Land Dayak Research Articles

From enemy skulls to welfare, and the missing nexus - A review on Bidayuh headhunting

Headhunting’ was practiced by many societies widely separated in space and time, including Europe (see Chacon and Dye ibid. 5−32 for a global survey). However, says Winzeler (2012: 99) in a summary of the matter: “Southeast Asia and especially Borneo, is the locus classicus of head-hunting as far as the more recent ethnographic and historical literature is concerned. Yet scholars disagree about the cultural motives underlying the practice or maintain that it is now difficult to find what the motives were at the time when head-hunting was in full practice. It is the specific religious or ritual motives that are disputed or unclear”. To avoid any misunderstanding, the anthropological literature on headhunting is vast and a host of different interpretive frameworks2 are being used by scholars in order to elucidate different ‘aspects’, ‘causes’ and ‘purposes’ as well as ‘building blocks’, ‘dimensions’ or ‘recurrent themes’ of what some authors consider a ‘universal grammar of head-taking’ (Armit 2012: 66). What has been found most remarkable about headhunting is, as Blust (1980: 231) once put it, “the matrix of ‘magico-religious’ concepts in which the practice is inextricably enmeshed”. However, it is exactly this area, as Winzeler insinuated above, where there is an extensive lack of reliable fundamental data. And, despite its prominent role as locus classicus in recent headhunting debates, this is also true for Borneo. My task as a Fellow of the Sarawak Museum Campus Project (2017−2018) was to focus my attention on Bidayuh (Land Dayak), and especially Bisingai, concepts related to headhunting. This choice turned out to be just as exciting as problematic. Headhunting already stands as a puzzling topic, and the Bidayuh are themselves, as Winzeler (1993: 223) put it, “something of a jigsaw puzzle” when it comes to the often considerable cultural and linguistic differences between individual communities. While the data corpus has grown in recent years, our knowledge of (early) Bidayuh religiosity, however, is still sketchy and detailed grammars and dictionaries are lacking for the majority of individual isolects.

Banyaduq Prestopped Nasals: Synchrony and Diachrony

This paper provides an introduction to the phonology of Banyaduq, a Land Dayak language spoken in western Borneo, which, previous to this study, has never been described in the literature. We focus on the prestopped nasals of Banyaduq, which are of particular interest because, in some but not all dialects, the distribution of prestopped nasals is not predictable. Thus, in those dialects, prestopped nasals are phonemic. This situation contrasts with the description of prestopped nasals in other languages in the region, in which they are described as predictable variants of simple nasal stops. We argue that there is a direct connection between the phonemic status of these prestopped nasals and a diachronic process, noted by previous researchers in a variety of Austronesian languages, in which prestopped nasals become oral stops. We propose that phonemic prestopped nasals are an essential intermediate step on the diachronic path from allophonic prestopping to oral stops. We argue that the change to oral stops is natural for phonemic prestopped nasals, but not for prestopped nasals that are simply allophones of clear nasals. Our data are taken from three varieties of Banyaduq, with most of our data coming from Sangke Banyaduq, the native language of one of the authors.

Developing an orthography for Onya Darat (western Borneo) Practical and theoretical considerations

Onya Darat is a language spoken, with great dialectal variation, in the interior of western Borneo. It is the southernmost member of Land Dayak, a branch of the Austronesian language family. This article reports on the development of a writing system for Onya Darat. In addition to five vowels and 19 simple consonants, Onya Darat also exhibits three series of complex oral-nasal segments: prenasalized oral stops, preoralized nasals, and postoralized nasals. An analysis of the Onya Darat sound system reveals that of these three series only postoralized nasals are distinctive and therefore need to be represented in the writing system. The proposed orthography, developed with the aid of native speakers, represents all and only the phonemes of Onya Darat without resorting to diacritics or special characters.

