Israeli Administration Research Articles

The History of the Birth of Traditions and Conflicts over the Nabi Samuel Shrine (Israel/Palestine)

During the Crusades, the almost forgotten small Byzantine monastery of St. Samuel (4th-c.) became a key place on the map of Holy Land pilgrimages. Initially important only to Christians, the shrine quickly became a pilgrimage destination for Jews and later for Muslims. Each of these communities left an indelible mark on the traditions and customs of this holy place. During some periods, they managed to celebrate the memory of Samuel in unison, but largely the shrine was a source of conflicts or even bloody battles. In 1967, the area around Nabi Samuel was incorporated into the Israeli-Occupied Territories. Due to the rich tradition associated with the cult of the OT prophet, but even more the significance of Nabi Samuel (identified as the ancient Mizpah), the Israeli authorities have tried to make this site a memorial to Israel’s ancient history, and at the same time a tourist attraction. Since then, the actions of the authorities have provoked constant protests and unrest. As has recently been revealed, the motivations of the Israeli administration are not only religious, historical, and political, but also business-related, although this is shamefully hidden behind lofty slogans.

Human Rights Violation of Stranded Palestinians: Perspectives of Palestinians Living in Bangladesh

The Palestinian people have been subjected to various human rights violations for decades, making it one of the most significant humanitarian traumas in the contemporary world. They are one of the world’s largest and longest-serving stranded refugee communities. This paper aims to investigate the human rights violations experienced by Palestinians in both the occupied Palestinian territory and refugee camps. The findings are based on an exploratory investigation that interprets primary data collected through semi-structured interviews with ten Palestinian students studying post-graduate studies at various medical colleges in Bangladesh. The research reveals that the inalienable rights of the Palestinians are being highly violated by the Israeli administration, forcing them to live in the occupied Palestinian territory. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate about the human rights violations experienced by Palestinians and highlights the need for immediate international action to address this crisis.

Prof. Deniz Ülke Arıboğan: "The Israeli administration may find the opportunity it has been seeking for a long time"

Dean of Üsküdar University Faculty of Humanities Prof. Deniz Ülke Arıboğan evaluated the Palestinian-Israeli tension.

Persistence of Silenced Toponymic Landscapes in Disputed Territories

The (re)attribution of place names plays a significant yet subtle role in the production of spatial and national identity. Since 1948, the Israeli administration has endeavoured to Hebraize (therefore Judaize) the space in the Israel Palestine region. Yet, Arabic names of major neighbourhoods within Jerusalem have survived while their Palestinian residents have not been allowed to return since they fled or were expelled in 1948. This article explores this toponymic paradox. After delving into the Israeli efforts to create and maintain an (almost) exclusive Hebraized landscape and the variety of ensuing toponymic clashes, this paper examines different reasons that might explain the ‘resistance’ of Arabic names in areas of Israel’s proclaimed capital city. Using concepts such as toponymic attachment and place identity, this paper reveals much about the strength of traditional naming practices versus imposed policies, including in contexts of disputed territories where the Other’s toponyms tend to represent a threat to One’s narrative of the land.

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Life conditions and quality of life of Palestinians living in the Biddu Enclave: a qualitative study

