Israeli Military Research Articles

Democracy, Liberal Zionism, and Civil-Military Relations in Israel: A Review Article

Abstract Two books on civil-military relations in Israel, published eighteen years apart, focus on Israel's future as a Jewish democracy. Peri's 2006 volume depicts the security establishment as a threat to civilian rule, whereas Ziv, in his 2024 book, portrays waning political influence of the Israeli military and security services as associated with democratic backsliding. The authors each favor the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but differ on whether opportunities for it have been missed because the military and security establishment has had too much or too little influence over government policy. Consideration of the one-state reality suggests the extent to which both arguments have been overtaken by events.

Determination of stigma among individuals who deviate from the norms and among community members: The price paid by all

AbstractThe Jewish Ultraorthodox community in Israel strongly opposes enlisting in the Israeli military. Young men who violate this norm must cope with negative social consequences such as stigma. In the current study we investigated risk and protective factors (self‐esteem, sense of community, positive and negative societal conditional regard, and “tightness of the community”) for public stigma against Ultraorthodox former soldiers, both among these young men and among community members. Among soldiers we also examined the determination of self‐stigma. The first study comprised 153 participants between the ages of 20 and 55 (M = 29.64, SD = 6.89); the second study comprised 433 participants between the ages of 21 and 75 (M = 36, SD = 10.82). Path analysis models indicated the protective role played by self‐esteem and societal conditional positive regard in participants' perception of public and self‐stigma, and the risk factor posed by societal conditional negative regard and “tightness of the community.” Sense of community was found to be a protective factor only for soldiers; for community members it was found to be a risk factor that increased public stigma. The findings reveal that stigma exacts a price not only from soldiers but also from the community, leading to losses for all involved.

Israel's Military Actions in Palestine and Lebanon: A Critical Analysis of Humanitarian, Political, and Strategic Implications

Israel's Military Actions in Palestine and Lebanon: A Critical Analysis of Humanitarian, Political, and Strategic Implications

Pemikiran Etika Perang Imām al-Shawkānī: Analisis Teori Just War dan Relevansi Konflik Israel-Palestina

This research analyzes Imām al-Shawkānī’s thoughts on war ethics within the Just War theory perspective, using the book “Nayl al-Awṭār.” The Israel-Palestine conflict is seen as an example of the abuse of power in just war ethics to the detriment of Palestinian civilians. Just War theory emphasises justice, proportionality and protection of civilians, yet Israel's military operations often violate these principles. Imām al-Shawkānī's thought in Nayl al-Awṭār had an Islamic perspective that emphasised justice and humanity in war. Integrating Just War principles with al-Shawkānī's ethics of war can provide a strong ethical framework to evaluate military actions in the Israel-Palestine conflict and seek a more just solution. Through a library research method and descriptive analysis, this study aims to contribute to the explanation of the connection between religion, ethics, and armed conflict, while promoting international peace and justice. Its practical implications highlight the significance of strengthening Islamic values in facing foreign cultural dominance, while its contemporary relevance underscores the necessity of upholding international law and human rights conventions in addressing armed conflicts. Thus, this research not only provides new insights into the ethics of war in Islam but also highlights the importance of actions to uphold humanity and justice in global armed conflicts.

Numbers

Prior to October 2023, I knew embarassingly little about the ongoing occupation of Palestine, and it wasn't until I reconnected with a childhood friend that I started to really pay attention to what had been happening following the October 7th attack. I knew of Israel's military capacity and the seemingly limitless support by the United States, but it wasn't until I began to follow grassroot media and civilians in Gaza that I understood the true extent of the conflict. Each day since, I've been struggling to comprehend why the my community and my country as a whole seems to remain largely unaffected. I've struggled with understanding why I can scroll through videos of homes reduced to rubble, testaments to history ---libraries, mosques, etc.--- reduced to ash, and dead children, only to find clips of Taylor Swift and Travic Kelce or edits of the new Hunger Games movie sprinkled in between. The kind of nonchalence and willful ignorance I've seen from strangers and loved ones has been such a surreal thing to experience. I've been writing a lot of poetry to cope with it, and this was one of those poems.

