Liberal Society Research Articles

The politics of voluntariness in modern history: introduction

ABSTRACT The introduction to the theme issue on the Politics of Voluntariness in Modern History starts by discussing the origins and uses of the liberal discourse on voluntariness in the seventeenth century. It was during this period that philosophers and politicians began to present voluntariness as specific to liberalism. By the same token, voluntariness and authoritarian rule have been declared incompatible. This introduction and the papers in the theme issue critically discuss the exclusive linkage of voluntariness and liberalism – an interpretation that fails to capture authoritarian governing in its entirety, while ignoring compulsory and exclusionary practices in liberal societies. This theme issue shows voluntariness to be essential to policies and political practices in both liberal and illiberal societies. Political practices are at the core of our articles: amid a web of actors, institutions, discourses, and expectations, the individual means and capacity to act voluntarily, make choices, and overcome constraints are historically and socially variable. The introduction and the theme issue explore this variability to illuminate how voluntariness operates as a driving force for political practices in liberal and illiberal societies, drawing on case studies from German, Swiss, and U.S.-American history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The Development of Public Conscience: Hume’s Third Way Between Hobbes and Locke

Hume devised a third way between Hobbes and Locke that bolstered the former’s defense of stability and the latter’s defense of rebellion. This feat remains underappreciated. Hume’s third way rests on the idea of the public conscience, which, like Hobbes’s idea of the public conscience, derives from communication and consensus. The public conscience orients us toward the public interest, which, in Hume’s theory, is the authoritative standard by which individuals and government alike must abide. In this paper, I elaborate on the moral psychological principles that underlie Hume’s concept of the public conscience, which is liable to both conservative liberal and progressive liberal interpretations. And I argue that Hume’s third way provides valuable insight into the logic of public political discourse in liberal societies.

Flying Free? Risk and Regulation in Recreational Flying Trapeze

ABSTRACT Legal and regulatory theory has been fascinated by the relationship between law and other forms of regulation in a differentiated society. While some scholars have pointed out the benefits of local regulation, especially when managing the risks of modern society, others have seen regulation in Foucauldian terms as discipline, the dark underside of liberal society. Law, in a Foucauldian approach, is usually understood as another form of constraint. There have, however, been recent suggestions that an enabling law could contain possibilities for openness and agency – much like Foucault’s concept of ‘technologies of the self’. At the same time, sociologists have used the technologies of the self to describe voluntary risk-taking, or ‘edgework’, as a form of escape from the disciplinary society. In this article, I examine these possibilities by investigating the operation of law and regulatory techniques in flying trapeze. Recreational flying trapeze is the kind of risky activity that was facilitated by the enabling law of the 2002 tort reforms. Recreational flyers, who are usually women, appear to experience a moment of freedom. Yet flyers are subject to local regulations and their own practice of self-regulation. As such, this activity provides a practical opportunity for examining the intersection of law, regulation, and the technologies of the self, and considering what they mean for the possibilities and limitations of freedom.

LITURATERRA [Entrevista: 2024, 3] A política contra o destino: o modo de pensar as alternativas

Brazilian philosopher Roberto Mangabeira Unger, a professor at Harvard University (USA) for over forty years, presents and discusses his perspective on politics in this interview. In it, he discusses elements of his social and political theory, one of the highlights of which is his treatment of institutional issues in an original way that differs from conventional institutionalism. He begins by defining the distinction between right and left in contemporary circumstances. It defines the possible types of politics. He deals with the fundamental concepts of his theory of institutional alternatives, explaining the nature of his experimentalist proposal. It approaches the organization of powers with a different emphasis from the dominant reflection on political institutions, always uncritically focused on the issue of stability, and proposes that the main objective of politics is to provide structural transformations. It argues that the democratic regime should have its center of gravity focused on majorities and not minorities. And he suggests that the central cause of the current crisis in democratic societies is of a programmatic nature: we have not yet been able to clear away the rubble of bankrupt social democracy. The general theme discussed was a new institutional model that would enable liberal societies to overcome the dead end in which they find themselves. The interview took place on May 22, 2022, in the district of Araras, in the municipality of Petrópolis (RJ).

