Language Ideological Debates Research Articles

Languages in “the United Nations of Europe”: debating a postwar language policy for Europe

The aim of this paper is to show that the current discourse on languages, constructed as meaningful for Europe’s establishment and maintenance as a geopolitical unit, is just the latest round in a much longer debate on managing the diversity of languages taking place within the Council of Europe. From a critical sociolinguistic perspective, this paper analyzes the debate on the “Establishment of a European linguistic community based on the application of Anglo-French bilingualism” that took place in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in 1953. This paper examines the emerging ideologies on Europe in the postwar period and their interrelation with state ideologies through the lens of language ideologies. I show the operationalization of languages as an instrument for reconciliation, for establishing a European (linguistic) community, and for positioning it in the postwar context. I highlight the terrains on which the opposition and alternative(s) to this conception were constructed. Finally, I discuss to what extent this language ideological debate has inflected the development of the Council of Europe’s current discourse on plurilingualism.

Rapping the ‘Better folk’: Ideological and scalar negotiations of past and present

Drawing on sociolinguistics of globalization, discourse studies and global hip hop studies, this article examines how the ideological sociocultural and -historical reality of Finland is (re)constructed and (re)negotiated in a local rap song and how the song takes issue with the official, but often tension-ridden Finnish–Swedish bilingualism. Its specific, ironic take arises from the fact that the rap artist is Finnish-speaking, but echoes a Swedish-speaking minority who are traditionally and stereotypically seen as a privileged, historical elite. The song exemplifies how rap can constitute a site for investigation of language ideological debates in bi/multilingual societies and how nationalistic-laden ideologies (one nation–one language–one state) are taken for granted, brought forth but also significantly problematized and questioned.

“Can you call it Okinawan Japanese?”: World language delineations of an endangered language on YouTube

Abstract This article addresses a language-versus-dialect discussion that arose out of a series of language lessons on YouTube. Designed to teach Uchinaaguchi, an endangered Ryukyuan language, the video lessons come in two versions, one for Japanese speakers and the other for English speakers. In either version, the video turns to an adroit combination of semiotic modes in an attempt to delineate Uchinaaguchi as a language distinct from Japanese. However, as we demonstrate here, when an endangered language appears on Internet platforms like YouTube, it tends to be framed in one or more world languages, a situation that problematizes the “singularity” of the endangered language (Blommaert, J. 1999. “The Debate Is Closed.” In Language Ideological Debates, edited by J. Blommaert, 425–438. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter). In the case of the Uchinaaguchi lessons, this is especially apparent in viewer commentary written primarily in English and/or Japanese. The analysis of this commentary reveals the ideological effects that world languages can bring into the discussion and delineation of endangered languages online.

Language ideologies in social media

When inspectors from the Office québécois de la langue francçaise (OQLF) objected to the use of the word “pasta” in a Montreal restaurant in February 2013, a backlash in news and social media erupted internationally. Ensuing pressure led to the resignation of the OQLF head and a revision of OQLF language complaint procedures; the Pastagate story also contributed to mounting negativity towards the province and its language. Social media have been credited with playing a role in the proliferation of the story and its impact. Drawing on a corpus of Tweets containing PASTAGATE, this paper uses corpus-assisted discourse studies to explore language ideologies in English and French Tweets. Findings reveal divergent language ideologies and representations of the Pastagate affair. The paper concludes by suggesting that language ideological debates in a superdiverse online world may have implications for minority languages in the offline world of nation-states.

Public understanding of language planning and linguistic rights: The debate on the current Portuguese orthographic reform

AbstractThis study focuses on the tensions around Portugal's language policies and citizens’ perceptions of their linguistic rights in the context of the current orthographic reform. Unlike other linguistic rights studies, this enquiry does not focus on endangered languages or linguistic minorities. Instead, there are three major ingredients that embody linguistic-rights claims by European Portuguese speakers: the right to be heard on orthographic reform in a democratic society, ownership and authenticity of the Portuguese language, and the need for protection against external (or, more specifically, Brazilian) hegemony. A critical discourse analysis approach to the arguments put forward by European Portuguese opponents of the orthographic reform shows that the ongoing discussion: (i) is neither about language nor about rights, but about competition; (ii) is based on linguistic dichotomies and recategorization of speakers and languages; (iii) manipulates the rhetoric of threat, endangerment, linguistic rights, and democracy; and (iv) opens up intra-linguistic and inter-variety spaces for conceptualizing linguistic rights claims. (Language ideological debate, public understanding, language planning, linguistic rights, orthographic reform)

Language ideological debates over orthography in European linguistic history

This introductory article to the special issue on the historical sociolinguistics of spelling sketches an overview of the current interest in the field for the sociopolitical nature of the written language. Spelling is understood as a powerful tool for sociopolitical mobilization and thus becomes a recurrent source of conflict. Orthographic debates are the object of study chosen by the authors in this special issue to analyze the non-linguistic dimension of language matters. Approaching them as language ideological debates allows us to carry out a deeper examination of the political projects, social structures, identity issues and cultural practices that are at stake when an orthographic conflict emerges. Adopting such theoretical approach to the study of spelling, the editors of this volume have gathered works that look at the past and present of a number of European languages (Dutch, German, Lithuanian, Macedonian, Portuguese and Spanish) since the Early Modern period until recent times.