Legacy of the British Mandate: Eliminating The Palestinian Right to Self‐Determination

AbstractIn February 2024, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a plan for the “postwar” Gaza Strip that envisions Israel's military as unilaterally and indefinitely patrolling the enclave while an unnamed third party runs the local government. While even allies like the United States criticized this scheme, Palestine has never enjoyed autonomy as a state, and the institutions and practices of Israel's far‐right government—and even of the Palestinian elite—are rooted in the settler colonialism facilitated by the British mandate, 1922–1948. This period was the first and last time in modern history that Palestinian Arabs and Jews were administered as a single polity, albeit on radically unequal terms. This article examines how international law was used to suppress the Palestinians and privilege the creation of a Jewish state of Israel. The legacy of this regime can be seen in the present‐day thwarting of Palestinian self‐determination through Israel's use of the military for civil administration, digital surveillance, and the right‐wing agenda for annexation of the West Bank and perpetual war in Gaza.

Israeli Military Artificial Intelligence, Its Possible Use in the War in Gaza.

This paper is focused on examining selected Israeli technologies operating based on artificial intelligence and the possible use of these technologies by the Israeli Defense Forces in the war in Gaza. These technologies include the Besorah system, an AI technology for identifying and recommending targets suitable for aerial bombardment, as well as other forms of attacks carried out from a distance. The SMASH system is an automatic targeting and firing system for small arms. The Goshawk system is a fully autonomous UAV used for aerial protection. The IRIS robot can be used for the initial investigation of tunnels ahead of assaults. The alleged use of these technologies in the war in Gaza cannot be verified by independent sources, mainly due to the ongoing conflict. The paper strives to present a general theoretical assessment of these technologies and weapons from the perspective of international law and armed conflicts.

The Israeli Way of War:

The study demonstrates the difference between contemporary Israeli military and national security operations under the ‘Campaign between Wars’ framework and the way Israel would wage a ‘war for existence’. The paper first outlines Israeli military strategy and theory regarding an existential war, while aiming to show how Israel would use its military capabilities. The paper explains the most plausible scenario of a war between Israel and a peer competitor, namely Iran and its proxy network, and the question of using nuclear weapons. Finally, the study presents the potential effects of such war on Israel, its enemies and the region. The paper argues that the most important aspect of Israeli conventional and nuclear warfighting capabilities is that they provide such a robust deterrent that they make war extremely unlikely. However, Israeli deterrence is based on the firm belief that the preparation for the war for existence is the most significant national goal, thereby establishing Israel as a linchpin to the regional balance of power, as a regional great military power itself is incapable of becoming a regional hegemon while assertively balancing against any such contender.

Gaza’s Subterranean Warfare: Palestinian Resistance Tunnels vs. Israel’s Military Strategy

Actors with limited military capabilities resort to tunnel warfare to counterbalance military and technological disparities with the larger army. From the 1970s onward, tunnels have been used remarkably by non-state actors and liberation movements. Over the last two decades, Israel has set the destruction of the tunnels of the Palestinian armed groups as a primary goal of its massive wars in the Gaza Strip. At the same time, Palestinian armed groups have strategically harnessed the subterranean realm, rendering it an operational tool and developing a tunnel system. This study explores the subterranean warfare in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, exploring the historical evolution of the Gaza tunnels, their effectiveness, types, and military uses. It also scrutinizes the Israeli military strategy toward these tunnels, examining the techniques employed for detection and destruction of these tunnels, along with their inherent limitations.

‘Nowhere and no one is safe’: spatial analysis of damage to critical civilian infrastructure in the Gaza Strip during the first phase of the Israeli military campaign, 7 October to 22 November 2023

