Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Research Articles

'Public order is the first business of government': The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration and the making of a liberal counterinsurgent police-industrial complex

ABSTRACT Recent studies of post-1968 U.S. policing have situated the neoliberal carceral state and the concomitant rise of mass incarceration within a liberal capitulation to conservative law-and-order ‘militarization’. At the putative domestic center of this story, the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA), established in 1968 by Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson and greatly expanded under Republican Richard Nixon, has often served as a useful, if underacknowledged, subject of police and criminal justice buildup. Instead of viewing Johnson and his administration as misled or miscalculated actors, however, this essay recontextualizes the bipartisan consensus of LEAA through a particularly liberal counterinsurgency project that synthesized police-military hardware and community software. As the state’s go-to response to the political-economic and racial-colonial crises brought on by urban rebellions, LEAA’s brand of liberal counterinsurgency was instrumental in mobilizing a police-industrial complex through partnerships between police, military, academia, and industry. Drawing on archival research into police periodicals, agency publications, and project reports, I consider how a revived analysis of LEAA’s police-industrial complex can help abolitionist scholars and organizers rethink this origin moment of mass incarceration and police ‘militarization’ as representative of a conjunctural fix to the fundamental counterinsurgent project of U.S. policing and state power.

“Not So Much Orwellian as Kafkaesque”: The War on Crime, Information Sharing Systems, and the Limits of Criminal Justice Modernization and Surveillance in Los Angeles County

In response to the increasing frequency of urban rebellions and rising crime rates, President Lyndon Johnson announced a War on Crime in 1965, inaugurating the modernization of criminal justice systems nationwide. Buoyed by federal monetary support from the newly formed Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA), Los Angeles County attempted to develop a massive information sharing system to efficiently track suspects and expedite criminal record file-sharing within the county’s criminal justice bureaucracy. However, both projects failed. The failure of the Regional Justice Information System (RJIS) and the Optimum Records Automation for Courts and Law Enforcement (ORACLE) reveals the contingency surrounding the development of massive surveillance systems during the War on Crime and shows that the modern criminal justice surveillance state was not inevitable. Ultimately, it exposes the limits of criminal justice modernization and surveillance during the largest federal investment in local crime control in U.S. history.

The Kerner Commission and the Irony of Antiracist Politics

The Kerner Commission and the Irony of Antiracist Politics

Observations and Reflections on the Evolution of Crime‐Related Higher Education*

The 1970s marks one of the most significant decades in the evolution of crime‐related higher education in America. The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) and its Office of Criminal Justice Education and Training (OCJET) played an integral and important part in the development of the field during that period. The story of OCJET, however, is not well known or documented in the literature. This article concerns the influence that OCJET had in addressing important issues of quality and relevance as the field of crime‐related studies found its place in academia. * Thanks are due to Chris J. Bayer, copyeditor, who assisted with the preparation and submission of this article.

