassroots activism. This article examines non-elite women candidates in the 2024 Legislative Election in Ogan Ilir, Indonesia, using Choi's "middle pathway" framework. In contrast to the dynastic and grassroots paths, the middle path emphasizes the conversion of family reputation, business networks, and social capital into political legitimacy. With a qualitative case study approach, this study shows how non-elite women candidates mobilized their father's philanthropic reputation as a local entrepreneur, transformed a family multipurpose building into a community political center, and used digital strategies to gain the highest votes in their constituencies. These findings broaden the debate about the representation of non-elite women in Indonesia by asserting that electability does not only depend on political dynasties or short-term patronage, but can also be built through political entrepreneurship strategies based on family reputation, economic networks, and candidate tenacity. Thus, the middle path presents an alternative for non-elite women to negotiate political legitimacy in the context of a local democracy that is still patriarchal.

This study examines the use of Constitutional Court decisions in the academic manuscript of the Draft Law on the National Capital (RUU IKN) and evaluates its consistency with the 1945 Constitution, while drawing comparisons with governance models of other national capitals. The establishment of Ibu Kota Nusantara raises constitutional concerns because its governance design as an Authority excludes direct elections for regional leaders and the existence of a Regional House of Representatives. This design risks subordinating constitutional norms to political will, thereby undermining democratic principles. Using a normative juridical approach combined with comparative legal analysis, the research finds that the academic manuscript employs Constitutional Court rulings selectively, weakening constitutional guarantees of local democracy. Although the Court has recognized special governance status for certain regions, such as Papua and DKI Jakarta, these precedents have never eliminated democratic institutions, since both regions still maintain electoral and representative mechanisms. A comparison with Putrajaya, Malaysia, shows that centralistic governance may offer administrative efficiency but comes at the expense of political accountability and public participation. The study concludes that implementing the IKN Law without amendment will endanger constitutional legitimacy and set a harmful precedent for democratic governance. The novelty of this research lies in its critical perspective on how constitutional interpretation is instrumentalized in strategic policymaking, combining judicial analysis with comparative insights. Normatively, it recommends revising the IKN Law to align with constitutional principles of local democracy and strengthen safeguards for public participation and accountability.

Constitutional Court Decision Number 135/PUU-XXII/2024 regarding the separation of the DPR and DPRD elections marks a significant change in Indonesia's electoral system. Until now, the simultaneous implementation of elections using the “five boxes” model has caused various problems, including technical complexity in implementation, high logistical costs, and reduced attention to local issues. This study aims to analyze the constitutional implications and legal transition of the decision, particularly regarding the term of office of the DPRD, the potential for a vacuum in regional government, and the urgency of revising related laws. The research method used is normative legal research with a legislative approach and a conceptual approach through a review of the Constitutional Court's decision, the 1945 Constitution, the Election Law, the Regional Election Law, and relevant academic literature. The results of the study show that the separation of elections is intended to improve the effectiveness of their implementation, strengthen local democracy, and minimize the risk of administrative errors. However, this decision also poses challenges in the form of potential regulatory disharmony and constitutional uncertainty if it is not immediately followed by adjustments to legislation. Thus, this decision opens up space for electoral system reforms that are more responsive to local needs, but its success is highly dependent on the readiness of legislation and the governance of elections in Indonesia.

This study examines the relationship between politicians and journalists in shaping a media-based political machine in Makassar, Indonesia, focusing on its role in the electoral success and consolidation of political power. This study uses media content analysis and in-depth interviews to investigate local media dynamics and the characteristics of political patronage networks. The findings reveal that during election campaigns, journalists and media outlets play a pivotal role in constructing favorable public images of political candidates through strategic reporting, often in exchange for financial incentives or advertising contracts. After elections, these relationships evolve into more institutionalized forms of patronage: journalists are rewarded with government positions, whereas media organizations receive access to public funds through official budgets. In return, politicians continue to rely on the media to maintain their public image and deflect criticism. This study contributes to the broader discourse on media politics and local democracy in Indonesia by highlighting the embedding of local media actors in patronage systems. It offers new insights into the enduring role of the media in political machinery beyond electoral cycles.