BackgroundSince the Hamas attacks in Israel on 7 October 2023, the Israeli military has launched an assault in the Gaza Strip, which included over 12,000 targets struck and over 25,000 tons of incendiary munitions used by 2 November 2023. The objectives of this study include: (1) the descriptive and inferential spatial analysis of damage to critical civilian infrastructure (health, education, and water facilities) across the Gaza Strip during the first phase of the military campaign, defined as 7 October to 22 November 2023 and (2) the analysis of damage clustering around critical civilian infrastructure to explore broader questions about Israel’s adherence to International Humanitarian Law (IHL).MethodsWe applied multi-temporal coherent change detection on Copernicus Sentinel 1-A Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) imagery to detect signals indicative of damage to the built environment through 22 November 2023. Specific locations of health, education, and water facilities were delineated using open-source building footprint and cross-checked with geocoded data from OCHA, OpenStreetMap, and Humanitarian OpenStreetMap Team. We then assessed the retrieval of damage at and with close proximity to sites of health, education, and water infrastructure in addition to designated evacuation corridors and civilian protection zones. The Global Moran’s I autocorrelation inference statistic was used to determine whether health, education, and water facility infrastructure damage was spatially random or clustered.ResultsDuring the period under investigation, in the entire Gaza Strip, 60.8% (n = 59) of health, 68.2% (n = 324) of education, and 42.1% (n = 64) of water facilities sustained infrastructure damage. Furthermore, 35.1% (n = 34) of health, 40.2% (n = 191) of education, and 36.8% (n = 56) of water facilities were functionally destroyed. Applying the Global Moran’s I spatial inference statistic to facilities demonstrated a high degree of damage clustering for all three types of critical civilian infrastructure, with Z-scores indicating < 1% likelihood of cluster damage occurring by random chance.ConclusionSpatial statistical analysis suggests widespread damage to critical civilian infrastructure that should have been provided protection under IHL. These findings raise serious allegations about the violation of IHL, especially in light of Israeli officials’ statements explicitly inciting violence and displacement and multiple widely reported acts of collective punishment.

Palestine and Israel War Conflict During COVID-19

The purpose of this study is to determine how international law affects the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the COVID-19 pandemic. The approach used in this research is literature study, which entails gathering pertinent material from books and journals, evaluating it, and drawing conclusions. Concerns regarding the socio-economic circumstances of Palestinians have been highlighted by the fast-spreading COVID-19 epidemic. Overcoming two issues at once is becoming more and more difficult. Considering the harm done to infrastructure for sanitation, hygiene, and water, the Palestinians’ situation is getting better. The COVID-19 virus is being stopped by impeding the flow of essential supplies into the Palestinian state and causing environmental harm, both of which may affect public health. International humanitarian law is in place to prevent these kinds of tragedies, but the Israeli government and military disobey these laws. From an international law standpoint, this research helps understand how the state of Israel behaved toward Palestine during the COVID-19 epidemic. References to a wide range of national and international periodicals and books were used in the preparation of this research. In addition, it makes use of the most recent news about the subjects covered. The findings of this review of the literature indicate that despite an increase in attacks on Palestinian civilians, the situation between Israel and Palestine has not improved

Israeli Intelligence Was Caught Off Guard: The Hamas Attack on 7 October 2023—A Preliminary Analysis

On the morning of 7 October 2023, at 6:29 AM, Israel was surprised when forces of the Hamas organization attacked Israel from the Gaza Strip, along the border between Gaza and Israel, and caused enormous damage to human life and property. On that day, about 1,300 Israelis were killed, most of them civilians and the rest soldiers. About 240 Israelis were kidnapped and taken into Gaza as hostages. Israel had no concrete warning of the coming attack. It was a complete surprise to the Intelligence Community (IC) and security system. Following this attack, Israel went to war against Hamas, in Gaza, calling it the Iron Swords War, with the intent of collapsing its military power and governing rule. The lack of intelligence warning raises many questions about the capability of the Israeli IC, especially the Israel Military Intelligence Directorate (IMI) and the Israel Security Agency (ISA). Israel’s intelligence had known of the strengthening of Hamas, but there was an assumption that Hamas had changed its objectives and aimed to establish its rule and statehood in Gaza. As a result, it was assumed that Hamas would refrain from offensive action that would, in turn, provoke counterattacks by Israel, which would not serve its interests. The Israeli IC assumed that if Hamas decided to attack, the ISA and the IMI would provide early warning. Only on 7 October did Israel learn that Hamas was secretly intensifying its efforts to prepare an attack on Israel.

INDONESIA'S DIPLOMATIC CONTRIBUTION TO THE ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT SINCE 1948

This article explores the dynamics of Indonesian diplomacy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Despite ongoing tensions and armed confrontations between Palestinian fighters and the Israeli military, Indonesia has consistently advocated for Palestinian independence through a two-state solution. The historical ties between Indonesia and Palestine, coupled with the academic connections between Palestinian scholars and Indonesian students studying in Egypt, have strengthened the diplomatic relationship between the two nations. Indonesia's active role in supporting Palestinian recognition of Indonesian independence, alongside Egypt, remains relevant today. Using conflict resolution theory as a framework, this article delves into Indonesia's diplomatic efforts to address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Notably, Indonesia has actively participated as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, opposing policies such as US President Donald Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and relocate the embassy there. The findings illustrate Indonesia's multifaceted role in conflict resolution, encompassing positions as a co-sponsor, facilitator, mediator, participant, initiator, actor, motivator, and justifier in its endeavors to help resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. By presenting these insights, the article aims to contribute to the understanding of Indonesia's unique diplomatic contributions to the ongoing conflict while avoiding plagiarism.

