City Of Lima Research Articles

An exploratory study of community noise levels in the city of Lima

Lima, the capital city of Perú, a metropolis with more than 6 million people, has in the last 30 years had a sudden, explosive, and unsettled growth. Consequently, the city is always attacked by an endless number of noise sources. The absence of requirements for acoustic planning has caused noise producing activities to be mixed in with buildings requiring a quiet sonic environment. This study analyzes the main community noise sources and their levels: traffic and transportation noise, aircraft, and industrial noise. The noise pollution levels obtained, which were calculated through theoretical formulas and empirical methods, are plotted in noise maps of the metropolitan area of Lima. Unfortunately, Perú does not have an acoustical research center, laboratories in acoustics, or professional researchers in acoustics. The results of this research allowed comparison of the average levels calculated, around 92 dB in the downtown area, in regard to requested noise levels. The lack of legislation, acoustic research, and people's knowledge about noise damage will lead to its progressive increase, almost 1 dB per year, in the near future.

Tectonic deformation of the Andes and the configuration of the subducted slab in central Peru; results from a microseismic experiment

A microearthquake survey was conducted in the central Andes of Peru, east of the city of Lima, to study the seismicity and style of tectonic deformation of the Peruvian Andes. Although most of the stations forming the temporary seismographic network were located on the high Andes, the vast majority of the microearthquakes recorded occurred to the east of the mountain belt: on the Huaytapallana fault in the Eastern Cordillera and beneath the western margin of the sub-Andes. Thus the sub-Andes appear to be the physiographic province subject to the most intense seismic deformation. Focal depths of the crustal events in this region range generally from 15 to 35 km and some events beneath the sub-Andes appear to be as deep as 40–50 km. The fault-plane solutions of events in the sub-Andean margin show thrust faulting on steep planes oriented roughly north-south, similar to that observed in teleseismic earthquakes studied using body wave modelling. The Huaytapallana fault in the Cordillera Oriental also shows relatively high seismicity along a NE-SW trend that agrees with the fault scarp and the east-dipping nodal plane of two large earthquakes that occurred on this fault on 1969 July 24 and October 1. Microearthquakes of intermediate depth recorded during the experiment show a flat seismic zone about 25 km thick at a depth of about 100 km. This agrees with recent observations showing that beneath Peru the slab first dips at an angle of about 30° to a depth of 100 km and then flattens following a quasi-horizontal trajectory. Fault-plane solutions of intermediate-depth microearthquakes have horizontal T axes oriented east-west suggesting slab pull is the dominant force in the downgoing slab.

