Labor Force Participation Of Men Research Articles

The burden of working time lost to compensable occupational injury and disease in Australia, 2012-17: a retrospective population-based study.

To determine the national burden of working time lost to occupational injury and disease in Australia compensable by workers' compensation schemes; to characterise the distribution of time lost by age, sex, and injury and disease type. Retrospective population-based study; analysis of National Dataset for Compensation-based Statistics (NDS) data. Granted workers' compensation claims by people aged 15-100 years including payment of wage replacement benefits for time off work lodged in Australia, 1 July 2012 - 30 June 2017. Working years lost (WYL) per annum (total number of years of wage replacement benefits paid to injured and ill workers), overall and by sex, age, and injury and disease type; WYL per 10 000 fulltime equivalent (FTE) years worked. A total of 755 330 eligible claims with complete data for analysis variables by people aged 15-100 years were identified, for compensable injuries and disease that led to 41 194 (95% confidence interval [CI], 41 020-41 368) WYL/year. The annual WYL number and rate were each higher for men (25 367 [95% CI, 25 230-25 503] WYL/year; 42.6 [95% CI, 42.1-43.1] WYL/10 000 FTE years) than for women (15 827 [95% CI, 15 720-15 935] WYL/year; 38.8 [95% CI, 38.2-39.4] WYL/10 000 FTE years). Workers aged 45-100 years made 66 742 claims per year (44.1% of all claims) but incurred 21 763 WYL/year (52.8% of all WYL). Traumatic joint and muscle injuries led to 16 494 WYL/year (40.0% of all WYL), musculoskeletal disorders to 8547 WYL/year (20.7%), mental health conditions to 5361 WYL/year (13.0%), fractures to 4276 WYL/year (10.4%), and wounds and lacerations to 3449 WYL/year (8.4%). Occupational injury and disease covered by workers' compensation result in lost working time in Australia equivalent to more than 41 000 fulltime jobs. Distribution of the burden reflects the greater labour force participation of men, slower recovery of older workers, and the impact of common occupational injuries and diseases. Population-based monitoring of lost working time could support effective occupational health surveillance and allocation of resources for protecting the health of Australian workers.

Labor's End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work

Labor's End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work

Gender Inequalities in Labor Market Outcomes of Informal Caregivers near Retirement Age in Urban China

ABSTRACTThis study examines the impacts of unpaid family care on labor supply and earnings of women and men near retirement age in urban China. Using the 2011 China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS) and ordinary least squares (OLS) and instrumental variable approaches, it finds that grandchild care is negatively associated with both women's and men's labor force participation, while there are no effects for eldercare. For women caregivers, caring for grandchildren substantially lowers paid labor hours compared to noncaregivers. No significant relationships are found between eldercare and paid labor hours of women workers. For men workers, neither grandchild care nor eldercare is significantly associated with labor hours. The study also finds no statistically significant relationships between grandchild care and labor earnings for either women or men. Eldercare, however, is positively associated with the earnings of men workers.

The effect of housing wealth on labor force participation: Evidence from China

This paper uses the 2011 China Household Finance Survey data to estimate the effect of changes in housing value on homeowners’ labor force participation. Using the average housing capital gains of other homes in the same community as an instrument for the housing capital gains of a given household, we find that a 100,000 yuan increase in housing value leads to a 1.37 percentage point decrease in female homeowners’ probability of participating in the labor force and a 1.49 percentage point increase in their probability of becoming housewives. We find little effect on men's labor force participation.

The Effect of Housing Wealth on Labor Force Participation: Evidence from China

This paper uses the 2011 China Household Finance Survey data to estimate the effect of change in housing value on homeowners' labor force participation. Using the average housing capital gains of other homes in the same community as an instrument for the housing capital gains of a given household, we find that a 100 thousand yuan increase in housing value leads to a 1.37 percentage point decrease in female homeowners' probability of participating in the labor force and a 1.49 percentage point increase in their probability of becoming housewives. We find little effect on men's labor force participation.

The Effect of Housing Wealth on Labor Force Participation: Evidence from China

This paper uses the 2011 China Household Finance Survey data to estimate the effect of change in housing value on homeowners' labor force participation. Using the average housing capital gains of other homes in the same community as an instrument for the housing capital gains of a given household, we find that a 100 thousand yuan increase in housing value leads to a 1.37 percentage point decrease in female homeowners' probability of participating in the labor force and a 1.49 percentage point increase in their probability of becoming housewives. We find little effect on men's labor force participation.