Inhibiting or Contributing? How Global Liberal Forces Impact Climate Change Skepticism

Although climate change remains a top environmental threat, significant portions of the global population continue to exhibit climate change skepticism. Currently, an extensive literature identifies the micro-level determinants of climate skepticism, often manifesting as a form of populist “backlash” to the adverse effects of globalization. However, the potential of macro-level global cultural forces—particularly embeddedness in liberal world society—to counter such pushback is unclear. Using multilevel modeling to analyze International Social Survey Program data spanning 37 countries from 2000 to 2020, we find that in general, increased embeddedness is linked to reduced climate skepticism. However, when global liberal forces encounter anti-liberal undercurrents within nation-states, a situation we refer to as cultural dissonance, the impact of liberal world society on tempering skepticism varies. Embeddedness mitigates skepticism at the national level, particularly within authoritarian regimes, but not at the individual level, especially among right-wing individuals. Paradoxically, world society also heightens ideological polarization of individual worldviews on climate change. By illuminating the contradictory role of liberal world society, which simultaneously exacerbates and inhibits anti-liberal, populist attitudes about climate change, we advance existing work examining the post-liberal turn and holds promise for making sense of other issue domains where liberal perspectives are contested.

Heidegger's argument for fascism

AbstractHeidegger's ontological theories, his observations about liberalism and fascism, and his evaluation of Being are three premises of an argument for fascism. The ontological premise is that integrated wholes and instruments or objects of will are ontologically superior, as Being and Time suggests in discussing Being‐a‐whole and using tools. The social premise is that fascist societies are wholes integrated by dictatorial will, while liberal societies are looser aggregates of free individuals, as Heidegger describes in his 1930s seminars. The evaluative premise, shared with the medieval tradition and expressed in his notebook remarks about war, is that ontological superiority makes things better. The conclusion that fascism is better than liberalism should be rejected along with the evaluative premise.

What does voluntariness do to participation? Mitmachen in New Deal America and National Socialist Germany, 1933−1945

ABSTRACT This article interrogates the significance of voluntary participation to both liberal and illiberal societies. Based on conceptual discussions of the terms voluntariness and mitmachen, the article merges two exemplary studies of court cases in New Deal America and Nazi Germany. Both cases bring out how liberal and illiberal societies depend on, rely on, motivate, inculcate, demand, and try to enforce their citizens’ voluntary participation, which is best captured by the German term mitmachen. In both New Deal America and National Socialist Germany, it was evidently the voluntariness of participation that constituted what was perceived as a good citizen-subject. Yet both cases show citizens’ reluctance and even refusal to comply with the state’s demand for voluntary participation. They also exhibit differences in this regard. Whereas the defendants in the American court case succeeded in denying the state the right to enforce their participation against their will, for the German defendant, accused of undermining the war effort, his voluntary engagement for the National Socialist state in other respects had only mitigating effects.

How liberalism accommodates far-right social movements: on “mainstreaming” and the need for critical theory in far-right studies

Abstract Scholarship on social movements, racism, and nationalism increasingly falls under the purview of “extremism studies” and its subfield “far-right studies.” Prominent extremism scholars have developed generalist theories purportedly explaining far-right politics and power dynamics (or “mainstreaming”) across liberal societies. They define “far-right” as “illiberal” politics promoting dehumanization, exclusion, and inequality. Their theory of mainstreaming suggests that “the” far-right is a coherent entity that “enters” mainstream institutions or discourse from the outside. For these scholars, strengthening liberal-civic principles prevents far-right political power (mainstreaming). I call these approaches “grand theory templates,” which I critique for simplistic interpretations of power and for overlooking critical theory scholarship showing how liberalism accommodates far-right politics. Using the Canadian nationalist movement as a case study, I show how liberal chauvinism can be crucial to empowering right-wing populist movements. My data include over 40 hours of participant-observation at 20 right-wing events and 35 interviews with 42 current leaders and members of on-the-ground nationalist groups. Right-wing nationalists foregrounded liberal-civic ideas, such as “security,” “rights,” “objectivity,” and “tolerance,” to advance anti-Muslim sentiment and populist conspiracism. My findings suggest that far-right movements can gain power by embracing liberalism’s ambiguity and contradictions. In other words, mastering liberal messaging can be essential to the growth of far-right movements, challenging any easy dismissal of these politics as “illiberal.” Altogether, “top–down” grand theory templates oversimplify political distinctions and power, compromising research design and analysis. I advocate for more granular and “bottom–up” inductive approaches that prioritize sociological traditions over theories recently popularized by extremism scholars.