Conversation with Robert L. DuPont

Conversation with Robert L. DuPont

At what price a “freebie"? The real cost of police gratuities

I Introduction Criminal justice has long struggled for acceptance and legitimacy in the larger academic community. Conceived in the bosom of the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA), criminal justice is still striving to break the academic shackles of Handcuffs and Nightsticks 101. From those early years, teachers of criminal justice have often been retired practitioners from the fields of policing, law enforcement, courts, corrections, probation, and parole. The lead author of this article, a practitioner-turned-academic, was long protective of policing and, when questions were raised in the classroom, defended deviant behavior and minor corruption as either innocent and inconsequential or necessary to get the job done. As he has progressed through academia, however, he has come to believe that the deviant behavior he had once considered necessary, innocent, and inconsequential is, in fact, harmful and detrimental to policing and to the public that police are sworn to protect and serve. One of the police behaviors that he regularly took part in and defended was the acceptance of gratuities. It is now the opinion of both authors that the acceptance of gratuities is a harmful and degrading practice and should be actively discouraged. II Police as Professionals Police have long desired that their work be considered and classed a profession. Although the professional status of policing is still debated, there is no doubt that police desire recognition as professionals. This desire, however, sits awkwardly with the practice of accepting gratuities. Gratuities are not a feature of the classical professions, such as law, medicine, and education, which are--at least in theory--motivated by a service ideal rather than pecuniary gain. Although police desire recognition as professionals, officers frequently seek to retain the perks that ordinarily accompany service occupations that would not be generally regarded as professions: table servers, bellboys, door-men, hair stylists, cab drivers, parking attendants, sky caps at airports, and pizza delivery persons, just to name a few. The acceptance of gratuities by police deprofessionalizes their conduct by rewarding their service as supererogatory rather than as an internally-motivated responsibility. III Formal Responses to Gratuities Gratuities are benefits that take many forms: gifts, services, or cash. They can be large or small. Both their giving and receiving can be variously motivated. In a well-known account, Howard Cohen and Michael Feldberg state that makes a gift a gratuity is the reason it is given; what makes it corruption is the reason it is taken. (1) The nexus between the acceptance of gratuities and corruption is a major factor in the formal opposition to gratuities in almost all policing organizations. And so, August Vollmer, considered one of the fathers of police professionalism, argued against the acceptance of gratuities because of its corruptive rather than its unprofessional character. He believed that officers who accepted free coffee should be fired. (2) The following is a typical description of that nexus: Gratuities often lead to things like kickbacks (bribery) for referring business to towing companies, ambulances, or garages. Further up the scale comes pilfering, or stealing (any) company's supplies for personal use. At the extreme, opportunistic theft takes place, with police officers skimming items of value that won't be missed from crime scenes, property rooms, warehouses, or any place they have access to. Theft of items from stores while on patrol is sometimes called shopping. (3) The acceptance of gratuities provides an opportunity for corrupt intent, whether the intent is initially that of the giver or the receiver. Once that opportunity has been grasped, officers will find themselves on a slippery slope of compromise and opportunism. Even so, not every policing organization adopts a zero tolerance policy toward the acceptance of gratuities. …

Who will keep the public healthy? Assuring a legally prepared workforce.

The Commission on the Accreditation of Law Enforcement (CALEA) employs rigorous evaluation techniques. Objective accreditation, such as made possible by CALEA, is important from the public’s perspective and in the national community of law enforcement.To counteract a general distrust of law enforcement agencies, the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) developed a grant to develop standards by which the quality and performance of law enforcement could be measured. LEAA developed 107 standards and, though well received by the law enforcement community, no single group or agency took the initiative to begin a program to evaluate and implement the standards. In 1979, the Department of Justice established an additional grant that effectively organized the four major law enforcement groups: the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the National Sheriff’s Association, the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives, and the Police Executive Research Forum.

Work assignments and police work

Since the creation of the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration in 1968 there has been a tremendous amount of research on policing, police officers and police departments in the USA. Most of the studies have focussed on the large municipal police agencies that have large numbers of officers and, presumably, face the greatest problems. This means that small and medium‐sized policing largely has been ignored, or it surfaces as a research topic only periodically. Remedies this by looking at the officers serving in four small city police departments. Considers a single research question: is it who the officers are, or what they do that explains their perceptions of the workplace? Based on 162 questionnaires received from certified police officers in four New Mexico police departments, examines the effects of service, gender and work activities on officers’ perceptions of the workplace and their general work world. Finds that officer perceptions of the work world are related more closely to what they do than who they are. Addresses the practical and policy implications of these findings.

The scope of rape: incidence and prevalence of sexual aggression and victimization in a national sample of higher education students.

Because of inadequacies in the methods used to measure sexual assault, national crime statistics, criminal victimization studies, convictions, or incarceration rates fail to reflect the true scope of rape. Studies that have avoided the limitations of these methods have revealed very high rates of overt rape and lesser degrees of sexual aggression. The goal of the present study was to extend previous work to a national basis. The Sexual Experiences Survey was administered to a national sample of 6,159 women and men enrolled in 32 institutions representative of the diversity of higher education settings across the United States. Women's reports of experiencing and men's reports of perpetrating rape, attempted rape, sexual coercion, and sexual contact were obtained, including both the rates of prevalence since age 14 and of incidence during the previous year. The findings support published assertions of high rates of rape and other forms of sexual aggression among large normal populations. Although the results are limited in generalizabil ity to postsecondary students, this group represents 26% of all persons aged 18-24 in the United States. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines rape as carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her consent and reports that 87,340 such offenses occurred in 1985 (FBI, 1986). However, these figures greatly underestimate the true scope of rape because they are based only on instances reported to police. Government estimates suggest that for every rape reported, 3-10 rapes are committed but not reported (Law Enforcement Assistance Administration [LEAA], 1975). Likewise, it is difficult to obtain realistic estimates of the number of men who perpetrate rape because only a fraction of reported rapes eventually result in conviction (Clark & Lewis, 1977). Victimization studies, such as the annual National Crime Survey (NCS), are the major avenue through which the full extent of the crime is estimated (e.g., Bureau of Justice Statistics [BJS], 1984). In these studies, the residents of a standard sampling area are asked to indicate those crimes of which they or anyone else in their household have been victims during the previous 6 months. These rates are then compared with official crime statistics for the area and the rate of unreported crime is esti