Older Men's Labor Force Participation in Belgium

The paper studies the labor market participation of older workers in Belgium over the last 3 decades. It outlines the changes to the institutional framework of relevance for labor market participation and employment. Drawing on data from the European Union Labour Force Survey (LFS) over the period 1983-2013, we provide evidence of the trends in participation in (early-) retirement routes. We also explore how the jobs occupied by older workers have changed over time, both in terms of their “quality” and the “quantity” of work involved. Part-time work is found to become more common, though with different attributes for men and women.

Availability of Child Care in Rural Communities: Implications for Workforce Recruitment and Retention.

The objective of this study was to identify differences in child care availability by rural-urban location for all counties in Wisconsin, and describe implications for recruitment and retention of health care workforce. We used data on licensed child care slots for young children (age <5), socio-demographic characteristics, women's and men's labor force participation, and household structure for all counties in Wisconsin in 2013 (n=72). Data came from KIDS COUNT, County Health Rankings, and the American Community Survey. We used t tests to analyze bivariate differences in child care availability and community characteristics by metropolitan, micropolitan, and non-core rural location. We then used ordinary least squares regression to analyze the relationship between geographic location and child care slots, adjusting for labor force participation and household structure. Rural counties had significantly fewer licensed child care slots per child than metropolitan and micropolitan counties. These counties also had, on average, higher rates of poverty and higher unemployment than micropolitan and metropolitan counties. The association between geographic location and child care availability remained, even after adjusting for household structure and labor force participation. The number of hours men worked and the percentage of men not working were both negatively associated with available child care slots, whereas there was not a significant relationship between women's labor force participation and child care availability. Rural areas face health care workforce shortages. Recruitment strategies to overcome shortages must move beyond individual-level incentives to focus on community context and family support, including availability of child care in rural counties.

The Economic Crisis of 2008 and the Added Worker Effect in Transition Countries

Following the financial crisis of 2008, transition countries experienced an increase in female labor force participation rates and a decrease in male labor force participation rates, in part because male-dominated sectors were hit the hardest. These developments have prompted many to argue that women have been spared the full-blown effects of the crisis. In this paper, we critically evaluate this claim by investigating the extent to which the increase in the female labor force participation rate may have reflected a distress labor supply response to the crisis. We use the data on the 28 countries of the transition region assessed in the 2010 Life in Transition Survey. We find the presence of the female added effect, driven by married 45- to 54-year-old women with no children in the household. This effect is the strongest among the region's middle-income countries. Among men, a negative relationship between labor force participation and household-specific income shocks is indicated. Unlike the differences in the response to household-specific income shocks, the labor supply response to a weaker macroeconomic environment is negative for both men and women—hinting at the presence of the worker effect, which cuts across gender lines. We conclude that the decrease in men's labor force participation observed during this crisis is likely a combined result of the initial sectoral contraction and the subsequent impact of the discouraged effect. For women, on the other hand, the added effect appears to outweigh the discouraged effect, contributing to an increase in their labor force participation rate. Our findings highlight the presence of heterogeneity in the way in which household-specific shocks, as opposed to economy-wide conditions, affect both female and male labor force participation rates.

Trends in Labor Force Participation: How Much is Due to Changes in Pensions?

In the United States, beginning in the late 1980s there was a substantial increase in the labor force participation of men and women in their 60s. Over the same time period the type of pension plans offered by employers shifted strongly from defined benefit plans to defined contribution plans. Defined benefit plans typically have optimal retirement ages embedded in their structure which induce early retirement, whereas defined contribution plans do not favor any particular retirement age. Based on panel data, this paper quantifies the increase in participation due to the change in pension structure. The main result is that the pension changes account for a considerable part of the increase, but other factors also made a contribution.

AGE, EMPLOYMENT AND EDUCATIONAL REFORM: AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN TURKEY

Unemployment rates reported by governmental authorities do not account for changes in the age and sex composition of the labor force. However, different age groups tend to have different unemployment rates, and changes in the relative importance of these groups in the labor force will affect measures of unemployment. We apply an alternative age-adjusted unemployment rate to Turkey between 1988 and 2009, and find that if the relative composition of the labor force had not changed, the reported unemployment rate would have been as much as 10.7% higher in 2007. The main factor that has led to the lower reported unemployment rates has been the fall in the labor force participation of men and women aged 15-24. We argue that the main reasons for this change in the relative age composition of the labor force are new education laws, which have kept younger workers out of the labor force.