BackgroundPalestinians have been exposed to long-term violence, displacement, and conflict since the 1940s. Continued expropriation and fragmentation of the region has affected people's quality of life. The Biddu Enclave communities, located northwest of Jerusalem, are behind a barrier wall that detaches them from Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank other than by access through a tunnel controlled by the Israeli authorities. The enclave is fully or partially under Israeli administration. We explored the effects of socioeconomic and geographical transformations and isolation on the quality of life of these communities, specifically on daily uncertainty, stress, and overall wellbeing of residents. MethodsWe included four communities—Beit Iksa, Qatanna, Biddu, and Beit A’nan—that have varied characteristics and circumstances. Between early October, 2018, and the end of November, 2019, we did in-depth interviews with 20 key informants, such as mayors, village council members, municipality employees, and teachers, and 16 residents older than 20 years and from a range backgrounds, including activists, retirees, and housewives. We also did two focus groups involving young adults from all four communities. Questions were asked about living conditions and consequences of the socioeconomic and geographic transformations in the study area. We analysed the data by repeated readings to identify patterns and themes. FindingsWe found poor overall quality of life, characterised by chronic daily uncertainty, insecurity and heightened vulnerability, leading to stress and reduced wellbeing. The main negative determinants of quality of life were poor infrastructure, dependence on work in the Israeli labour market, a precarious permit system, increasing land expropriation and expansion of Israeli settlements, separation from Jerusalem, and marginalisation by the Palestinian National Authority. Community characteristics, such as social solidarity and active community organisations were important in mediating some of these effects. Other variations in the characteristics of the communities, such as topography, having relatives living in the USA, levels of education, unemployment rate, and proximity to Israeli settlements seemed to play a role in the abilities of residents to endure conditions. InterpretationOur findings highlight the importance of political and socioeconomic transformations in the wellbeing of residents in the Biddu Enclave. Sustained insecurity and uncertainty, marginalisation, and isolation of the communities have negative effects on quality of life. More research focusing on these communities is needed to better understand the mechanisms by which these factors affect health and how they may lead to ill health and disease in the long term. FundingArab Council for Social Sciences.

Israeli Policy on the Foreign Consulates in Jerusalem in the Early 1950s

From the mid-nineteenth century, consulates of foreign countries and religious institutions operated in Jerusalem. After the establishment of the State of Israel, the consulates continued to operate as independent entities, regardless of the fact that the international political reality in Jerusalem and the country as a whole had changed completely. The status of West Jerusalem under Israeli administration in the early 1950s was complex. The state envisioned it as Israel's capital city but did not take decisive measures to make this official due to international opposition and the stance of the UN, which recommended a "special international regime" for Jerusalem. The foreign delegates who served in the Jerusalem consulates did not adhere to any of the protocols established by international convention. Perhaps most notable was the fact that these consuls and consular officers did not present their credentials or request an exequatur for engaging in consular activities in keeping with standard diplomatic norms. The State of Israel refrained from hard and fast rules, and policy with regard to the consulates in the city remained vague. The article looks at the consulates that operated in Jerusalem, Israeli policy on Jerusalem consulates in the early 1950s, the attitude of the Israeli public, the interaction between consular officials, Israeli bureaucrats, and the Jerusalem Municipality, and the stance of the Israeli courts.

Scientific Advice and Administrative Traditions: The Role of Chief Scientists in Climate Change Adaptation

