Abstract: Developments in computerisation and neo-liberal state logics have promoted the growth of police services. This paper theorises the evolution of the hyperpanotics of surveillance by examining the practices of The Law Enforcement Company in Toronto, Ontario. Neo-liberal risk markets are anomic and fear-inducing, and propel developments in the commodification of surveillance. The new parapolice of late modernity are charged with making dangerous populations known. This is accomplished through a process of perpetual examination, and the erection of digital, virtual, hyperpanoptic systems geared to making both security employees and the populations they monitor transparent and accountable. This parapolice machine, and the actuarial practices it supports, can then be resold to a consumerised citizenry. This paper maps these processes along with the multiple modes of resistance employed by actors under its purview. Resume: Les progres de l'informatisation et une certaine logique d'Etat neo-liberale ont favorise la multiplication des services de police prives. Le present article pose des hypotheses sur l'evolution et l'aspect hyperpanoptique de la telesurveillance parapoliciere en examinant les pratiques de The Law Enforcement Company (Toronto, Ontario). Les marches a risque neo-liberaux, anomiques et alarmistes, accelerent la creation de produits de surveillance. Cette parapolice est chargee de faire connaitre les populations dites dangereuses -- mission accomplie grace a un examen perpetuel et a l'implantation de dispositifs numeriques hyperpanoptiques destines a rendre le personnel de securite, et les populations surveillees, transparents et responsables. Cette machine du complexe parapolicier, et les pratiques actuarielles qu'elle soutient, peut ensuite etre revendue aux citoyens de la societe de consommation. L'article decrit ces processus et les modes de resistance multiples qu'utilisent les acteurs videosurveilles. Police has historically been linked to the idea of the city-state itself in the context of Ancient Greece (from [pi] -- polis meaning city) and later with the notion of safety and security (Shearing 1992). But policing has now come to include a broad collection of social controls that may encompass both and public techniques of governance (Shearing and Stenning 1987a). As the size of the security sector vacillates in comparison to the public police, it becomes increasingly important to understand the role of neo-liberal logics relative to these changes. In 1994, there were over 100,000 persons employed as watchmen or guards in Canada, and over 19,000 of them were licensed security guards in Ontario (Leclair and Long 1996:15).(1) Additionally, there were 1,641 dual security guard/private investigator license holders operating in Ontario. Although the 1991 census reports that there were 61,500 police officers and 104,800 security guards in Canada, current interpolations place the public police down to 54,311 and the number of security guards at over 200,000. This means that the police now outnumber their public counterparts by an almost four to one ratio in Canada (Palango, 1998:10). As the number of persons employed in security increases, so does academic interest with this social phenomenon (e.g. Kakalik and Wildhorn, 1971; Shearing et al., 1980; Shearing and Stenning, 1982a). Previous analyses of the police have correctly focussed on the inherent political relations of securing populations. In most instances, the existence and function of policing, its relative growth in comparison to public policing, and its changing role in providing security, has been tethered to the changing structures and ideologies of state intervention. Marxian applications identify the police as instruments of bourgeoisie control over labour (Couch, 1981; Klare, 1975; Weiss, 1978). As such, the police operate as either private armies for strike suppression or provide a buffer function to legitimise a commercial compromise of the state with the interests of capital (e. …