"In the army I'm no longer typecast as the son of migrant workers": modalities of inclusion and belonging among children of migrant workers in the military in Israel.

This article explores how non-citizen minorities experience military service, focusing on children of international labor migrants who served in the Israel Defense Forces. During the 1990's, Israel witnessed an influx of migrant workers, primarily from the Philippines, Latin America and Africa. However, due to Israeli immigration policies, neither they nor their Israeli-born children were eligible for citizenship. Consequently, upon reaching the age of 18, unlike their Israeli peers, these children were not recruited into the army. Furthermore, they lived under constant threat of deportation. Due to advocacy by civil society organizations, in 2006 and 2010 the government granted civic status (permanent residency) to approximately 1,500 children. This made them eligible for military service, a somewhat unique situation globally. Upon completion of their first year of military service, they were eligible for Israeli citizenship and their immediate family members were eligible for permanent residency. Through qualitative and quantitative research, we examine inclusion and belonging amongst children of migrant workers who served in the military. Our findings suggest that military service enabled them to overcome the exclusionary boundaries they experienced as children in three ways. Firstly, they achieved formal belonging by receiving citizenship. Secondly, they achieved informal belonging through the cultural and social capital this service accrued within Israeli society. Finally, for some, military service deepened their knowledge of Judaism and, in certain cases, led to conversion, thus fostering religious belonging. These three aspects facilitated inclusion and a sense of belonging for these formerly marginalized children while also enhancing their legitimacy within Israeli society. This unique case study contributes to ongoing global debates about the experiences of minority groups in the military.

“We are in the Battlefield”: "Bereaved Mothers and Widows: Navigating Multigenerational Conflicts.

Although the loss of a close family member affects the family relationship, most studies have focused on the coping of individuals with the loss and only a minority have examined the family system and the mutual influence of family members on their adjustment to loss. Less is known about the intergenerational relations in the context of loss. The aim of this article is to discusses conflicts in the relationships between Israeli widows and bereaved mothers after the death of their husband and son. Methods: Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with two groups of participants: ten bereaved mothers and ten widows (from different bereaved families) whose sons or spouses died while serving in the Israeli military, the police, or the security forces. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: The following conflictual issues were identified: (1) Fighting over the memory of the deceased; (2) Tensions around the relationship with the children/grandchildren; and (3) Offensive communication patterns. Discussion: These conflicts are discussed in the Israeli context. The grieving rituals and the honor bestowed upon soldiers and other members of the security forces and their families have paradoxically served to silence the issue. At the same time, the findings and the literature suggest an urgent need for professional intervention to help the families avoid disconnection, aggression and even violence in those vulnerable relationships and maintain them after the loss.

From Plan Gideon to Plan Tnufa: Israeli defense strategy and the buildup of the Israeli Defense Forces in the wider context of the Middle East after the Arab Spring

Based on the content analysis method, this study analyzes the first ever published security strategy of the Israel Defense Forces, which was published in 2015. The main objective of the paper is not only to present the circumstances of its creation and discuss the main objectives of this strategic security document, but also to outline the broader geopolitical context from which it emerged. The authors argue that the document primarily emphasized two areas - the use of force and capacity building of the Israeli military. Among other things, the publication of the strategy was intended to have a deterrent effect. In the conclusion, the authors compare the Gideon Plan and its follow-up, the Tnufa Plan, and point to the considerable importance that consensus among political and military elites has in the implementation of such a document and reflect on what lessons and inspiration can be drawn from this case in our geographic space in the process of formulating or reformulating strategic security documents.

Suspending Voluntary Reserve Service: New Questions in Israeli Military Ethics

Military activities with the framework of the IDF [Israel Defense Force] is carried out by citizens in a variety of positions. In addition to the ordinary positions of career officers and NCOs, the IDF consists of conscripted men and women as well as reservists. Some of the latter serve under an ordinary command to serve for a certain relatively short period. Other reservists, including pilots and special forces officers have served since they volunteered to serve. Facing the political clash between the government, who have been viewed as trying to change the democratic nature of the state, and the popular opposition, who have tried to protect the judiciary and other elements of democracy, many officers who belong to the latter reservist group have suspended their voluntary service or even retired. Their decision has raised the obvious issue of whether such decisions can be justified, morally, ethically, and democratically. This is the topic of the present paper.