The role of the chief scientist (CS), a key administrative position in various Israeli ministries, is to fund policy‐oriented research and support evidence‐based decision‐making. Has the CS's role promoted or constrained incorporation of scientific advice regarding climate change adaptation into governmental policy? Have administrative traditions affected the adaptation planning process in Israel? Analysis of documents and 26 in‐depth interviews with key stakeholders sheds light on the ongoing climate change adaptation policy formulation process. Our study reveals that the CS of the Ministry of Environmental Protection functions as a bridge at different interfaces and can be characterized as a boundary worker between institutions. The inherent independence of this position facilitates the CS's ability to initiate, foster, and prioritize complex issues such as adaptation. Our findings further suggest that the perception that Israel has already adapted, or will easily adapt, has negatively affected the adaptation process. 科学建议和行政传统：首席科学家在气候变化适应工作中的作用 首席科学家是以色列各部门的一个关键行政职务, 其具体作用是为政策性研究提供资金, 并支持循证决策。对于有关气候变化适应的科学建议, 首席科学家的作用是促进还是限制了其被纳入到政府政策中？行政传统是否影响了以色列的气候适应规划进程？通过文件分析及与关键利益相关者的26次深入访谈, 笔者揭示了正在进行的适应气候变化政策的制定过程。研究表明, 环保部门的首席科学家在不同的层面上起着桥梁作用, 在不同机构的分界线上工作以彼此连接。该职位的内在独立性能促进首席科学家在发起问题、培养和优先考虑包括适应气候等复杂问题的能力。研究进一步表明, 以色列已经适应了或即将轻易适应某些观点, 而这已经对气候适应过程产生了负面影响。 Asesoria cientifica y tradiciones administrativas: el papel que juegan los cientificos principales en la adaptacion al cambio climatico El papel que juegan los cientificos principales, un puesto administrativo clave en varios ministerios israelies, esta especificamente designado para el financiamiento de investigacion orientada hacia la politica y el apoyo a decisiones basadas en evidencia. ?El papel que juegan los cientificos principales ha promovido o limitado la incorporacion de asesoria cientifica en lo que concierne a la adaptacion al cambio climatico dentro de las politicas del gobierno? ?Las tradiciones administrativas han afectado el proceso de planeacion para la adaptacion en Israel? El analisis de los documentos en 26 entrevistas exhaustivas con partes afectadas clave ilustra el proceso de formulacion de las politicas de adaptacion al cambio climatico actual. Nuestro estudio revela que el Cientifico Principal del Ministerio de Proteccion Ambiental funciona como un puente para diferentes interfaces y puede ser caracterizado como un trabajador limitrofe entre las instituciones. La independencia inherente de esta posicion facilita la habilidad del cientifico principal para iniciar, fomentar y darle prioridad a complejos problemas como la adaptacion. Nuestros hallazgos sugieren que la percepcion de Israel ya se ha adaptado, o se adaptara facilmente, y ha afectado negativamente el proceso de adaptacion.

The governmentalities of infrastructure and services amid urban conflict: East Jerusalem in the post Oslo era

Urban conflict in Jerusalem has mainly been studied through the lens of spatial and functional segregation and discriminative fragmentation between Israeli and Palestinian localities. This article adopts a governmentality approach to the study of the politics of urban infrastructure and services in urban conflict, and argues that a governmentalization process of East Jerusalem by Israel has evolved in the last two decades that has been enacted mainly through the control and management of Palestinian urban infrastructure and services. Since, as manifestations of resistance to Israeli occupation, many of the Palestinian urban functionalities historically operated separately from Israeli state apparatuses, this new development and its consequences indicate an increasing dependency and forced adaptation of Palestinians in Jerusalem to Israeli rule. Based on analysis of Palestinian public transport and education systems, the article demonstrates how the “soft” power of governmentality – mediated through the control and management of urban infrastructure and services – diffuses among the Palestinian population and in space, restructuring them as objects and subjects of Israeli administration and governmental order. In this light, urban infrastructure and services appear in the course of urban conflict as an arena of governmentality and counter-governmentality. On the one hand they serve as a site where identities are practiced and defended; on the other, they may mediate and facilitate the restructuring of political subjectivities and normalization of political structures and hierarchies.

Consolidating right-wing hegemony: the Israeli election 2015

Following the premature collapse of an eclectic right-wing and centre-left government, Israelis went to the polls on the 17 March, 2015. Despite what appeared to be a clear-cut right-wing victory, the thirty-fourth government of Israel was constituted 14 May, 2015, over two months after incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s apparent electoral triumph. This profile examines the contours of Israel’s recent election campaign and formation of a new government, assessing the triumphs and pitfalls of Israel’s major political parties during the election period. Similarly, this profile delineates the major political issues and dominant personalities featuring throughout the campaign. Subsequently, this profile traces the often-frantic coalition negotiations that led to formation of the thirty-fourth Israeli administration. Finally, the domestic and foreign policy implications of an increased hegemony of right-wing parties in the current government are outlined. Conversely, the narrow majority of the new government suggests ideological homogeneity may come with a price of increased political instability for Prime Minister Netanyahu.

The birth of the core issues: the West Bank and East Jerusalem under Israeli administration, 1967–76 (Part 2)

In the last two decades, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict has been highly identified with the dispute over the core issues: Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem, the establishment of settlements in the disputed territories, the final borders between the two parties and the Palestinian refugee problem. The first three issues were a result of the 1967 war, while the refugee problem was a corollary of the 1948 war. However, it was the Israeli administration from 1967 to 1976 that exposed refugee camps to the Israeli public and made some initial efforts to resolve the problem.

