Left-wing Extremism Research Articles

Conceptualizing the Paradigm Shift from Prosocial Communism to Violent Communism and Pogroms of Dalits to Adivasi Guerrillas in India: A Systematic Literature Review

In India, the violent communist movement encompasses 70 districts of 10 states with substantial support from the marginalized people with arms in their hands. Why does the transformation process from a communist political party to violent communism take place in India? How does communism in its violent form still survive in India? These questions are addressed by reviewing the literature on the left-wing extremist movement in India from 2005 to 2022. It is found that the violent version of communism has largely succeeded in the domain of suppressing caste-based exploitations of the landless lower castes and gaining support from the indigenous tribes on land and forest-related issues. Therefore, the destination of communism in India is an important eventuality to study its survival strategies, diverse forms and processes.

Foreign fighters from the far right and extreme left in the Russia–Ukraine conflict

ABSTARCT This study analyzes the phenomenon of Italian foreign fighters of different ideological backgrounds on the Ukrainian front. Right-wing extremists on opposite sides of the front and right-wing extremists fighting alongside left-wing extremists. An ideologically intricate situation that needs to be understood in the light of the political and geopolitical dynamics of the present but also of the history of right-wing movements since the Second World War. On the one hand, the foreign fighters from CasaPound Italia (CPI) aligned with Ukraine and NATO and on the other those of Forza Nuova (FN) and other movements aligned with pro-Russian militias and united in combat with far-left fighters. This study reconstructs the reasons for the fracture taking place on the right and those at the base of a rapprochement between a part of the far right and the extreme left, the so-called Red-Brown cocktail.

Islamic Caliphate: Conflict of Beliefs in the State System in Indonesia

This article aims to describe and discuss the conflict of Islamic beliefs within the state system, with a focus on the concept of the Islamic caliphate (khilafah). Religious conflicts often arise due to differences in interpretation and contextualization of the application of religious laws. The conflicts that arise can lead to negative radicalism, extremism, and terrorism. The emergence of radical movements and terrorism is triggered by beliefs in religion that are believed to be the will of God. The Islamic caliphate, as one form of such movement, has diverse views among Islamic intellectuals, including right-wing extremists, left-wing extremists, and moderates. In this study, a qualitative descriptive method was employed with data collection techniques through literature review. The results and discussion of the article explain that the caliphate is a governing institution in Islam led by a caliph. There are differing views on the obligation to establish the caliphate. Some groups argue that establishing the caliphate is a duty for Muslims, while others reject this view. The views of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah in Indonesia are that Islam does not explicitly require the establishment of an Islamic state or caliphate. Both organizations argue that Muslims have the authority to design a governance system in accordance with the demands of time and place. This article provides an understanding of conflicts in religious beliefs, particularly related to the Islamic caliphate. With a better understanding of these differing views, it is hoped that society can avoid extremism, radicalism, and terrorism, which can threaten the nation and state's well-being.

Once More, with Feeling! Digital Campaigns and Emotional Candidacies in X in Andalusia and Castilla y León

In 2022, two regional elections were held that initiated a new electoral cycle in Spain. The first, in February, took place in Castilla y León where, for the first time, the extreme right-wing party, VOX, formed a coalition in a regional government with the right-wing Partido Popular, while, simultaneously, the extreme left-wing party Podemos was barely left with parliamentary representation. The second, in June in Andalusia, led to VOX increasing its representation by two seats and beginning its national level electoral growth; the far-left that was split in two parties, finding that the dynamic that began in Castilla y León also affected them as they lost 10 representatives. This article seeks to compare the emotional strategies of these extremist parties in the 2022 regional elections, focusing especially on leaders’ and parties’ communication strategies on X, formerly Twitter, during the electoral campaign. We expect to find differences between political parties but also between regions. To test this, we carried out an ‘X account content analysis’. We selected those accounts representing the candidates to the regional President and also the main political party accounts in the regions: namely VOX in both regions, Podemos in Castilla y León, and Adelante Andalucía and Por Andalucía in Andalusia.

“Tomar Santan Jano Thake Dudhe-Bhaate”: Exploring the Naxal movement through Bengali protest poetry

The Naxalite Movement was a radical left wing extremist movement that started in 1969 in the Indian state of West Bengal. Inspired by the ideas of Mao Tse Tsung, the combatants engaged in guerrilla warfare aiming to capture state power through armed insurgency, “annihilation line” that included the assassination of the representatives of the state administration and mass mobilisation. In the early 1970s, Calcutta, the capital of West Bengal, witnessed large-scale student participation in the conflict. It was suppressed by the State through the Operation Steeplechase, brutal police repression including widespread human rights violations. No political movement in post-independent India spawned as much literature, ranging from poetry to autobiographical narratives, as the Naxal Movement. Through a qualitative study, this paper attempts a critical analysis of the representative artistic expression by the Naxalites during the first phase of the conflict between 1969 and 1975. Drawing upon the poetry of revolutionaries such as Dronacharya Ghosh, Saroj Dutta and Timir Baran Sen, all of whom were killed by the police, along with the works of Naxal sympathiser poets like Sankha Ghosh and Birendranath Chattopadhyay, this paper aims to fill the research gap that exists in academia in the sphere of literary representation by the Naxal combatants.