Issues in Austronesian Historical Phonology (review)

Reviewed by: Issues in Austronesian Historical Phonology R. David Zorc John Lynch , ed. 2003. Issues in Austronesian Historical Phonology. PL 550. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. vii + 227 pp. ISBN 0-85883-503-7. Aus$54.00, paper. This book contains ten articles originally presented at the Ninth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics and the Fifth International Conference on Oceanic Linguistics held at Australian National University in Canberra during January 2002. It has as its theme Austronesian historical phonology. There is an overview of the PAN phoneme system (Wolff), a Sprachbund involving final /a/ mutation (Tadmor), a mixed tree- and wave-theoretical account (McGinn), sound changes through its macro-groups (McGinn, Bukar-Sadong Land Dayak and Rejang; Mead, Celebic; van den Berg, Tukang Besi and Muna-Buton) and micro-groups (Mead, Saluan-Banggai), unusual sound changes (Schmidt, Rotuman; Lynch, Proto-Loyalties), and reflexes in specific languages (Blust, Selau; Wolff, Fijian). John Wolff forms the alpha and omega of this work, presenting the first article on The sounds of Proto-Austronesian, and the tenth and final one on Fijian reflexes of PAN phonemes (see below). His is a continuing and cogent review of PAN reconstructions,1 and a legitimate attempt to limit the PAN phoneme inventory to that of a real language. The consonant inventory of Austronesian languages rarely exceeds the 23 found in Paiwan.2 Malay, Indonesian, and Fijian have 19;3 most Philippine languages have from 19 (Western Bukidnon Manobo) to 14 (Kayapa Kallahan [Reid 1971]); and Hawaiian boasts the second smallest inventory in the world with only 8.4 Why then would or should the reconstructed system have 27 or more? Although the purpose of his paper is to deduce "what the PAN phonemes sounded like" (5), he first discusses the system and the reflexes. The first chart presents Wolff's revised inventory of 18 PAN consonants. I have combined it with his chart 1a to show the typographic symbols traditionally used, with which readers may be more familiar: VOICED CONSONANTS *b = *b *d = *D *j = *Z *g = *g- -j- -j *Ɣ = *R WOLFF TRADITIONAL VOICELESS STOPS *p = *p *t = *C, *t *c = *s *k = *k *q = *q WOLFF TRADITIONAL NASALS *m = *m *n = *n *ñ = *ñ, *N, *L *ŋ = *ŋ WOLFF TRADITIONAL LIQUIDS *w = *w *l = *l *y = *y WOLFF TRADITIONAL SIBILANT s = *S WOLFF TRADITIONAL [End Page 505] Also included is phonemic or contrastive stress, which may well account for the split of *t into *t and *C, and of *ñ into *N and *L. Gone are: PAN *c, *d, *g (noninitial), *L, *N, *r, *T, *z. Unmentioned but gone by default are: *ʔ, *H, *W, *X. This goal and its economy are admirable. In doing so, he makes two default assumptions: 1. "Phonemic contrasts [that] cannot be documented did not exist" (3); 2. "Although the protolanguage surely had variation … , unless there is evidence to the contrary, only one of two or more variant forms in the protolanguage can be assumed to have come down to modern times." The latter is an evidentiary requirement under which doublets have to be held suspect. He accepts *tiduƔ and *tuduƔ 'sleep,' because there can be no phonological, geographic, subgrouping, or contact explanations that would explain them away. He also makes two more assumptions about the processes of change: 3 Changes "have to be phonologically motivated" (3); and 4 "Sound change proceeds on a word-by-word basis, and is not completed until all forms with the phoneme in a given environment have been replaced by the innovation" (4), that is, LEXICAL DIFFUSION. He exemplifies the latter with the merger of PAN *d and *g (*j) into Javanese /r/ as well as /dh/. Borrowing does not provide a satisfactory hypothesis for the split, so the conclusion must be that the change was incomplete (5). Here doublets (such as Old Javanese dhengö and rengö) are allowed. We can also add that the same would apply to the merger of PAN *Ɣ (*R) and *g (*g-, *-j-, *-j), which is found split into Ilokano /r/ and /g/. Wolff usually accounts for semantic discrepancies by offering alternative glosses. However, in chart ii under "heavy" he cites Paiwan v'qatj, which either is the root...