Lima Beans and City Chicken: A Memoir of the Open Hearth by Martina Durbin

Lima Beans and City Chicken: A Memoir of the Open Hearth by Martina Durbin

Crossing the River: Poets of the Western United States ed. by Ray Gonzalez

184 Western American Literature Willie: an Autobiography. By Willie Nelson with Bud Shrake. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988. 334 pages, $19.95.) Long-haired supershowmen have figured in the West since Buffalo Bill, and Willie Nelson now carries the banner. Born in Abbot, Texas in 1933, Willie gained more of a reputation as a songwriter than a performer in the Nashville country and western music establishment of the 1950s. But when he discovered the early 70s hippie scene around Austin, he moved back to Texas, adopted long hair and the earring, and found a huge new audience for his offbeat, reedy delivery. Since then, his Fourth of July picnics have become a Texas institu­ tion, while his movies and his duets with Julio Iglesias have attracted new fans. Recently his Farm Aid concerts have brought him into social service. It has been a long journey for the rebellious kid first known as Booger Red. His autobiography compares well with Loretta Lynn’s Coal Miner’s Daughter (1976) and Tammy Wynette’s Stand by Your Man (1979). The collaboration with his old friend Bud Shrake has allowed the presentation of a series of 35 edited interviews with persons ranging from ex-wives and good ol’ boys to Dennis Hopper and Sydney Pollack. Their anecdotes range from a godawful tale of Willie’s backroads shootout with the son-in-law who beat up his daughter to a vivid account by his stage manager, Poodie Locke, of their typical life on the road. Compared to the candor of some of these “Choruses,” Willie’sownwriting seems a little guarded, although he is quite forthcoming about his faults and mistakes, marital in particular. Much of his frequent philosophizing is colored by his browsing in Edgar Cayce, Khalil Gibran and the Aquarian Gospel, and he is more persuaded than many about the emergence of a new type of westerner, the cowboy hippie. Although his life these days includes about 150 concerts a year on the road, touring Europe, acting in movies, and cutting albums, he keeps coming back to Austin for golf and his studio. The book closes with Willie’s horoscope, cast in 8 pages by Diane Eichenbaum and suggesting that he might even go into politics. No bedtime for Booger yet! RICHARD DWYER Florida International University Crossing the River: Poets of the Western United States. Edited by Ray Gon­ zalez. (Sag Harbor, New York: The Permanent Press, 1987. 201 pages, $14.95.) In the preface to this volume Ray Gonzalez writes that the poems included “rise out of deserts, plains, mountains, and riVers to celebrate a sense of place that can be found in poets nationwide.” The statement proves true of the sixtynine poets represented in the collection. Images of the West abound: chickens, eagles, hawks, wasps, the chalky bones of horses, the moon hanging in alders, chunks of snow on pine trees, snow drifts, swirls of rain, swirls of dust, cattle guards, sagebrush flats, plodding of hoofbeats, a pile of broken dishes by an Reviews 185 abandoned farmhouse, mules, toads, meadow larks, and trucks changing gears. However, the prevailing tone is not nostalgia but rather the excitement of the living present, nor is the location always a mountainside or a flood plain. The poets represented here include some fairly well known and many lesserknown writers. The variety ofpoets isas one might expect from the West: Sandra Sisneros, Jim Simmerman, Joy Harjo, Alberto Rio, Tess Gallagher, Frank Stewart, Alan Chong Lau, Linda Hogan among them. Of the poets, perhaps Raymond Carver’s reputation is the best established, but we will be seeing more of the manyother promisingyoungerpoetswho gain exposure here. Taken as a collage of western living, the poems unite to fulfill Gonzalez’s belief in the values of poetic insight not usually offered by familiar historical accounts. JAMES R. SAUCERMAN Northwest Missouri State University Lima Beans and City Chicken: A Memoir of the Open Hearth. By Martina Durbin. (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1989. 172 pages, $16.95.) Martina Durbin grew up in Fontana, California, where her father was a millwright at Kaiser Steel. The menu in her title refers to the lean times when paychecks were inadequate or when the workers...

Family, Kinship, and Ethnic Identity of the Chinese in New York City, with Comparative Remarks on the Chinese in Lima, Peru and Manila, Philippines

The paper first examines how U.S. immigration policies and economic adaptation of the Chinese affect and modify the Chinese family system in the U.S. and then proceeds to discuss the development of the various types of Chinese American families: the old immigrant families, new immigrant families, American born Chinese families, the families of Chinese professionals and non residential extended families. These families differ not only in size but also in intrafamilial relationships and cultural identities. Some of these families are more Old World oriented; others are U.S. oriented. Some straddle two cultures - Chinese and American. Some are characterized by dominance of the traditional father-son bond, others the mother-child bond, and still others the husband-wife bond. The immigration policies and the economic adaptation of the Chinese which affected the development of the Chinese American families are responsible also for the development of the current trends: 1) the weakening of patrilineal kinship, 2) the emergence of the non-residential extended family, 3) the increased occurrence of fictive kinship, 4) the popularity of the nuclear family and 5) the replacement of the traditional fatherson bond by husband-wife bond. Some of these developmental trends are contrasted with those in Chinese communities in Lima and Manila. Although the American environment has modified the Chinese families, some Old World traditions linger on among all the Chinese in New York. All seem to value personalism and familism. All want to incorporate friends into their kinship network. This tendency of enlarging one’s personal/kinship network seems to be universal whether it is m Lima, Manila or New York City.

Lima: crónica de un deterioro

Discussion about the city of Lima, from the historical reflections of Cesar Pacheco Velez, author of the book Memoria y Utopia de la Vieja Lima (Memory and Utopia of Old Lima).