Work and Money: Payoffs by Ethnic Identity and Gender

Upon arrival in the host country, immigrants undergo a fundamental identity crisis. Their ethnic identity being questioned, they can be classified into four states - assimilation, integration, separation and marginalization. This is suggested by the ethnosizer, a newly established measure to parameterize a person's ethnic identity, using individual information on language, culture, societal interaction, history of migration, and ethnic self-identification. In what state individuals end up varies among immigrants even from the same country. Moreover, the quest for ethnic identity affects women and men differentially. This paper contends that ethnic identity can significantly affect the attachment to and performance of immigrants in the host country labor market, beyond human capital and ethnic origin characteristics. Empirical estimates for immigrants in Germany show that ethnic identity is important for the decision to work and significantly and differentially affects the labor force participation of men and women. Women who exhibit the integrated identity are more likely to work than women who are German assimilated; this does not hold for men. However, once we control for selection in the labor market and a slew of individual and labor market characteristics, ethnic identity does not significantly affect the earnings of men or women immigrant workers.

ATUS Fathers’ Involvement in Childcare

Fathers in the U.S. have increased the hours they spend in child care activities and also the overall time they spend with their children (Sandberg & Hofferth 2001; Sayer et al. 2004; Bianchi et al. 2006). Between 1965 and 1985, fathers averaged about 2.5 h/week in pri mary childcare, but by 2000 had nearly tripled that time to almost 7 h/week (Bianchi et al. 2006). As men's labor force participation has been stable over time, it is logical to hypothesize that increases in fathers' time with children have been in response to the rise of mothers' labor force participation. However, cross-sectional studies consistently find no significant difference in fathers' childcare time in two-parent families in which mothers' do or do not work outside the home (Pleck 1985; Nock & Kingston 1988; Marsiglio 1991; Sandberg & Hofferth 2001; Bianchi & Suzanne 2006). Working mothers continue to shoulder the lion's share of the work at home (Hochschild 1989), and, in part because of this, they also experience a "motherhood penalty" in pay at work (Budig & England 2001; Correll et al. 2007). Fathers who take on greater responsibility for child care presumably ease the burden of the "second shift" for employed mothers, which in turn may help mothers reduce the "wage penalty" at work. If the lack of correlation between maternal employment and father's participation in childcare signals an unwillingness on the part of fathers to become involved in the home, even when demands are high, this does not bode well for the future of gender equality in either the home or the marketplace. In this analysis, we argue that perhaps past research has not found an association between maternal employment and father's time with children because the domains of childcare where we might most expect to see differences have not been adequately con ceptualized and measured. We focus on a broader set of dimensions of fathers' care than has been used in past research: fathers' "solo" parenting or time when fathers take full

The effects of joint taxation of married couples on labor supply and non-wage income

The United States changed its tax treatment of married couples in 1948, from a system in which each spouse paid taxes on his or her own income to a system in which a married couple is taxed as a unit. The switch from separate to joint taxation changed incentives for labor supply and asset ownership. This paper investigates the effects of the conversion to joint taxation, taking advantage of a natural experiment created by cross-state variation in property laws. Married individuals in states with community property laws had always been taxed as if each spouse had earned half of the couple's income, and thus were unaffected by the 1948 legal change. Comparing the behavior of highly-educated taxpayers in affected and unaffected states indicates that the tax change is associated with a decline of approximately 2 percentage points in the employment rate of married women, consistent with the higher first-dollar tax rates they faced after 1948. Women married to self-employed men were also less likely to have non-wage income after 1948, reflecting pre-1948 allocation of family assets to wives for tax purposes. The effects of joint taxation on married men's labor force participation and non-wage income holding are generally not statistically significant.

A Cross-Country Analysis of Trends in Labor Force Participation

This article documents trends in the total and gender specific labor force of 23 countries over the 40 years after 1950. There are several common features of this period across countries as well as some significant differences. For example, in almost all countries there is an increase in women's labor force participation rate and either no change or a slight decrease in men's labor force participation rate. While the changes in female labor force participation rate are due to increases in 25-54 year olds, for men it is the behavior of the young (10-24) and the older (55 ) age groups that are responsible for the overall change. Countries show differences with respect to timing and the magnitude of the changes in the labor force participation of men and women. The results also point out the potential of the increase in the share of services in an economy for impacting female labor force participation patterns.