Journal interview 15--Part 1. Conversation with David J. Pittman.

British Journal of AddictionVolume 82, Issue 1 p. 11-22 Free Access Conversation with David J. Pittman First published: January 1987 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-0443.1987.tb01428.xCitations: 3AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat References 1 Pritman, D. J. & Gordon, C. W. (1958) Revolving Door: A Study of the Chronic Police Case Inebriate ( Glencoe , Ill , The Free Press; New Brunswick , N.J. : Rutgers Center of Alcoholic Studies). [Out of print.]. 2 Pitman, D. J. (1966) The Open Door: Sociology in an Alcoholism Treatment Facility, In: B. Arthur Shostak, (Ed.) Sociology in Action ( Homewood , Ill , Dorsey Press). 3 Pitman, D. J. (1963) The role of sociology in the planning and operation of alcoholism treatment programmes. British Journal of Addiction, 59, pp. 35– 39. 4 Pittman, D. J. & Sterne, M. W. (1962) The Carousel: Hospitals, Social Agencies, and the Alcoholic, Report presented to the Missouri Division of Health. 5 Sterne, M. W. & Pittman, D. J. (1965) The concept of motivation: a source of institutional and professional blockage in the treatment of alcoholics. Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 26, pp. 41– 57. 6 Pittman, D. J. & Tate, R. L. (1969) A comparison of two treatment programs for alcoholics. Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 30, pp. 888– 889. 7 Sterne, M. W. & Pittman, D. J. (1973) Drinking Patterns in the Ghetto, Vols I and II ( Washington University, Social Science Institute). 8 Pitman, D. J. (1967) Public intoxication and the alcoholic offender in American society, In: Task Force Report: Drunkenness, pp. 7– 28, President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice ( Washington , D.C. , U.S . Government Printing Office). 9 St Louis Detoxification & Diagnostic Evaluation Center (1970) Final Report, Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA), United States Department of Justice #0–373–790 (Washington, D.C., Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office). Citing Literature Volume82, Issue1January 1987Pages 11-22 ReferencesRelatedInformation

A case study of action research in probation: The improved correctional field services project

This case study of the Improved Correctional Field Services Project describes the pre-implementation history of an action research project—in this case a project to improve probation services. That history encompasses a period of about five years (1974–1978). ICFS represented a major initiative in probation programming by the now defunct Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. It was intended to be a test of some of the principle ideas for making probation more effective. Its history illustrates the pitfalls that may confront a program developer and evaluator. Further, it illustrates how concepts and objectives can change within the life-time of a given project.

An American proficiency testing program

In 1975 the Forensic Sciences Foundation Inc. (FSF) under a grant from the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) in the United States carried out a research project on the design and execution of a proficiency testing program for crime laboratories. Following completion of that research, FSF Inc. affiliated with Collaborative Testing Services Inc. (CTS) to maintain an operational program on a cost recoverable basis and with the assistance of a professional advisory committee (PAC) appointed by the American Society of Crime Laboratory Directors (ASCLD). This paper discusses the problems of running a proficiency testing program of this type on a national/international basis for a large number of laboratories and covering a variety of evidence categories. Problems of confidentiality of results, test design and production, results analysis and reporting are emphasized. Some evaluation is made of the general types of results reported in this program.

The Policy Dilemma: Federal Crime Policy and the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, 1968–1978. By Malcom M. Feeley and Austin D. Sarat. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980. Pp. vii + 172. $17.50, cloth; $7.95, paper.)