The birth of the core issues: the West Bank and East Jerusalem under Israeli administration 1967–76 (part 1)

In the past two decades the Israeli–Palestinian conflict has been identified with the dispute over four core issues: the future of East Jerusalem, the Jewish settlements in the disputed territories, the final borders between the two sides, and the fate of the Palestinian refugees. The first three issues were born during the first 10 years of Israel's control of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, while the refugee problem dates back to the 1948 war. Yet it was the Israeli administration from 1967 to 1976 that exposed the refugee camps to the Israeli public and led to initial efforts to resolve this problem. This first half of the two-part article outlines the establishment of the Israeli administration in the West Bank and East Jerusalem and lays the ground for the creation of the core issues which will be described in the second part.

Overcoming the Trauma of the Holocaust

Overcoming the Trauma of the Holocaust

Le début d'une grande alyah ? Les Juifs de France « montés » en Israël depuis 2000

With the upsurge of anti-Semitic actions in France and of the murderous conflicts in the Middle East, linked with the second Intifida, the number of French migrants to Israel was definitely increased between 2000 and 2006. The reason for this increase in the number of departures may be the anxiety of the Jews of France worried by the unconcern of the French administration and Medias in front of the rise of anti-Jewish manifestations. But it cannot be overlooked that the Israeli administration and the Jewish Agency unceasingly encourage the greatest number possible of Jews to settle in Israel so as to overcome the demographic problems. Be it a chosen immigration or one due to fear, the migrants who idealized Israel feel disappointed because of the hardships of integration.

Taking (and Teaching) the Shoah Personally

rt Spiegelman's wry assessment of the business'' would have had little resonance for me had I not attempted with a colleague from our history department, Ron Weisberger, to design a course at our community college in Shoah literature and history. Since we are both Jewish and since I am a child of survivors, I knew full well that we faced a range of difficult challenges. The painful loss described in Shoah memoirs cannot help bringing to my mind the devastation experienced by my own family: the killing of both sets of grandparents, all of my uncles, aunts, and cousins. Nevertheless, I did not fully appreciate the risks (in Yiddish, we'd say tsuris) of this business (in Yiddish, read mishigas). More than once have I heard that anxious voice from my childhood: Sha, be still. Say nothing. (My parents would say this often when my siblings and I were young; there was a risk in calling attention to ourselves.) Leaving aside the challenge of reading memoirs, diaries, and fictional accounts containing horrific detail of the Holocaust, we were also teaching this course at a time when the Middle East was (and still is, as of this writing) in deep turmoil and America and Israel had never been more closely linked in Arab and non-Arab minds. Would we be perceived as Jewish propagandizers, hauling out the Holocaust as a way to justify controversial policies of the current Israeli administration?

Groundwater Resources and International Law in the Middle East Peace Process

Next to issues of land, water resources are the major bone of contention in the peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Arabs. The objective of negotiations is de facto setting the clock back to the eve of the Israel War of Independence, when the Jews accepted the 1947 UN resolution of partition, while the Arabs rejected it. The Arabs now accept the principle of territorial partition, but at the same time, they demand re-apportioning of resources, mainly of water. The Palestinians contend that the facts created on the ground unilaterally by Israel during the last 50 years, namely the agricultural development and the high water consumption by the Israeli urban sector, leave them without resources necessary for their development as a modern society. Per capita annual renewable freshwater resources in the region is among the lowest in the world. Approximately 600 million m3, or about one-third of the regional fresh groundwater consumption, is annually abstracted from aquifer systems recharged at the uplands of the Upper Cretaceous partly karstified carbonate formations of Judea and Samaria, terrenes often referred to as the West Bank. Israel and the Israeli agricultural settlements established within Judea and Samaria use 495 million m3/year (or 82.5 percent) of the abstracted water, leaving to the Palestinians the remaining 105 million m3/year. Thus, while the recharge zone to the Judean and Samarian aquifer systems are within the territories with an overwhelmingly Palestinian majority, most of the discharge occurs through water wells within the Israeli administration. The situation is reversed in the Gaza Strip, where Israel allows underflow of only 7 million m3/year of groundwater across the border, a less than 10 percent contribution to the nearly 80 million m3/year overdrawn water budget of the area. The issue of water is complicated by glaringly wide disparity in per capita water consumption between the two nations. While lines on the ground may separate two nations with conflicting territorial ambitions, apportioning of groundwater between Israel and the future Palestinian State proves to be one of the most intractable issues in the Middle East Peace Process. Moreover, neither international nor domestic law provides an adequate answer to questions of ownership or rights.