Exploring the Motivation of the United Kingdom’s Domestic Extremist Informants

Understanding a potential informant’s motivation can lay the foundation for managing the risks and opportunities associated with the informant-handler relationship and operational deployments. The present research explored the self-disclosed and handler-assessed motivations of U.K. informants authorized to report against domestic extremists. Informants reported being motivated overwhelmingly by both ideological and financial considerations. Those reporting on right-wing domestic extremism primarily reported for financial reasons, while those reporting on left-wing extremism did so primarily for ideological reasons. The findings also revealed that motivation is neither one dimensional nor unchangeable, with most informants declaring financial and ideological reasons for informing. Handlers were accurate at identifying informants’ primary motivation, with a minority of the handler assessments revealing a perceived change after a six-month period. By designing recruitment approaches around ideological and financial motivational hooks, law enforcement and intelligence agencies may increase the probability of recruitment success, as well as enhance both the effectiveness and longevity of their informant-handler relationship.

Left-wing Violent Extremism: Identifying Precursors and Growth in New Zealand

As attention to right-wing violent extremism intensifies, accusations of left-wing violent extremism have become more frequent. There is, however, very little evidence of this violence occurring in New Zealand today and international research suggests mobilisation to violence among left-wing extremists is currently uncommon compared to right-wing or other types of extremism, is concentrated in a limited number of comparable countries, and is rarely fatal. This article argues that left-wing violent extremism is not currently occurring in New Zealand because several politico-social factors, which give rise to extremist violence, are absent. Yet it would be a mistake to believe that New Zealand is immune from left-wing violent extremism, especially stochastic terrorism. We, therefore, suggest an ongoing appreciation of several high-level indicators of nascent political violence would enable law enforcement and other security professionals to remain aware of politico-social developments and the potential for violent extremism without overly intrusive monitoring of individuals.

Left Wing Extremism: Evolution and Analysis of Government’s Initial Response During Period 1967-1998

This research paper aims at identifying the root causes of the Naxalite movement in India using the Ishikawa diagram. Additionally, an attempt is made to understand initial government responses during the period from 1967-68 to 1998-99.

Between the Ethos of Science and “Vice Squad”: Max Weber as Polеmicist

The article deals with the uniquely specific public profile of Max Weber, who, on the one hand, entered the history of social thought as a staunch supporter of the value-free scientific work, and on the other hand, was a passionate polemicist ready to cause a public scandal even for a minor occasion. At the outset, Weber’s ambivalent understanding of the ethos of modern science as a methodically-controlled search for objective knowledge of the world at the edge of the scientist’s self-denial and free from the influence of extra-scientific motives is pointed out. In so doing, the paradoxical combination in Weber’s anthropology of science of the imperatives of analytical sobriety and passionate loyalty to one’s “daemon” is recorded. It has been argued that his ambivalence was a specific trait of the classicist of German and world sociology, combining his titanic personality with the extremes of a scholarly hermit and a world celebrity with a reputation for unbalanced scandals. Following then are the judgments about the eminent social thinker made by representatives of opposing political currents, both right-wing conservatives and left-wing extremists. On the basis of a number of high-profile scandals that became known to the scientific and general public in early-20th century Germany, the mechanism of Weber’s involvement in conflicts with various opponents at the personal and institutional level is demonstrated. The practical significance for Weber himself of his scientific-theoretical and methodological principles, which became canonical for the self-understanding of the modern scholarly profession, is questioned. Finally, the passionate controversy surrounding Weber’s famous work Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism is analyzed, reconstructed on the example of historian F. Raphael’s critique and the response of Weber’s First Anticritique.

Left-Wing and Right-Wing Identity Politics: A Comparison of the Post-structuralist Turn in Left-Wing Extremism with the Ethnopluralism and Nominalism of the New Right

Left-Wing and Right-Wing Identity Politics: A Comparison of the Post-structuralist Turn in Left-Wing Extremism with the Ethnopluralism and Nominalism of the New Right

Sozioökonomische Determinanten Extremistischer Wahlerfolge in Deutschland: Das Beispiel Der Europawahlen 1994 Und 1999

Empirical research on the determinants of right and left-wing extremist election successes is still dominated by descriptive statistical methods. The existing literature in political economy and political science mainly relies on interviews and survey results as well as on qualitative analyses of party organizations and programs. Contrary to this approach, in this study we try to identify significant, structural socio-economic factors which determined the vote for the right-wing Republikaner party and the left-wing Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) in the two recent elections of the European Parliament in Germany. We use a new data set on the level of German counties (Kreise) that is analyzed econometrically by a FGLS random effects panel model. The results we obtain are partly in stark contrast to empirical findings discussed in the mainstream literature and in the public. The resulting, most important areas of political action against extremist parties seem to be education, a differentiated labor market policy, social work with adolescents, and the maintenance of a generous system of social security and welfare.