Military System Culture Archetype and Humanistic Thinking-In Sunzibingfa, Focusing on the Practical Will of Military System and Strengthening of Discipline

Regardless of the time and space differences between eastern and western countries before and after their origin, the improvement of military systems and solutions to problems all reflect the practical will of national defense strategic responsibility and tactics. From the anthropological point of view, no matter the development of the xianqin civilization and the victory or defeat of the war history, the establishment, development and changes of the system and discipline are discussed as the boundary and module of historical dialectics. This is a myth of the victory of the country's social and political diplomacy, a basic sanction of the security strategy, and a specific matter for the interpretation of the structural and institutional principles. Then, as a cultural prototype, can the other appearance and symbolic significance of this military system, as the AI social language view in the 21st century, become another status and security awareness of dominating the world? The positive answer to this is that as an individual country, its multiple roles are sufficient to enhance political strategies, diplomatic security, social tranquility and individual spirit of challenge. This issue actually plays a role as the boundary and module of the historical dialectics of military system through the changing process of the history of the times before discussing the concept and essence of a liberal democratic society.

Echoes of the past: The enduring impact of communism on contemporary freedom of speech values

Free speech is essential for informed decision-making, government efficacy, and fostering innovation in liberal societies. But what promotes or hinders freedom of speech values? Exploiting the natural experiment of German separation and later reunification, we show that living under communism has had lasting effects on free speech opinions, and the convergence process has been slow. East Germans are still less likely to consider freedom of speech a key government priority than West Germans. The effects are the largest for cohorts that lived the longest under communism. This provides evidence that more prolonged exposure to the features of socialism—including indoctrination and repression—collectively lowers the appreciation of freedom of speech values. Our results are robust to a battery of sensitivity checks and provide suggestive evidence pointing to indoctrination as a mechanism behind our findings. As such, our paper contributes to the scarce body of literature on the economics of free speech, suggesting that freedom of speech may be a part of informal institutions and slow-changing cultural values.

Global conflict: Analysis of non-political factors and possible non-violent solutions in the context of sustainable development

The paper presents a novel approach to the analysis of non-political factors and potential non-violent solutions to global conflicts. The distinctive feature of this approach is its focus on habitual thinking (conventional wisdom) as a research subject, rather than on the human himself. Using the systems transdisciplinarity models, the construct of individual conventional wisdom was investigated. The study identified the main types of conventional wisdom and described the types of knowledge that underlie each individual's worldview formation. Furthermore, the process of socialization through which individual conventional wisdom is integrated with the conventional wisdom of contemporary humanity was simulated. The findings of this study enabled elucidating the objective, non-political factors contributing to the global conflict associated with the completion of the first stage of socialization of the emerging liberal society. The forthcoming changes in the new model of the world order were delineated, as was the necessity to create deterrents that will soon replace nuclear weapons. A proposal will be made to interested organizations, suggesting a joint undertaking of large-scale transdisciplinary research. The objective of this research is to establish a foundation for the attainment of non-violent solutions to the global conflict and the resolution of the problems associated with the sustainable development of humanity.)

Freedom of speech on campus

Abstract What should be the rules governing campus speech in a liberal democratic society? On one side are those arguing for maximal protections for campus speech analogous to the First Amendment in the United States. On the other are those promoting stricter regulation of speech through formal and informal speech codes. This paper aims to carve a new path in the conversation. Both sides agree that the mission of the university is the discovery and dissemination of knowledge and that achieving this mission requires tolerant and open-minded students, faculty, and administrators. However, neither side has explicitly connected its advocacy for specific speech policies with these shared goals. Our paper advances the conversation by proposing a series of empirically testable mechanisms for connecting speech policies to the desired outcomes. We also argue that focusing on these mechanisms opens the way towards new and more tractable conceptual and normative debates.