The Village Head Election (Pilkades) is a vital expression of local democracy within Indonesia’s governance system. However, its implementation often gives rise to disputes, particularly concerning the election results. Law Number 6 of 2014 on Villages delegates the authority to resolve such disputes to the Regents/Mayors, which presents significant concerns related to the principles of justice and independence. This study aims to examine the dispute resolution model in Pilkades from both legal and philosophical perspectives and to propose a reconceptualized mechanism that is more just, participatory, and accountable. The research employs a normative legal method with juridical and philosophical analysis. The findings reveal that executive dominance in Pilkades dispute resolution potentially creates conflicts of interest and undermines democratic principles and the rule of law. Therefore, reforming this authority is essential, either through the establishment of a specialized court or by involving village institutions such as the Village Consultative Body (BPD) in the dispute resolution process. Furthermore, mediation and alternative dispute resolution based on village deliberation reflect the essence of substantive democracy. In conclusion, the resolution of Pilkades disputes should be reoriented toward models that uphold justice, legal certainty, and independence to ensure public trust in local democratic processes.

Notices given pursuant to the payment provisions in the Housing Grants, Construction and Regeneration Act 1996 (as amended) have formed the subject of numerous cases. This paper examines what these notices must contain to be valid. It includes consideration of the common law approach to construing notices and the statutory requirements. It concludes that the High Court has introduced unjustifiable requirements which should be overruled to provide certainty and clarity on the requirements for a notice. This article is also included in The Business & Management Collection which can be accessed at https:// hstalks.com/business/.

Since 2014, Ukraine has undergone a major decentralisation reform with the aim of strengthening local self-government, through the transfer of powers, responsibilities and fiscal resources from the central to the local level. However, the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022 has significantly disrupted this process. The ongoing war has caused severe financial instability across all levels of government and led to a functional and fiscal transformation of local self-government bodies. The present article examines the impact of Ukraine's financial crisis on the legal framework, functions and practical operations of local self-government bodies, focusing in particular on three areas: the shift in local functions during wartime, the impact of the financial crisis on local budgets, and the suspension of participatory budgeting and citizen engagement. The study is based on a combined legal and economic analysis, including national legislation and financial data. It is evident that local self-government bodies were obliged to adopt emergency roles, including humanitarian support and civil protection, despite the absence of explicit legal functions in these domains and inadequate financial resources. The crisis has also resulted in a considerable decline in own-source revenues and substantial reductions in interbudgetary transfers. Whilst legal provisions under martial law did indeed allow for a certain degree of flexibility, they also created risks for transparency, democratic accountability, and institutional overload. Notwithstanding the challenges faced, the article emphasises the resilience and adaptability demonstrated by local self-government bodies in Ukraine. The text calls for improved integration of legal safeguards and fiscal stability during periods of crisis, and argues for the urgent need to restore participatory tools during the post-war recovery phase. The findings contribute to broader discussions on decentralisation under the martial law, and offer policy recommendations for strengthening local self-government within the framework of Ukraine's European integration. By examining this critical period, the article provides insight into how local democracy can be protected and rebuilt in times of war and uncertainty.

Decentralization has been a central agenda in Indonesia's governmental reform since the end of the New Order regime, marked by the enactment of Law No. 22 of 1999, which was later revised through Law No. 23 of 2014 on Regional Government. The primary goals of decentralization are to strengthen local democracy, enhance the effectiveness of public service delivery, and accelerate development based on local needs. However, its implementation has led to a range of complex dilemmas. This article aims to critically examine the dynamics and challenges of decentralization in the context of public policy implementation in Indonesia, with a particular focus on structural issues such as disparities in regional capacity, overlapping authorities between central and local governments, weak intergovernmental coordination, and the growing potential for misuse of autonomy by local actors. This study employs a qualitative approach using literature review and thematic analysis of regulations, academic literature, and relevant empirical studies. The main findings indicate that decentralization, when not supported by institutional readiness and adequate oversight, tends to produce policy fragmentation, widen interregional disparities, and create opportunities for corrupt practices at the local level. Therefore, a reformulation of decentralized approaches is urgently needed through the strengthening of asymmetric decentralization models, improvement of intergovernmental governance mechanisms, and the development of effective and adaptive accountability systems. Without a fundamental correction to the design and practice of decentralization, public policy in Indonesia will continue to face structural obstacles that undermine the quality of local governance and threaten national integration.