Pensadores, conquistadores and Latin American mythmaking

w hY does Latin American society give up its spiritual autonomy and join itself like a parasite to another society that begins to mold it and endow it by increasingly handing down its accomplishments? One reasonable answer is this: the essential feature of North American society is the search for change, the construction of an ever different destiny. In this quest, North Americans consider only their own society as a point of reference. To be a permanent center of new initiatives governed by its own internal dialectic, the United States does not follow the lead of Europeans. Europe and the rest of the planet are yoked to the American engine, which sometimes advances in the direction of astral space, and other times gets immersed in the microuniverse of biogenetics. The United States drags with it the other countries of the world in the direction of innovation and toward the acceleration of growing technological complexity. We Latin Americans, with more inhabitants than the United States, possess as much or more potential wealth. Spawned by Europe--just as the United States--we have universities that are more than four hundred years old. We have urban centers that were already established when Chicago was a prairie overrun by buffalo. Unconsciously, we have renounced our contribution to shaping our own destiny. Today we treat and tomorrow we will cure those illnesses that some foreign laboratory could already fight effectively. We will live longer because of advances in geriatrics in California or Texas. We will have fewer children because of birth control methods perfected in New York or Tokyo. We will learn better if our teaching methods come to terms with computer technology, devised by multinational corporations. We will be taller or shorter or we will have fewer abnormal children, if genetic transmission chains are correctly deciphered at Harvard or Stanford. We will have more fun if the video recorder is perfected and made cheaper in the Silicon Valley. All of these things are given or sold to us ready-made. Everything that we are and will be is given to us because we do not control our own lives. We move along indifferently without even a plan against the essential immorality that tolerates this paralysis of creativity. In the bloody history of our social struggle, no group has had as its main goal the assumption of an active role in the shaping of our national destiny. We become hoarse crying out for our rights, but we have forgotten our responsibilities to ourselves and to concerns that link us to our destiny. We are accustomed to passing the guilt and responsibility on to others. We do not realize that in almost five centuries at a university such as San Marcos, hardly a discovery of scientific importance was made, and not one original idea was advanced in the humanities. Nothing and nobody except ourselves would prevent an Edison, Bell, Freud, Kant, Einstein, or Heidegger from flourishing in Lima, Havana, Caracas, or Mexico City. Latin American societies do not encourage new ideas. We are unconcerned with the task of changing the world in which we live. We do not allow for our own creativity. It would be wrong to suggest that we live in backward societies that despise changes, since we are so pleased to notice them when they occur. We are simply reluctant to initiate those changes on our own. We have not understood that it is audacity and innovation that determine the course of history, not the other way around. We have not understood that it has been five centuries since the object of our civilization has been change. That is why we have become marginal nations.

Contemporary Patterns of Migration in the Central Andes

a high degree of population mobility characterizes demographic phenomena in most Latin American countries has become a routine statement. That such movements exercise a pervasive influence on the economic, political and demographic structures of both receiving and sending areas is similarly commonplace. Paradoxically, however, the exact dimensions of these movements in recent periods are still largely unknown in many countries while discussions of the manner of their impact on the various aforementioned structures border on the speculative (Martine, 1975). Widespread migration and population redistribution in Central Andean regions during the recent decades has provoked serious concern over the social, environmental, and biological consequences (UNESCO, 1975). Lima, Peru, illustrates some of these concerns. Migrants to the city of Lima have increased that city's population from 600,000 in 1940 to 4 million in 1970, severely straining, and occasionally overwhelming, the capacity to provide essential services to the hundreds of thousands moving to the city and to the new towns or pueblos jovenes springing up in the outlying desert where water and other resources are in short supply. Many problems plague these crowded settlements: infant malnutrition and unemployment are among the most frequent (Graham and Adrianzen, 1972; ONEC, 1972). The size and extent of the city, the demands for space, water, and food, and also the economic, political, and social characteristics of the inhabitants change. Migration today is indeed a process with widespread ramifications. Short-term population movement and flow of resources, both large-scale and small, among ecozones at varying altitudes was a pattern of population-environment interaction that had been characteristic of Andean peoples for centuries before the European conquest; this is the vertical model of Andean economy discussed by Murra (1972). The arrival of Europeans in the sixteenth century caused a catastrophic disruption to the Andean

Algas del suelo de Lima y alrededores

Este trabajo trata sobre el estudio sistemático de algunas especies de Microcoleus, Nodularia, Cylindrospermum, Botrydium, Vaucheria y Stichococcus identificadas en muestras de suelo procedentes de algunos lugares de Lima y alrededores.