تغطية صفحات الناطقين الاعلاميين باسم جيش الاحتلال الاسرائيلي لقضية تحرر الأسرى الفلسطينيين الستة من سجن جلبوع المحصن

This study aimed to find out how the spokespersons for the Israeli occupation army, specifically the "coordinator and Avichay Adraee" pages on Facebook, covered the issue of the six self-liberated Palestinian prisoners from the highly secure walls of Gilboa prison through a tunnel they dug under their cell's bathroom. The study used the total population sample to analyze the two pages' content from September 6, 2021, to November 30, 2021. The study found that these pages used media frames to distort the image of the Palestinian prisoners. The most dominant frame was the strategic frame by 40% to show the power of the occupation army in pursuing the prisoners and confronting the Palestinian resistance factions. The generic news frame came second with 15%, through which the news of the liberation of prisoners was announced by closing the crossings due to the prevailing security conditions. The morality frame came third with 11%, through inferences and quotes that have an ethical impact on members of society. The conflict frame between the occupation government and the Palestinian resistance factions came forth by 10%. The attribution of responsibility frame through which they blamed the resistance factions for the continued suffering of the Palestinians; the human-interest frame and the economic frame all achieved 8%. The study recommended conducting further studies to analyze the Israeli occupation army spokesmen discourse on other social media concerning the issue of prisoners of the "Freedom Tunnel" and comparing results with the current study. The Arab and Palestinian media should focus on raising public awareness regarding Israeli propaganda's deceptive goals coming from different sources. هدفت هذه الدراسة إلى معرفة كيفية تغطية صفحات الناطقين الاعلاميين باسم جيش الاحتلال الإسرائيلي، وتحديداً صفحتي "االمنسق، وأفيخاي أدرعي" على الفيسبوك لقضية تحرر الأسرى الفلسطينيين الستة من سجن جلبوع، والتعرف على أهم الموضوعات التي تناولتها وكيف عملت على توظيفها وتأطيرها. ولتحقيق هذا الهدف استخدمت الدراسة المنهج المسحي بالاعتماد على أداة تحليل المضمون. استخدمت الدراسة عينة المسح الشامل لمنشورات الصفحتين خلال الفترة الممتدة من 6 سبتمبر/ أيلول 2021، وحتى 30 نوفمبر/ كانون الأول 2021. خلصت الدراسة لعدد من النتائج؛ كان أهمها أن هذه الصفحات تستخدم الأطر الإعلامية لتشويه صورة الأسرى الفلسطينيين، وأكثر تلك الأطر استخداما كان الاطار الاستراتيجي بنسبة 40% في محاولة لإبراز قوة جيش الاحتلال في ملاحقة الأسرى، والتصدي لفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية، وجاء ثانياً الإطار العام بنسبة 15% والذي من خلاله تم بث خبر تحرر الأسرى في قالب إغلاق المعابر نتيجة للأوضاع الأمنية السائدة، وتلاها إطار المبادئ الأخلاقية بنسبة 11% من خلال الاستدلال بأقوال ومقتبسات لها وقعها الأخلاقي لدى أفراد المجتمع، ثم إطار الصراع بين حكومة الاحتلال وفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية بنسبة 10%، وبالمرتبة الأخيرة برز إطار المسؤولية وإلقاء اللوم على فصائل المقاومة في استمرار معاناة الفلسطينيين، والإطار الإنساني، وإطار النتائج الاقتصادية وانعكاساته السلبية على الفلسطينيين وحدهم جراء إغلاق المعابر، حيث حصلت هذه الأطر الثلاث على النسبة نفسها، وهي 8%. أوصت الدراسة بإجراء دراسات تتناول توظيف صفحات الناطقين الإعلاميين باسم جيش الاحتلال الاسرائيلي على وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي الأخرى، فيما يتعلق بقضية أسرى "نفق الحرية" ومقارنتها بنتائج الدراسة الحالية، وضرورة تركيز وسائل الإعلام العربية والفلسطينية على نشر الوعي والتعريف بالأهداف الخداعة للصفحات الإسرائيلية.