The Spaces and Places of Jewish Emancipation during the Vormärz

Abstract During the revolutionary era, Jews in the new Grand Duchy of Baden were given hope that full citizenship and integration would eventually be achieved. However, not every location or space in the Grand Duchy was inclusive, as Jews were excluded from most areas in civil society and the state. The Rhein-Neckar region (including the cities of Mannheim and Heidelberg), however, proved to be a location where close contact between Jews and Christians was not only more regular, but an important facet of the developing liberal society—whether that was in the newspapers, the classroom, or bourgeois associations. These so-called ‘fraternal spaces’ shaped the individuals and were shaped by those individuals who came through them. In the case of the Rhein-Neckar region, this led to Jewish-Christian relationships that had an indelible impact on the blossoming liberal movement of the Vormärz as well as the lead-up to the 1848 revolutions.

Constitutionalism: issues of legal thought

It is noted that establishing criteria for evaluating legal concepts remains one of the unresolved problems in law. Their interpretation often depends more on the subjective view of the legislator or scholar than on legal logic. At the same time, even the most detailed definition cannot encompass the full diversity of legal relations and be universally applicable. Therefore, formulating precise concepts in constitutional law is complicated by the fact that the theory and practice of national and international constitutionalism are still developing, and their terminological apparatus is still forming. It is pointed out that the concept of “constitutionalism” has become firmly established in modern scientific discourse. Although the term has humanitarian origins, today it finds application in the natural sciences as well. However, “constitutionalism” is most often used in the humanities, especially in jurisprudence. It is emphasized that most modern states have constitutions that define their structure and procedures for managing various spheres of life. However, the presence of a constitution is not a sufficient condition for recognizing a state as constitutional. The constitutionality of a state is not limited to the existence of a basic law, which may reflect a certain compromise of socio-political forces and establish the state structure and powers of authorities. Even if this law has supremacy over other laws and can be changed only by a special procedure, this does not guarantee true constitutionalism. Thus, a state can have a constitution but not have constitutionalism, and vice versa. The authors conclude that despite the diversity of models of constitutionalism, common principles can be identified that characterize it as a legal concept: The supremacy of legal laws, particularly the constitution as the fundamental law; Legal protection of individual rights and freedoms; Institutional and legal organization of state power with horizontal and vertical distribution. It is important to note that the universality of these principles is associated with the transformation of Western society from a religious worldview to a rational perception of the world. This change influenced the ideas about the state and society, contributed to the formation of classical liberal civil society and the concept of an autonomous individual.

Civil Religion as Via Negativa in a Pluralistic Liberal Society and Its Implication to Interreligious Dialogue

Civil Religion as Via Negativa in a Pluralistic Liberal Society and Its Implication to Interreligious Dialogue

Placing Behavior in Context: Political Interpretations of Individual Behavior in Countering Information Warfare in Finland

Malign information influence often targets large segments of the population, with the intent to manipulate individual behavior for the benefit of the actors disseminating this harmful information. However, in a liberal society like Finland, individual behavior is closely tied to personal freedoms and liberties, making the commentary and regulation of individual behavior for the sake of security a complex endeavor. This paper investigates how Finnish politicians and officials perceive individual behavior within the context of information warfare. We examine the emergence of particular discourses that interpret, critique, and potentially seek to influence individual behavior. Our research draws from parliamentary debates and legislative documents, as well as executive branch materials, providing insight into contemporary political thought. By exploring the evolving landscape of political discourse in Finland, our paper contributes to a better understanding of the environment in which countermeasures against information warfare are developed and the roots of national security policy. It underscores the intricate challenges of safeguarding cognitive security while respecting individual freedoms in a modern democratic society.

The liberal conception of free speech and its limits

ABSTRACT Unfortunately, many people today see the regulation of lies, disinformation, hate speech, and fake news as an infringement of free speech, at least when such speech is ‘political,’ despite the damage that such speech can do. But this very protective attitude toward speech rests on a mistaken understanding of the role of free speech in a liberal society. The right to free speech is based on the liberal value of freedom, and as such can be no broader than freedom itself. And freedom has always been subject to reasonable limits in a liberal society. Indeed, while the principles of toleration and neutrality are often cited as supporting a broad interpretation of the right to free speech, they also tell us that certain limits apply to that right. We need not tolerate speech that encourages intolerance, and while government should be neutral between reasonable conceptions of the good, it need not be neutral between reasonable and unreasonable conceptions. These ideas form the framework of liberal society, and as I shall show, also provide a guide for understanding what kind of speech is protected in a liberal society and what it is not.