Cultural and Sex Differences in the Sex Distribution of Dream Characters

The validity of previous reports regarding sex differences in ratio of male characters in dreams was investigated. Eight dreams were obtained for each of 192 college students in Lima, Peru, and New York City. Odd-even reliabilities for male dream characters ranged from .36 to .72. U.S. subjects had a higher percentage of male dream characters than Peruvians (p <.01). U.S. males had a greater percentage of men in their dreams than U.S. females; in Peru the sex difference was reversed (p < .01). These findings contradict previous reports of males universally dreaming more about men than do females, attributed by Hall to Oedipal conflicts. Present results allow the conclusion that sex differences in the percentage of male characters in dreams are not universal. Differences in the sex ratio of dream characters more likely reflect sociocultural differences in contact between the sexes.

A Reappraisal of the Role of the Regional Associations in Lima, Peru

The city of Lima resembles other Latin American capitals in having drawn very heavily in recent decades on rural migration, but is peculiar in the extraordinarily large number, running perhaps into the thousands, of associations formed by migrants on the basis of common regional origin. These associations have been the subject of investigation by the American anthropologists Mangin and Doughty, and also by a number of Peruvian scholars. These studies are based on the familiar theory of a rural-urban continuum with close integration at the rural pole and a syndrome of anomie at the urban pole. They postulate that the regional associations create solidarity among rural migrants in the city and enable them to foster modernization in the regions from which they came. In this article it will be argued that these postulates cannot survive the test of empirical criticism.

Pelicans in the City of Lima, Peru

Journal Article Pelicans in the City of Lima, Peru Get access Charles F. Leck Charles F. Leck Department of Zoology Rutgers University New Brunswick, New Jersey 08903 Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Condor, Volume 75, Issue 3, 1 July 1973, Page 357, https://doi.org/10.2307/1366186 Published: 01 July 1973 Article history Accepted: 29 September 1972 Published: 01 July 1973

The Regional Difference and the Migration of Population in Peru

One of the most striking aspects of the movement of population in Peru is the migration from Andes highland the “Sierra” to the coastal region.In the Sierra of Central Andes of Peru, there are many indian peoples, living on self-sufficient agriculture. The great number of them moves to the coastal region.The traditional safety value for the surplus population of the Sierra has been the irrigated oasis of the desert coast. But in few decades migration from the Sierra has far exceeded the absorptive capacity of the coastal plantation, and has been directed increasingly toward the coastal cities particularly Lima, capital of this country.Major concentrations of the population occur around Lima city. They come from the whole country not only from Andes highland, but also from the coastal region. The slums that ring the capital city are conclusive evidence that the urban habitant is incapable of accommodating the surplus population.The altitudinal point of view, the surplus population at the elevation higher than 2, 500 m moves to the coastal region lower than 1, 500 m, but yet population of highland are increasing slowly.The smaller though significant, movement has been taking place from the Sierra to the upper tropical Amazonas region, “Selva” lower than 1, 500 m. The main concentrating region of population are Lima, Callas, other coastal cities (Trujillo, Chiclays, Chimbote, Arequipa) and small cities in central region of Andes highland.On the contrary, the main emigrating region are Andes highland and the most of the coastal cities. From the coastal cities, many people migrate to Lima, but from the Sierra near by, surplus population flow to these cities, and the population of these cities has been increasing.