“Second-Class Citizens”: The Mobilization of the French Homosexual Movement for the “Right to Difference” (1979–1982)

While the French constitution of 1791 abolished the crime of sodomy, the 19th century nevertheless allowed the political power and the bourgeoisie to repress homosexuality thanks to a broad legal arsenal. In 1942, Philippe Pétain explicitly reintroduced the criminalisation of homosexual relations into French law. Some years later, an amendment adopted in 1960 considered homosexuality a “social plague”, like tuberculosis or alcoholism. French homosexuals remained what they had always been: second-class citizens. The homosexual movement that emerged in the 1970s was mostly revolutionary and very few were interested in legalist demands. Many of activist came from extreme left-wing organisations; for them it was more a question of fighting for the revolution than attempting to become citizens like the others. With the end of the 1970s, the revolutionary horizon vanished and the French homosexual movement, in a quest for popularization, evolved its paradigms to fight against repression. This article retraces and discusses the evolution of homosexual mobilisation in the early 1980s, when gay and lesbian activists reconfigured the French homosexual movement from the perspective of claiming a “right to difference” and ending their status as “second-class citizens”.

Schedule Areas and Self-Governance: A Reality of Panchayati Raj Extension to Schedule Areas(PESA) Act,1996

The term scheduled areas has yet to be spelled out with absolute clarity as it is not logically defined in the constitution of India. It has been rather expressed as ―those areas which the president of India by the order of his/her authority may proclaim as scheduled areas and regulated under the central Act. The Panchayati Raj ministry came up with some crucial initiatives between 2nd oct 2009 to 2nd oct 2010 and indicated this period as “year of Gram Sabha”. Writing about the failure and poor implementation of PESA, the secretary of MoPR lambasted all the PESA states. In accordance with the Left-Wing extremism rise in these states, and how they have been trying to deviate the locals, thwarting them to participate in the democratic process of the country. The tribal community constitute around nine percent of India’s population (Ministry of Tribal Affairs Govt. of India). Among the various legislative enactments provided by the state, the PESA Act 1996 is considered the most potent law supporting the community at large. States in particular Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha have not yet mapped out the framework of the PESA rules. However, major concern is that the situation remains grim even after formulation of these rules in some states. Some states managed their rules but had poor outcomes when in it came to its implementation. This paper delves into the happenings and highlights the reality, issues and concerns around the PESA Act of 1996 with the help of various studies, research articles, books, journals and columns. this research paper is based on secondary sources. A combination of research design of qualitative content analysis (QCA) and narrative analysis has been used by the researcher in this.

Creating Enterprise Ecosystem in Left Wing Extremism Affected Areas: A Case on Inclusive Entrepreneurship

Rural development is a key component and main pillar of the approach towards the development of the nation. Inclusive entrepreneurship (IE) has been propounded to support development of enterprises for the disfranchised and underprivileged section of population. This article studies the IE framework, as developed by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and implemented in many European countries, and applies the same to a village entrepreneurship development programme in left wing extremism affected rural areas of India. In the process it suggests an implementation framework for setting up and sustaining an IE ecosystem. The study is based on the implementation of SVEP programme in 12 blocks in 6 states which have been infested with Naxal extremities and have been classified as LWE by government of India. The learning brings out the importance of community ownership and the role of creating a team with members from the same localities. The role of capacity building and handholding of entrepreneurs comes up as a prime requirement of the sustainability of enterprises and the ecosystem.

Eco-friendly & sustainable solutions for conflict affected areas: A case from red corridor region

Contemporary designs have been tried and tested for a part of India where they outreached through development firms, but it does not/or it’s difficult to make such designs acceptable in areas that are conflict prone and require certain essential interventions. This paper provides alternative solution for building architectural design, selection of materials and suitable construction methods for buildings which are required in running of soft programmes by government agencies in areas that are affected by left wing extremism. In these regions the government has been trying to focus on soft programs like education, health, hygiene, nutrition, and civil supplies. In such regions it becomes difficult to establish concrete buildings and structures for the government, due to unrest prevailing in these areas, one of the reasons for this is that these regions are rich in forest cover and mineral deposits. Therefore, it becomes necessary to provide sustainable solutions with actual understanding of ground realities prevailing in these remote areas which can help to fulfil the purpose of welfare schemes. Through this paper eco-friendly and sustainable solutions for existing infrastructure required for soft programs in Narayanpur district of Chhattisgarh affected by Left Wing extremism have been explored using parameters given in LEED green building rating system. To observe prevailing ground realities ethnographic observations have been used as a methodology to express the importance of meeting the consumer needs in less resource intensive ways. These sustainable solutions could be used by stakeholders to reach out to the similar communities and help in enhancing the integrated approach adopted by the government.