Durability and performance characteristics of eco-friendly geopolymer binders based on electric-arc-furnace slag and dealuminated kaolin

The pursuit of sustainable development is an essential aspect of modern society's progress, aiming to achieve goals without causing waste, pollution, harm, or environmental degradation. The study focused on developing environmentally friendly binders by utilizing two industrial solid wastes: electric arc furnace slag (EAFS) and dealuminated kaolin (DK). The investigation aimed to assess the physio-mechanical, chemical properties, and durability of the binders against elevated temperatures and exposure to seawater, thereby contributing to sustainable practices. The eco-friendly geopolymer binders, EAFS and DK were blended in various proportions and mixed with alkaline activators. The resulting binders were cured at 40°C and a relative humidity of 98±2% for 180 days. Some of the binders were subjected to temperature increments in the order of 200, 400, 600, 800, and 1000°C, while the other geopolymer binders were immersed in seawater for upto 180 days. Setting times, compressive strength tests, evaluation of free slag and combined water contents, and analysis of the effects of elevated temperatures and seawater exposure on the phase composition of the geopolymer binders were conducted using XRD, TGA/DTG, and SEM/EDX. The finding showed the replacement of 10–20% of EAFS with DK resulted in a reduction in both the initial and final setting times. Increasing the amount of alkali activation content of EAFS upto (1.00 mol/Kg Na2O) (ES3 mix) leads to an increase in the values of compressive strength. Further increase in the alkali content (1.50 mol/Kg Na2O) reduces the compressive strength. The incorporation of DK enhanced the compressive strength value upto 30% DK (ES-DK3 mix). The increase in DK content beyond 30% resulted in reduced compressive strength values. ES-DK3 mix improved the thermal stability of the geopolymer matrix as well as demonstrated higher relative compressive strength values, especially at 1000°C. In addition to the mix, ES-DK3 showed superior durability against the attack of seawater. The compressive strength showed a sharp increase for specimens submerged in seawater for upto 180-days, this is attributed to the high reactivity of DK which acts as a nucleating agent that fills the open matrix preventing the penetration of SO42- and Cl- ions to inhibit the formation of nonbinding material.

To STEM or not to STEM: A cross-national analysis of gender and tertiary graduates in science, technology, engineering, and math, 1998–2018

The comparative literature on gender and higher education has increasingly focused on differences in access to the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). We contribute to this literature through a cross-national analysis of STEM graduates by gender between 1998 and 2018 across 90 countries. Many earlier studies emphasize the positive influence of a global liberal culture on women. More recent scholarship contends that women may be steered away from attaining a STEM degree in more liberal and individualistic societies. Our study shows a lower percentage of women graduates in STEM in countries that are more liberal. However, we find that the opposite is the case for men. Our findings are consistent with the idea that individuals in more liberal cultural contexts are more likely to make degree decisions based on individual preferences that are influenced by gendered societal norms. Both women and men are more likely to “indulge in their gendered selves” in these cultural contexts. Our findings are inconsistent with the idea that liberal modernity influences men and women in STEM in a gender-neutral mode.

Evaluating Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Views on Adherence to Islam in Heretic

This study investigates Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s view that adherence to Islam is not viable in secular liberal societies of the West, owing to a so-called clash of norms and values. For Hirsi Ali, this clash causes cognitive dissonance in Muslims and makes them withdraw to Muslim enclaves or become radicalised. This study evaluates these claims by comparing them to findings from ethnographic research with Muslims in the West. The data on Muslim religious life shows, for the most part, Muslims in the West can practice Islamic rituals and behaviours owing to social, individual and religion factors, such that what emerges is a fluid way of life that fits into a secular liberal society. Hirsi Ali’s views are thus a misrepresentation of adherence to Islam. The study takes this to be the outcome of her lack of empirical research with Muslims.