Obstruent epenthesis and the unity of phonological features

Burling (1966) proposed an unusual change in which stops /t/ and /k/ were added after ∗-i and ∗-u in the history of the Tibeto-Burman language, Maru. Miller (1970) took Burling to task for what he called his ‘theory of the spontaneous generation of final stops’. However, a similar change involving the spirants /s/ and /x/ is found in certain Austronesian languages of the Land Dayak group. In both cases the epenthetic obstruent is word-final, and hence increases the markedness of the syllable type. In addition, the added segment agrees in backness with the preceding vowel, suggesting a non-arbitrary correlation between vowel and consonant features which goes beyond the correlation commonly noted in such assimilatory changes as palatalization. Although the affinity of high back vowels for velar consonants is theoretically expected in the now traditional feature framework of Chomsky and Halle (1968), the affinity of high front vowels for dental consonants is not. This problem disappears if we adopt a suggestion made repeatedly in recent years that the feature [coronal], which was originally restricted to consonants, be extended to vowels.

The relevance of Salako for Proto-Malayic and for Old Malay epigraphy

Salako is spoken in the Lundu district of Sarawak's First Division and in three discontinuous areas in Kabupaten Sambas in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Despite the persistent belief of some scholars that Salako is a Land Dayak isolect, it belongs to the Malayic-Dayak linguistic subgroup, as Hudson (1970) already pointed out, and is closely related to Kendayan and Belangin (both spoken in Kabupaten Pontianak). These three dialects are mutually intelligible, and I call them West Malayic Dayak to distin guish them from Iban, Mualang and other Ibanic isolects of the Malayic Dayak subgroup, which are spoken east of the Land Dayak linguistic area (see map 42 in Wurm and Hattori 1981-3). I use Hudson's term 'isolect' as it is connotationally neutral with respect to the distinction between language and dialect (cf. Hudson 1967). A phonological outline of Salako has appeared earlier (Adelaar 1991). Malayic Dayak isolects are important for the history of the Malayic linguistic subgroup, as they have developed in relative isolation from other Malayic isolects. They have undergone to a much smaller degree the long standing and intensive influence from lingua franca varieties of Malay such as Standard Malay and Bazaar Malay, which have also brought with them considerable lexical influence from Indian languages, Javanese, Arabic, Persian and European languages. West Malayic Dayak is of particular interest for the linguistic history of the Malayic subgroup, as on

Ethnic Self-Labelling of the Murut or Lun Bawang of Sarawak

Some groups of peoples in have been given names by outsiders, but these groups normally do not identify themselves with these names (Babcock 1974). The earliest and most glaring examples are terms Sea Dayak and Land Dayak for groups of peoples we know today as Iban and Bidayuh, respectively. The to give another example, did not traditionally use label Melanau to refer to themselves; more traditional term of reference was A Liko, of often followed by name of they resided along (Morris 1953, p. 6). Similarly, term was a mistake for Pa Labid, from pa, for and Labid, name of river, and hence, the people of Labid river (Harrisson 1959a, p. 58). Like term Melanau, term Kelabit stuck. Perhaps most confusing of ethnic labels scattered throughout literature on Borneo is term Murut. The label is externally applied as a term of reference to two completely dissimilar sets of peoples in Borneo. In Sabah, it is used to refer to such groups as Timungon, Nabay, Baukan, Paluan, Sumambuq, and Alumbis (Prentice 1972), and in people who call themselves Lun Bawang or sometimes Lun Dayeh are often labelled Muruts (Pollard 1933, 1935; Southwell 1949; Crain 1974, 1978; Deegan 1973). Indeed, term is sometimes extended to include Kelabit, with whom Lun Bawang or Lun Dayeh have affinities (LeBar 1972). Culturally and linguistically, however, Sabah Murut and Sarawak Murut are completely different from each other

Multivariate statistical analysis on the physical interrelationship of native tribes in Sarawak, Malaysia.