The Policy Dilemma: Federal Crime Policy and the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, 1968–1978. By Malcom M. Feeley and Austin D. Sarat. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980. Pp. vii + 172. 7.95, paper.) - Volume 76 Issue 1

The Policy Dilemma: Federal Crime Policy and the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration

The Policy Dilemma: Federal Crime Policy and the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration

Productivity measures in the criminal investigation function

The authors served as evaluators of a Managing Case Investigations (MCI) demonstration project in a major urban police department. Such projects were funded by Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) as a follow-up on the Rand Corporation study of the criminal investigation process. This article uses a framework of economic analysis to evaluate the efficiency of the demonstration project. Evaluation shows that the clearance rate of cases rose during the project without the use of additional resources. Impressions gained concerning the appropriate criteria for judging the work of detectives are discussed.

A Review of The Art and Science of the Polygraph Technique

Abstract This book was written by a polygraphist trained in and primarily influenced by the specific polygraph concepts, doctrine, and techniques taught by Cleve Backster at the Backster School of Lie Detection. The author also places heavy emphasis on a study, “Validity and Reliability of Detection of Deception,” prepared for the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration by Drs. Raskin, Barland, and Podlesney of the Department of Psychology at the University of Utah in 1976.

The Risk of Personal Victimization Among the Aged

This study examines the likelihood of personal victimization among the aged as a function of a multitude of factors such as characteristics of the victim and environmental conditions. Although the effects of a number of variables (e.g., age, sex, race, and income) on victimization have been studied, they are generally restricted to descriptive or bivariate analyses. Attempts to examine the impact of all relevant factors simultaneously have been rare. This is probably due to the small proportion of crime victims included in most victimization surveys and the fact that statistical techniques dealing with discrete dependent variables are not yet widely used by researchers. In this study, a maximum likelihood logistic probability model was applied to delineate the effects of individual and environmental attributes on victimization. Data for this analysis came from the National Crime Survey conducted between 1973 and 1976 by the Census Bureau for the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. Logit analysis revealed that characteristics of both the victim and the environment have fairly consistent effects on the likelihood of personal victimization.

The Policy Dilemma; Federal Crime Policy and the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, 1968-1978

The Policy Dilemma; Federal Crime Policy and the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, 1968-1978

Multiple Victimization: Evidence, Theory, and Future Research

Without exception, victimization surveys over the past fifteen years have found that the great majority of the surveyed population report that none of the incidents they were asked about had happened to them during the period covered; a minority report that they experienced one incident; and successively smaller proportions generally report having experienced two, three . . . n incidents. This last group has been referred to, rather misleadingly,' as victims; it is this group, and their experiences, with which this article is concerned. The phenomenon of multiple victimization raises a number of problems. Some of these problems are methodological; in particular, multiple victims pose a host of problems for those interested in victimization surveys, especially those surveys, such as the National Crime Surveys now being carried out by the United States Census Bureau for the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, which aim to measure the volume of certain crimes or victimization in the general population. Multiple victims also raise some important substantive issues. Why do some people become victims of crime whereas others do not? To what extent can people act in ways that minimize, if not eliminate, the risk of future victimization? What are the social, psychic, and economic costs of being the victim of a crime? The answers to these questions may be no different in the case of multiple victims than for those victimized only once; but even if that is so, those answers may be easier to see if we look at multiple or recurrent victimization rather than occasional, sporadic, or egregious events. This article will review briefly the available evidence on multiple

Surveys of Victimization-An Optimistic Assessment

Surveys of victimization-in which members of the public are asked directly about crimes which may have been committed against them-have been carried out in the United States and other countries since 1966. The National Crime Surveys, currently being conducted by the U. S. Census Bureau for the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, are the largest program of surveys of this kind and may represent the largest and most expensive data collection effort ever undertaken in criminology. Though the victimization survey has great potential where the measurement of crime is concerned, the method still has many problems; it almost certainly undercounts victimizations, and there is some evidence of bias associated with class-linked variables such as education. The NCS surveys, moreover, now make no use of the longitudinal design which could throw much light on both causes and consequences of victimization. Despite their limitations, the surveys done to date show crime to be relatively rare, and far from uniformly or randomly distributed in the population; other important findings may emerge as the NCS data are better and more fully analyzed. Moreover, the surveys have a great potential impact on police statistics of crime, and may in time constitute an extremely valuable social indicator.