Introduction: The Changing Status of Women

One of the most dramatic changes in economically advanced countries during the second half of the twentieth century was the rapid increase in women's labor force participation. The proportion of women who were employed increased substantially in all European and North American countries. By 2002, the percentage among those between ages 15 and 64 reached 75.6%in Denmark and Sweden and 76.8% in Norway while even in the 3 European countries where women were least likely to be employed the proportion was no less than 52.9% in Spain, 50.4% in Greece, and 48.4% in Italy. During the same period the labor force participation of men declined in virtually all these countries1 to 72.1% in Belgium, 75.0% in Greece, and 75.8% in Italy2 (Blau/ Ferber/Winkler 2006: 376). The main reason for the decline in male labor force participation has been the increase in the age when young men leave school and this is at least equally true for women. In fact, has been a more rapid increase among women going on to post-secondary education than among men. This suggests that the increase in their labor force participation during their prime years has been even greater than the above data indicate. At the same time, however, women have made only slow progress entering most male dominated occupations and even less in reaching the top ranks of the hierarchies within occupations, notably including the professions. In Beyond Economic Man Nobel Laureate Robert Solow (1993: 153), after noting that occupational segregation by gender has been changing only slowly and specifically commenting on the fact that women's slow progress in economics is often ascribed to gender differences in intellectual style, said am not sure about that, because I have doubts about those cognitive differences and their basis. What is true, I think, is that until very recently, and may be even now, has been a tendency for male economists to patronize women, and that is just as damaging as keeping them out of the club.3 The attitude Solow describes is not, of course, unique to economics but rather permeates the other professions as well4 and helps to explain why in addition to the well-documented high degree of occupational segregation is also substantial vertical segregation within occupations, with men occupying the top positions and women clustered in the lowest ranks. In their introduction to a volume devoted to women in management published more than a decade ago Burke and Davidson (1994: 1) painted a rather more rosy picture, reporting that there has been a dramatic increase in the number of women who are pursuing managerial and professional and that have prepared themselves for careers by undertaking university education where they now comprise almost half of professional schools. Further, they reported that the graduates enter the workforce at levels comparable to their male colleagues. They too, however, go on to quote Morrison et al. (1987) that women's and men's corporate experience and career paths begin to diverge soon after this point. Further, in the second volume they published about half a decade later (Davidson/Burke 2000) they conclude that although more women have entered managerial positions, progress has been slow, that job segregation by gender within management persists, with women dominating such areas as human resources, public affairs, communications and the law, routes that rarely reach the executive level, and that male cultures continue to dominate, particularly in the industrial sector (Davidson/Burke 2000: 5-6). This issue of Management Revae examines to what extent women have made progress in management and in academia, focusing specifically on the EU countries and North America. These traditionally male occupations are of considerable interest because they are among the most prestigious and well rewarded. Beyond that, they invite study because they tend to have well-established hierarchies, for the most part associated with generally recognized titles. …

Childhood predictors of labor force participation in adult life

This study used longitudinal data from the National Child Development Study in the United Kingdom to investigate childhood predictors of labor force participation outcome (unemployed versus employed or self-employed) at age 33. In women, only general ability at age 11 was related to labor force participation at age 33, whereas in men labor force participation was negatively related to sibship size and domestic tension in childhood and psychological distress in adult life, and was positively related to presence of a partner in adult life, academic motivation in adolescence and educational attainment.

Potential Consequences of Raising the Social Security Eligibility Age on Low-Income Older Workers

To examine the potential consequences of raising the Social Security retirement age on future cohorts of low-income elders, this study, based on data from the Health and Retirement Study, 1992–1994, identifies factors that may hinder or facilitate continuous employment among older workers born between 1931 and 1941. Specifically, following the analysis of labor-force participation rates and self-reported reasons for non-work, multivariate logistic regression models tested the relationship between individual strengths and constraints, social-structural opportunities and constraints, and economic need variables and the likelihood of work. The findings show that for both men and women, having disabilities was the most significant predictor of non-work. Racial differences, especially in men's labor-force participation rates, appeared to be due in large part to significant racial differences in disability rates. A higher proportion of blacks and Hispanics than whites also reported that they were unemployed. Based on the findings, raising the Social Security eligibility age is likely to result in increased numbers of Disability Insurance (DI) claimants, and the fiscal impact of such an increase needs to be examined. The need to assist unemployed older persons is also discussed.

The economics of gender

The economics of gender

Pensions, Households, and Local Labor Markets: The Shaping of Old-Age Economic Activity in 1910

Empirical findings of extensive, turn-of-the-20th-Century, old-age withdrawal from work in the United States cannot be reconciled with structural-functional theories which assume that males worked in early-industrializing economies until too impaired to do otherwise. More recently, two market demand-centered perspectives, a new structuralist perspective and a cultural (age-discrimination) perspective, have been used to explain old-age work withdrawal in this period. I expand the new structural model to include supply factors and the old-age household economy. I use linked national micro-data and county-level census data to examine the labor force participation of men (age 60 and over) in 1910 and find mixed support for the new structuralist model. Old-age withdrawal was systematically influenced by local labor market structures, but not always in the expected theoretical direction. The household economy, racial differences, and access to national (Civil War) pensions were also strongly associated with old-age activity and withdrawal.