Official orthographies, spelling debates and nation-building projects after the fall of the Spanish Empire

The collapse of the Spanish Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century prompted a need to reorganize the former colonial space in independent countries by creating territorial, political and identity boundaries in Spanish-speaking America. The imposition of a national language – the officialization of grammatical and orthographic norms and their promotion through emerging public education systems – was a key instrument in the nation-building processes developed in Spain and the newly independent American republics. In this socio-political context resistance to official norms and their implementation was frequent. This article studies three language ideological debates over Spanish orthography, occurring in the central decades of the century: the resistance to the officialization of the Royal Spanish Academy’s orthography in Spain (1844), the opposition to Sarmiento’s simplification proposal in Chile (1844) and the reception of the Chilean orthography in Spain (1846). The significance of spelling as an identity marker and a political tool is emphasized.

“A seed blessed by the Lord”: the role of religious references in the creation of Modern Hebrew

The nativization of Modern Hebrew at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth is one of the most commonly cited examples of language planning and (possibly) revival. The Hebrew Language Committee, which was the main body responsible for Hebrew language planning in the formative years 1890–1953, held numerous discussions about the desired pronunciation, grammar, orthography and lexicon of the evolving language. The present study looks into one intriguing trait in the discourse of the Committee: the inclusion of numerous religious expressions drawn from Jewish religion, mysticism, and law. The paper examines these religious references and attempts to discover whether the Hebrew planning discussions included in the Committee’s Proceedings were a continuation of Jewish scholarly, halakhic deliberations, or whether the use of Jewish imagery and allusions was just a facon de parler. Using a language ideologies framework (Blommaert in Language ideological debates. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, pp 1–38, 1999; Irvine and Gal in Regimes of language: ideologies, politics, and identities. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp 35–83, 2000; Woolard in Language ideologies: practice and theory. Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford, pp 3–47, 1998), it suggests that while the overt intentions of Hebrew language planners were most predominantly secular, there is enough evidence to support the claim that the language planning of Hebrew was not fully secularized.

La propiedad y la lengua en la emergencia de los estados hispanoamericanos. Notas sobre Andrés Bello

AbstractThe following paper attempts to offer an initial sketch of a research issue which centers on the different ways in which the development of specialized forms of language knowledge in the context of the emergence of nation-state structures in Latin America’s 19th century contributes to outline efficient apparatuses which are capable of determining political and epistemological forms of the object they describe, i. e. language. Concern over property and use, so as over the forms of legitimate possession of language, manifests itself in the remarkable similarity that their tropes, figures and expressions show in relation to those appearing in the texts devoted to order and regulate the state. As shall be argued here, this similarity goes beyond mere coincidence.Andrés Bello’s can be seen as the paradigmatic case of the white Spanish-American Creole scholar playing a crucial role in both matters of language and law (he is the author of the two major works in Spanish for each branch, his Grammar of 1847 and the Chilean Civil Code of 1855), in relation to both tradition and literary history. Therefore, this paper is devoted to the analysis of these elements in a broad range of texts across Bello’s works, preceded by some general reflections on language and property and a contextualization concerning language-ideological debates on Spanish as a conflictive inheritance in the former Spanish colonies.

Constructions of bilingualism in Finnish Government programmes and a newspaper discussion site debate

The concept of bilingualism in Finnish political discourse is predominantly used in the meaning of official or state bilingualism, focusing on the two constitutionally defined ‘national languages'; that is, Finnish and Swedish. Legally, both Finnish and Swedish-speakers have a right for public services, such as schooling or health care, in their first language. On the other hand, several language ideological debates have taken place in recent years, challenging especially the status of Swedish in administration and education. These debates have reshaped the discourses on what counts as bilingualism. This paper analyses on one hand the historical discursive development of the ‘official will' presented in the Finnish Government programmes on the concept of bilingualism and the current language ideological debates that take place in an Internet discussion site, offered by a Finnish newspaper, on the other. These two discourses seem to operate on separate fields and among different actors. We show that language policy discourses are essentially multi-sited: they confirm, contest and challenge views that are produced by various stakeholders over time.