Coalitions and Conflict: the Case of the Palestinian-Israeli Negotiations Over the West Bank

This paper examines the relative influence of leaders and coalitions in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations over the West Bank. It uses an Expected Utiliiy model in conjunction with empirical analysis of the negotiations from 1993 to 2000 to consider how the leadership and coalition changes affected the potemial settlements under Rabin, Peres, Netanyahu. and Barak. It draws two important conclusions: First, negotiations are better understood as the outcome of the domestic struggles between moderates and radicals on each side than as the simple interplay between leaders and their coalitions on both sides. In the case at hand, the domestic struggle between moderate and radical Israelis over their negotiating position and the similar struggle between moderate and radical Palestinians has affected the course of negotiations more than the personal preferences and coalitions of each subsequent Israeli administration. Thus, although Barak and Rabin had very similar preferences and coalitions, the course of negotiations under these administrations differed dramatically. Second, the analysis suggests that right wing governments may make significant progress in negotiations, particularly when their negotiating partner is committed to the pracess. Ironically, had he remained in power. Netanyalru would likely have come to a settlement, gaining more Palestinian concessions than his Labor counierparts. Empirical evidence from the course of negotiations supports the model's findings.

Palestinian Migration from the West Bank and Gaza: Economic and Demographic Analyses

authors analyze aspects of Palestinian demographic change in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip during the years 1922-1982. The research is initiated in Section II with a brief historical overview of demographic change in the territories including comparison of fertility natality and mortality during periods of Jordanian and Israeli administration. Section III focuses on composition destination and local demographic impacts of Palestinian migration. In Section IV econometric evaluation of migratory determinants is undertaken. Data are from official Jordanian Kuwaiti Israeli and Palestinian sources and from other published literature. significance of migration in explaining demographic trends in the region is noted. Migratory movements in the wake of the 1948 and 1967 wars are shown to be similar in magnitude to those observed during periods of relative political stability. authors also suggest that consumption patterns housing development and indices of employment opportunity in local and foreign labor markets are highly significant in an explanation of Palestinian emigration over the post-1967 period. Population growth forecasts and policy implications are briefly considered. (EXCERPT)

The Modernization of Israeli Administration

Israeli political, economic, and social achievements have apparently made Israel a developed nation. Social scientists customarily ignore its geographic setting in the developing world and study the country as a phenomenon of political, social and economic development. One aspect, however, is still problematic and controversial. This is the administrative. Israelis doubt the extent to which their governmental administration is developed, by which they mean the extent to which their administration is staffed by trained officials appointed on grounds of merit. While the forms of a modern government service exist, Israelis are skeptical of their substance, because of what they suspect to be widespread instances of inattention to the rules for appointment and promotion to civil service positions. Social scientists seem to have accepted the conventional wisdom of Israeli public opinion and they, too, have judged the Israeli civil service to be embryonic or stunted in development, largely because of political interference in appointments and advancement to senior positions. It is true that in every country the issue of which governmental offices should be political and which administrative is a problem. But this problem is exacerbated in Israel where, because of party politics, it is, ostensibly, one resolution which exists in law and another in fact.

The Bedouin of Southern Sinai under Israeli Administration

The Bedouin of Southern Sinai under Israeli Administration