AbstractAn anthropometric survey was made on the seven tribes in Sarawak, Malaysia. In order to study their physical interrelationship, the data obtained were used for multivariate statistical analysis including Mahalanobis's distance and two‐dimensional representation of group configuration with canonical variates. The conclusions were as follows; the Land Dayak are different from other tribes; the Kayan and Kenyah resemble each other; the Iban, Malay and Kedayan are close enough to make a cluster; and the Land Dayak, Kedayan and Melanau, being different from one another, do not seem to be of the same origin.

Japanese encephalitis in Sarawak: Studies on mosquito behaviour in a land Dayak village

Japanese encephalitis in Sarawak: Studies on mosquito behaviour in a land Dayak village

Pointing and asking: A note on deixis in Mentu Land Dayak

Pointing and asking: A note on deixis in Mentu Land Dayak

The Population of Sarawak

IN most of the states OF malaysia the indigenous populations are steadily in? creasing, and in the Bornean States of Sarawak and Sabah the rates of natural increase are also very high. But in Sarawak the 28*3 per cent increase in the indigenous population between 1947 and 1960 is overshadowed by an increase in the Chinese population of 57-9 per cent in the same period. Although the total indigenous popu? lation has not been outnumbered by the Chinese as yet, each of the indigenous ethnic groups taken separately has been (except for the Sea Dayaks) outnumbered since 1939. Today 30-8 per cent of the population of Sarawak is Chinese. The total population increased by 36-3 per cent in the last intercensal period. Large areas of the country still remain forest-covered and virtually uninhabited, but most of this land is hilly, mountainous and inaccessible and is unlikely to be suit? able for permanent agricultural settlement. Relatively heavy concentrations of popu? lation are found in coastal areas, particularly in the Kuching region. Three-quarters of the population live south of a line through Sibu and west of a line through Kanowit, i.e. in the First, Second and the western part of the Third Division. In these areas the pressure for land is great, especially near the main centres of the Chinese agricultural communities. There is, therefore, a need to make more land available for settlement. Effects of shifting cultivation are also serious in the Land Dayak areas in the First Division and in the Sea Dayak areas of the Second Division. With the increasing population, one sees the destruction of hill jungle and reversion to derelict, eroded and lalang-irrfested hillsides taking place at an alarming rate. The Census of 1960 showed the population of Sarawak to be 744,529, of whom 68#i per cent were indigenous peoples and 30-8 per cent Chinese. Europeans and others made up the remaining i-i per cent (Jones, 1962) (Table 1). Population increase and ethnic composition.?Before the beginning of the twentieth century the population of Sarawak was scanty and vast tracts of the interior were simply uninhabited forest, much as it is today. At the turn of the century, the estimated population was 400,000. In 1939 it stood at just below 500,000 and by 1947 it was only 546,385. (Noakes, 1950) The next twelve years, however, saw the first significant increases and by 1960 the population total was 744,529. Hence the growth of the population during the first half of the century has been slow, but after the Second World War the population has been increasing rather rapidly. (Table 1). The discouraging population increases during the first half of the century can be attributed to various causes, among the more important of which are the depression of the thirties, the factor of disease, and the ravages ofthe Second World War (Lee, 1962). On the other hand, the phenomenal increases after 1950 have been due largely to the return of peaceful and stable conditions which have helped, in no small way, in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the country, and also to the prosperity of the rubber, timber and oil industries which have provided much employment. The construction work in all the major towns together with the employment opportunities in these industries, have drawn in much population both from within and without the country. The annual rate of increase before 1947 was most probably very small, and even between 1939-47 the population increased by only 11 per cent or at the annual rate of 1-4 per cent. Between 1947-60 the population increased significantly by 36 per cent or at the unprecedented annual rate of 2*5 per cent. Although this high annual rate of