Free Your Stuff Luxembourg! Language policies, practices and ideologies in a multilingual Facebook group

This article considers the dynamic relationship between language policies, practices and ideologies in a multilingual Facebook group in Luxembourg. The group under focus, ‘Free Your Stuff Luxembourg’, was created to facilitate the cost-free exchange of consumer goods between members located in Luxembourg. The article traces the development of a language policy for a group that facilitates communication between people of diverse nationalities in an officially trilingual country, where French, German and Luxembourgish operate as administrative languages and English plays an increasingly important role. Part one analyses the development of the group’s official language policy by group administrators, showing progression from an implicitly English language policy to an explicitly multilingual policy, incorporating a strong place for Luxembourgish. Part two considers how the language practices of group members relate to this official language policy, using a quantitative analysis of the language(s) of group posts across three periods from February 2011 to April 2012. This analysis shows a shift from predominantly English language practices to a balance between English and Luxembourgish, and finally a dominance of Luxembourgish. Part three investigates a further influence on language policy development, the language ideologies of group administrators and members, as expressed in language ideological debates within the group. The results provide several insights in relation to language policies in the new media, addressing the role of new agents of language policy (group administrators) in regulating language use in this context, the processes by which individuals police each other’s language use online, and the extent to which language practices in online environments can be managed, if at all, through language policy activity.

Shaping discourses of multilingualism through a language ideological debate

The ideological (re)construction of the position of Swedish in Finland is examined as it took shape during a major year-long debate about the role of Swedish in Finnish education. Data were collected through archival research of the leading national newspapers in the two official languages of Finland:Helsingin Sanomat(Finnish) andHufvudstadsbladet(Swedish). Circulating and intersecting discourses in newspaper texts are traced in order to examine how these discourses facilitate the negotiation of tensions about the status of Swedish in Finland. Analysis demonstrates how ideological space was opened for destabilizing dominant perspectives about the relative value of languages in Finland. Moreover, it is shown that (re)interpretations of the discourse of ‘Swedish as mandatory’ in education became a fulcrum for leveraging a wider debate about the ‘Finland as bilingual nation’ discourse, which has long been part of the national consciousness.

Hōgen ronsō: the great Ryukyuan languages debate of 1940

This paper analyzes a language ideological debate in which the status and utility of the Ryukyuan languages were discussed. One fraction supported the continuous oppression of the Ryukyuan languages as an inevitable means for Standard Japanese language spread in the Ryukyus. Their critics called for calmer judgment, pointing out the cultural value of the Ryukyuan languages. In the course of the debate, opposing visions of future linguistic orders in the Ryukyus emerged. It was the vision of those calling for Ryukyuan language oppression which turned into reality. The reason for such sociolinguistic change is rooted in power inequalities between the Japanese mainland and the Ryukyu Islands. Today, all Ryukyuan languages are set to become extinct by 2050 if no counter-action is taken. The language ideological notions connected to the Ryukyuan languages in the course of Japan’s social and linguistic modernization and the reproduction of these arguments by one fraction of the debate constitute the obstacles that all those seeking Ryukyuan language revitalization must surmount. They may find useful points of departure for doing so in the arguments of the critics. However, the debate is also of interest for students of linguistics and the social sciences, since their disciplines do not emerge as “neutral” in the course of debate. Rather, they constitute central pillars in the modernist quest for homogeneity and monolingualism in a linguistically diverse state.

Language, nation and citizenship: Contrast, conflict and convergence in Estonia's debate with the international community

This paper investigates the clash of (language) ideologies in Estonia in the post-Communist period. In an analysis of changing Western recommendations and Estonian responses during the transition of Estonia from Soviet Socialist Republic to independent state, we trace the development of the discourses on language and citizenship rights. Different conceptions of the nation-state and of how citizenship is acquired, together with different approaches to human rights, led to disagreement between Estonian political elites and the political actors attached to international institutions. In particular, the Soviet demographic legacy posed problems.We use a context-sensitive approach that takes account of human agency, political intervention, power, and authority in the formation of (national) language ideologies and policies. We find that the complexities of cultural and contextual differences were often ignored and misunderstood by both parties and that in their exchanges the two sides appeared to subscribe to ideal philosophical positions. In the following two decades both sides repositioned themselves and appeared to accommodate to the opposing view. In deconstructing the role of political intervention pressing for social and political inclusion and in documenting the profound feeling of victimhood that remained as a legacy from the Soviet period and the bargain that was struck, we hope to contribute to a deeper understanding of the language ideological debates surrounding the post-Communist nation-(re)building process.