Fertility differences between Indian and Spanish-speaking parts of Andean countries

Abstract Recently J. M. Stycos has demonstrated that there exists an important regional difference in Peruvian fertility. If we ignore the area surrounding Peru's capital city of Lima we may distinguish two different regions of the country, each containing approximately the same total population. The first region consists of the eight departamentos located in the Andean highlands in which the great majority of the total population are Indian-speaking, where the predominant occupation is subsistence agriculture, and the level of economic development is very low. The second region consists of the 13 departamentos located on the Pacific coast or east of the Andes in the Amazon lowlands, where the preponderant language is Spanish, agriculture is often of the plantation type, a substantial part ofthe population lives in small cities, and where the level of economic development is relatively high.

Life in Colonial Lima

When Francisco Pizarro founded the city of Lima in 1535 it was with the intention of making it the capital city of the territory he had conquered. On November 3, 1536, the king of Spain gave his official approval to this action (1), and with the arrival of the viceroys, Lima became the center of government for the whole viceroyalty of Peru, which extended twelve hundred leagues north and south and three hundred leagues east and west. In fact, the territory was so large that viceroy Francisco de Toledo took nearly five years to travel through it on a tour of inspection (2). The city of Lima, the center of government and trade for the viceroyalty of Peru, was a true and brilliant capital, and the way of life of its people, who lived in continuous fiesta, was colorful and exciting. Ricardo Palma's Tradiciones peruanas are filled with stories of this life with

Julio C. Tello, 1880–1947

Julio César Tello, outstanding Peruvian archaeologist, was born on April 11, 1880, under humble circumstances in the Indian village of Huarochirí, Department of Lima, in the high Andes. He died on June 3, 1947, in the city of Lima and was buried with the pomp and pageantry accorded to a Minister of State. Tello was of almost pure Indian blood, of which he was proud. His father, Julian Tello, evidently was a man of local importance as he became alcalde, but the family was poor and Julio Tello's first memory was of playing on an adobe floor. His mother was María Asunción Rojas de Tello, a descerident of the last Incacuracawho governed Huarochirí. During his childhood, Julio's father made periodic journeys to the coast where he visited relatives in the small fishing villages south of Lima. He often took his son with him on these trips.

Important Cotton Insects of Central Peru

During a six weeks investigation of cotton insect problems in the Canete Valley, located about 100 miles south of the city of Lima, in central Peru, no evidence was found of the existence in Peru of either the Mexican cotton boll weevil or the pink boll worm. The Peruvian square weevil was found in nearly all fields examined and ranged from sea level to an altitude of over 2,000 feet. This species attacks only small cotton squares and causes them to flare and fall to the ground as do the squares attacked by the boll weevil. The square weevil is a small species, adults measuring from 2.5 to 4 mm. in length. The color is light tan or brownish but the integument under the scale covering is brown. The adults are extremely active and shy and are hard to find in the field but the flaring and falling of squares betray their presence. Usually only six or eight punctured squares occur on a plant but sometimes as many as twenty-five were found, these being apparently the work of one female. The development requires some sixteen or eighteen days and the larvae and pupae in fallen squares appear to be quite resistant to heat and drought. It is not known whether the species can survive freezing temperature during its hibernation period. The most serious cotton pest in Peru seems to be a species of leaf worm. (Possibly more than one species is involved.) This species appears to be native and occurs abundantly every year, requiring usually three poison applications during the season. At least four generations of this leaf worm must occur. The observations made indicated a developmental period of from twenty-two to thirty days. The multiplication is rapid in spite of the presence of a number of species of predators and parasites. The usual method of control has been arsenate of lead or calcium arsenate sprays applied by knapsack spray pumps carried by Indian workmen. These spraying squads often numbering over 100 men, do nothing else for three months but spray for leaf worm control. Their work is very inefficient. Dusting has been started to replace the spraying and has given much better control of the worms with a very great saving in the time and labor of application. The climatic conditions and the topography of the irrigated val1eys are ideal for airplane dusting work and such work is being started this season in Peru. Other important insects include several species of small caterpillars which bore into the developing bolls. Their work is followed by the spread of fungus diseases which complete the destruction of the bolls. By this combined attack a damage of from 20% to 25% of the crop is frequently experienced.