“Military Ethic Washing” - De-Politicization and Dis-Militarization in Representations of Internal Targeted Killings in Israeli Narrative Films and Television Drama

ABSTRACT The term “Military Ethical Washing” 1 is used to describe ways in which military ethics clears military organizations from moral responsibility for their actions in a post-national liberal militarism era. Film and television, now even more than in the past, serve as agents of ethics in general, and of military ethics in particular. Using the terms of the “Just War Theory,” the study shows how through processes of De-Politicization and Dis-militarization enhanced by fictional audio-visual narrative representations, narrative films and television dramas express the ethical-liberal turning point of our times, while at the same time using it to ratify national militarism. The process of “Military Ethical Washing” is illustrated in the paper in the Israeli context through cinematic and televised representations of internal targeted assassinations that took place during the constitutive national period of the struggle for Israel’s independence – a case study having critical potential for discussing current military practices and ethical issues being dealt with by the Israeli military, but also relevant to other cases.

MP30-18 EFFECT OF LENGTH OF TIME POST-MORTEM ON QUALITY AND FREEZING CAPACITY OF HUMAN TESTICULAR SPERMATOZOA

You have accessJournal of UrologyCME1 Apr 2023MP30-18 EFFECT OF LENGTH OF TIME POST-MORTEM ON QUALITY AND FREEZING CAPACITY OF HUMAN TESTICULAR SPERMATOZOA Joshua Bitran, Jamie Thomas, Joginder Bidhan, and Ranjith Ramasamy Joshua BitranJoshua Bitran More articles by this author , Jamie ThomasJamie Thomas More articles by this author , Joginder BidhanJoginder Bidhan More articles by this author , and Ranjith RamasamyRanjith Ramasamy More articles by this author View All Author Informationhttps://doi.org/10.1097/JU.0000000000003258.18AboutPDF ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints ShareFacebookLinked InTwitterEmail Abstract INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVE: Post-mortem sperm retrieval (PMSR) has been demonstrated to produce viable offspring, however, there is scarce evidence about how long after death sperm remains viable. PMSR raises several ethical dilemmas including consent, justifiability, and sperm donation, and consequently, laws surrounding PMSR vary widely by country. Some countries ban the procedure in its entirety, while Israel has an opt-in for PMSR when enlisting in the military in Israel. Even within the US, laws vary by state. We hypothesize that sperm viability is more robust than previously reported in the literature. The objective of this study is to report sperm motility and viability based on extraction time post-mortem. METHODS: Patient lists from the Miami-Dade County Medical Examiner Department were analyzed daily in search of a patient who fit criteria of being a male between the ages of 15-60 with sudden death, no hospitalization and without comorbidities. Once a patient was identified, informed consent was obtained from their next of kin. The patient’s testicle was removed and biopsied, and four samples were collected and placed into separate vials containing sperm wash. After initial biopsy, the testicle was stored in a 45F refrigerator. Semen analysis was conducted to determine the viability of the spermatozoa. Biopsies and semen analyses were continued daily until the spermatozoa were no longer viable. Last surgically extracted samples contained minced epididymis and vas deferens, and the testicular collected fluid were cryopreserved using the fast-freezing technique with the aid of a cryoprotector media. Post-thaw was done at 24 hours time point on the postmortem samples. RESULTS: The patient’s testicles were biopsied and analysis was conducted at 13, 34, 58, 82, and 106 hours postmortem. The average spermatozoa viability at each interval was 67%, 57%, 47%, 34% and 22% respectively. Motility with pentoxifylline were also reported at those times: 26%, 19%, 7%, 11%, and 5%. Post-thaw viability and motility at 106 hours postmortem were 5% and 1% respectively. CONCLUSIONS: Our study demonstrated that there are motile and viable sperm from human testes even 100 hours post mortem. This is the first study to demonstrate viable or motile sperm after such a long time after death. These findings will have implications on duration after death at which post-mortem sperm retrieval future can be performed successfully. Source of Funding: NIH Grant R01 DK130991 and Clinician Scientist Development Grant from the ACS to Dr. Ranjith Ramasamy © 2023 by American Urological Association Education and Research, Inc.FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Volume 209Issue Supplement 4April 2023Page: e398 Advertisement Copyright & Permissions© 2023 by American Urological Association Education and Research, Inc.MetricsAuthor Information Joshua Bitran More articles by this author Jamie Thomas More articles by this author Joginder Bidhan More articles by this author Ranjith Ramasamy More articles by this author Expand All Advertisement PDF downloadLoading ...