English ants are digging holes in the Chinese levee

The media have become a key site for the production and reproduction of language ideologies in modern societies. This is typically reflected in language ideological debates in 2010 in the Chinese media. In 2009, an article entitled “English ants are digging holes in the Chinese levee” got wide media coverage and aroused much controversy in the Chinese media in the following year. The crusade for linguistic purism ended with the promulgation of new regulations banning China’s media organizations and publishers from randomly mixing foreign languages with Chinese in publications. The present study aims to explore the inherent language ideologies naturalized in the debates of Chinese linguistic purism and various strategies adopted for the construction of the ideologies. The findings reveal that the ideology of “one nation and one language” and standard language ideology play an important role in the sociolinguistic imagination of a homogeneous Chinese society and protection of “pure” Chinese against English invasion. It is hoped that the present study will contribute to language ideology studies and shed new light on Chinese sociolinguistic studies.

Too much French? Not enough French?: The Vancouver Olympics and a very Canadian language ideological debate

This paper discusses a language ideological debate that took place in Canadian national newspapers following the opening ceremonies for the 2011 Vancouver Olympics. Reports on the insufficient use of French during the opening ceremonies sparked protest from politicians, official commentators, citizens and online newsreaders alike. Previous research has suggested that language ideological ‘debates’ (i.e. overt manifestations of ideologies) are a useful site for studying the role that languages play in the construction of social groups (see Blommaert 1999a, b). In Canada, a national cliché is that Canadian identity is fractured both linguistically and geographically. Thus, the debate over the status of French in the Vancouver Olympics involves not only ideologies of language, but also ideologies of identity and belonging. An analysis of this language ideological debate, then, can shed light on the often naturalised and commonsensical understandings of Canadian national identity. The data consist of articles and commentary drawn from two national newspapers ( The Globe and Mail and Le Devoir ). The findings suggest some of the ways in which languages are represented as unifying and dividing characteristics of Canadian identity, representations of which often differ according to the language of the newspaper.

Too much French? Not enough French?: The Vancouver Olympics and a very Canadian language ideological debate

This paper discusses a language ideological debate that took place in Canadian national newspapers following the opening ceremonies for the 2011 Vancouver Olympics. Reports on the insufficient use of French during the opening ceremonies sparked protest from politicians, official commentators, citizens and online newsreaders alike. Previous research has suggested that language ideological ‘debates’ (i.e. overt manifestations of ideologies) are a useful site for studying the role that languages play in the construction of social groups (see Blommaert 1999a, b). In Canada, a national cliché is that Canadian identity is fractured both linguistically and geographically. Thus, the debate over the status of French in the Vancouver Olympics involves not only ideologies of language, but also ideologies of identity and belonging. An analysis of this language ideological debate, then, can shed light on the often naturalised and commonsensical understandings of Canadian national identity. The data consist of articles and commentary drawn from two national newspapers (The Globe and Mail and Le Devoir). The findings suggest some of the ways in which languages are represented as unifying and dividing characteristics of Canadian identity, representations of which often differ according to the language of the newspaper.

Media representations of multilingual Luxembourg

Following Ruiz’s discussion of orientations in language planning, distinguishing between language as right, resource and problem, this paper unpacks the ways in which related discourses are circulated in the Luxembourgish print media. Particular attention is paid to how these discourses are interwoven with debates on education and citizenship and how they draw on deeply entrenched language ideological beliefs about language and society, e.g. that “valuable” forms of individual multilingualism are a desirable goal, whereas linguistic heterogeneity constitutes a problem. Moreover, the analysis shows that the texts thematizing multilingualism are bound up with a discourse of rights and duties, and that right and duty, as well as problem and resource, need to be conceptualized as two intersecting continua informing language ideological debates.

Introducing early foreign language education in the Baltic context

This paper explores changing language education policies and implementation processes in Central/Eastern Europe. There are conflicting language policy orientations that govern the scene, resulting from post‐independence attempts on the one hand to strengthen the position of the national (state) language, and on the other to function as EU member states that respect multilingualism. In democratising society, participatory strategies are increasingly deployed with the aim of involving as many interest groups as possible in language policy development and decision‐making processes. Proposals on the development and compulsory implementation in Lithuanian schools of early foreign language education have engendered language ideological debates among different stakeholders.

Language politics and legitimation crisis in Sweden

Since the late 1990s the question of whether to ratify the status of Swedish as the “principal” language of Sweden by means of a language law has been subject to considerable public dispute. Drawing on Blommaert’s concept of a “language ideological debate,” we explore how and why this particular debate seemingly ground to a halt without achieving any kind of tangible closure. In order to do so, we introduce Habermas’s notion of “legitimation crisis” and describe how such crises are, according to Habermas, typically underpinned by one or more “rationality deficits,” i.e. discursive paradoxes that emerge in a given historical, cultural, social and economic context. We then propose that the concept of “legitimation crisis” not only may help to explain why some language ideological debates sometimes reach a stalemate at a specific historical moment as in the Swedish case, but also constitutes a theoretical framework that could be productively incorporated into the study of language politics more generally.