Identity Diffusion and Extremist Attitudes in Adolescence.

Various theoretical approaches assume that identity diffusion is an influencing factor of extremism. However, there are hardly any empirical tests on this relationship. Based on a nationwide survey of 8,317 young people in Switzerland, the study analyses whether identity diffusion is associated with right-wing extremist, left-wing extremist, and Islamist extremist attitudes. In addition, the study tests whether identity diffusion mediates the influence of family and school-related variables on extremist attitudes. The results show that identity diffusion primarily increases approval of left-wing extremist and Islamist extremist attitudes. Furthermore, identity diffusion mediates to a small extent the influence of parenting on extremist attitudes.

“The Fighting Made Me Feel Alive”: Women’s Motivations for Engaging in Left-wing Terrorism: A Thematic Analysis

ABSTRACT Even though it is well documented that women have had, and continue to have, much more prominent positions and stronger participation in violent left-wing extremism and terrorism compared to other forms of political violence, the literature on their motivations to join militant left-wing milieus and groups is under-developed. Compared to female members of violent extreme right, jihadist, or ethno-separatist groups, little is known about the drivers involved in motivating women to join the violent far left. My study examines thirteen autobiographies of German and American women who were active in various forms of left-wing terrorism to shed light on their motivational themes for joining those militant groups. The analysis identified four key motivational themes across the autobiographical materials: living a completely authentic life as political warriors (consequentialism), being part of a global rebellion (internationalism), moral superiority of the cause, and responding to intolerable prison conditions caused by illegitimate governmental force or police brutality. The findings highlight the importance of understanding women’s involvement in terrorism through their own complex decisions and agency.

Gang members and extremists in Switzerland: Similarities and differences

Scholars rarely compare youth gangs members and extremists. Yet, studies of gangs can yield relevant information on extremist groups, and vice versa. This article compares youth gang members with left-wing, right-wing and Islamist extremists. The aims of this article are to determine the prevalence of gang members and extremists among young people in Switzerland, to determine the overlap, if any, between gang members and extremists, and to analyse the differences and similarities of individual characteristics among the gang members and extremists, their delinquency and victimization. Comparisons of such groups may provide important insights into the individual members of these groups. The similarities between gang members and extremists could give us information for the prevention programmes. The study was based on a self-report survey completed by 8317 students of non-compulsory school age (about 17 years old) and living in Switzerland. The results show greater numbers of young people affiliated with gangs (6.6 percent) and left-wing extremism (6.2 percent), and more similarities between the members of gangs and left-wing extremists, compared with the other forms of extremism.

Men Without Names

Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) in India was realized along the lines of Maoist ideology through the Naxalite insurgency in the 1960s. Novelists have attempted to grasp the mood of this decade of liberation through fiction. This article attempts to study two novels which document the formative years of the Naxalite movement in West Bengal. Translated works from Bengali, Mahasweta Devi’s Mother of 1084 (1974) and Bani Basu’s The Enemy Within (1991) foreground the necropolitical policies of the demonic state in eliminating these Naxal names. State and non-state actors obliterate the question of the Naxal’s identity (enmeshed with his mind and body), making it the focal point of the analysis. Drawing abundantly on concepts of homo sacer, necropolitics, McCarthyism, and democide, the analysis demonstrates that the protagonists are typical of what modern biopolitical states do to non-conformist subjects by creating death worlds. This article is an attempt at understanding the nuances of a sociopolitical movement through literature as social responsibility.

What is terrorism (according to the news)? How the German press selectively labels political violence as “terrorism”

Baghdad, Christchurch or Paris: Over the last years, many cities were the location of extremist attacks – but only some incidents were covered as “terrorism”. Journalists selectively attach the label to particular acts of political violence. This study analyses how characteristics of attacks and their perpetrators influence whether news media portray incidents as terrorism. Based on attacks between 2012 and 2018 ( N = 86,668) and their coverage in the German press ( N = 5411), the study finds that highly lethal incidents in Western countries are more likely to be called terrorism. Moreover, news more often portrays violence by Islamist extremists as terrorism than attacks by right- or left-wing extremists. Small or inconsistent effects emerge when comparing violence by lone actors to those by groups and domestic to international terrorism. The study illustrates that news is highly selective in which acts of political violence are presented as terrorism, which may foster stereotypes and prevent policy responses towards different forms of extremism.