Abstract This research examined whether state‐level collective narcissism, a belief that one's state is exceptional and entitled to special treatment, predicts support for policies that prioritize state independence even if they harm fellow residents. Three pre‐registered studies focused on controversies around the independent power grid in Texas, which has been linked to major power shortages in the state. In Study 1 ( N = 223), Texan collective narcissism was strongly linked to support for energy isolationism. Study 2 ( N = 217) replicated this finding, even when costs were emphasized, but the effect was weaker for those who supported the state Governor. In Study 3 ( N = 543), emphasizing personal costs of energy isolationism reduced support for grid independence among those high in collective narcissism. This finding suggests that self‐related motives might be behind the appeal of isolationist policies for those high in collective narcissism. The effects we observed were similar even when adjusting for political beliefs and regional identification (Studies 1–3), national narcissism and identification (Study 2), as well as individual narcissism and self‐esteem (Study 3). These studies highlight the role of narcissistic regional identity in policy preferences.

This article analyzes the importance of the setting in David Mitchell’s historical novel "The Thousand Autumns of Jacob de Zoet" (2010). For over two centuries Dejima - an artificial island constructed in Nagasaki Bay and the site of a Dutch trading post - functioned as the sole point of contact between the Western world and Japan, which at that time pursued an isolationist policy. The novel explores the island’s double function: that of connecting the two cultures and yet keeping them apart. Due to its peculiar location - within and outside Japan - the island was not only a trading factory, but also acquired symbolic meanings. The article examines Dejima’s role in the novel as a site of (limited) cultural exchange by focusing on its dual orientation towards both Japan and the outside world, its protean status in the story, and the crucial role of translation and translators. It is also highlighted that the intercultural encounters depicted in "The Thousand Autumns" foreground the role of the island in the modernization of Japan.

The development of modern mathematics has been largely shaped by Western traditions, while distinct mathematical systems emerged in the East. During Japans Edo period, the isolationist policy Sakoku restricted external influences, fostering the unique traditional mathematics Wasan. This study explores how Wasan diverged from other global mathematical traditions in cultural dimensions, focusing on differences in conceptualizations, research agendas, and problem-solving methodologies. The analysis contrasts Wasan with traditions like Ancient Greek mathematics, drawing on historical texts (e.g., Funki Jinko-Ki), scholarly works, and examples of mathematical practices (e.g., pi calculation, algebraic methods). Wasan prioritized elegant, practical solutions over logical proofs, influenced by Edos artistic culture. Its focus on real-world applications and unique algebraic systems (e.g., Seki Takakazus methods) distinguished it from theory-centric traditions. With the end of Sakoku, Wasan declined, but it remains a notable example of mathematics evolving in isolation.

Portuguese independent theatre emerged in the late 1960s, gaining significant creative momentum and active engagement in social and political struggles following the Portuguese Revolution of April 1974. This article examines how the emergence of this theatre was profoundly shaped by international experiences. These transnational connections, which began to take shape in the later years of the Estado Novo regime through exiles, the influence of Latin American directors, ties with former colonies, and the cautious openings allowed by institutions such as the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the Goethe-Institut, disrupted the regime’s isolationist policies. Revisiting this history offers valuable insights in the contemporary era, marked by the resurgence of neo-nationalisms, underscoring the enduring importance of cross-border exchanges and collective cultural resistance.

Tripling renewable energy capacity by 2030 requires increasing technology production capacity, including solar photovoltaics (PV). Current supply chains rely heavily on Chinese production; however, this situation is not aligned with regions aiming to increase self-sufficiency, decrease supply chain emissions, and increase local job opportunities. Here, we apply a supply chain optimization model to perform scenario analysis of the PV supply chain development through 2021-2030 considering various European economic and job creation goals. Irrespective of regional goals, we find that China is poised to remain a globally dominant supplier through 2030, especially in terms of lower-value PV components, given that future demand requires increasing global production capacity by a factor of at least 1.5. We find that some regional supply chain goals can be co-beneficial, for example in terms of joint job gains and increased regional self-sufficiency. However, pursuing highly isolationist policies can introduce cost-significant inefficiencies. Our results highlight that an open trade policy is key to minimizing costs, even when considering security and environmental supply chain objectives.

North Korea's extreme financial exclusion severely hinders economic growth, perpetuating poverty and inequality. This study examines financial exclusion in the country, shaped by its isolationist policies, international sanctions, and a rudimentary financial system. Through a literature review and mixed-method analysis, incorporating data from the World Bank, IMF, academic sources, and NGOs, the research highlights how financial exclusion limits economic development. North Korea's self-reliance ideology, strict internal policies, and global sanctions exacerbate its financial isolation, restricting access to formal banking and financial services. As a result, North Koreans rely on informal financial networks, cross-border trade, remittances, and even cryptocurrencies to navigate these constraints. Additionally, the regime employs sophisticated money-laundering techniques to evade sanctions and integrate illicit funds into the formal economy, funding its nuclear ambitions. The study recommends humanitarian pathways to alleviate financial exclusion, advocating for a conditional easing of sanctions in exchange for compliance with international demands. Strengthening anti-money laundering frameworks is also crucial to curb illicit financial activities. Addressing financial exclusion in North Korea requires a balanced approach that supports the population while enforcing measures against regime-led financial crimes.

The main objective of this paper is to examine Trump’s foreign policy in the context of economic globalization from the perspective of international economics, which is carried out through documentary analysis. The main research question is: What is Trump’s foreign policy in the context of economic globalization from the perspective of international economics? The results show that the American political space has become extremely polarized and partisan after Trump came to power. Democrats and Republicans have become increasingly inflexible on many issues. As a populist president, Trump faces increasing demands from the public, mainly Republican voters, on the economy, and this has made the domestic environment of America increasingly important to Trump, to the point where some have called it a new isolationist policy in America. Trump's foreign policy is based on self-interest. He prefers self-interest and economic nationalism to the globalization of the international economy, and views economic globalization with skepticism. Trump does not pay attention to economic globalization, and under the pretext of nationalism, he is canceling or reforming some trade agreements. Trump is opposed to the establishment of a liberal order in America and seeks to end it, believing that the global economy is not beneficial to America, and he seeks to fundamentally redefine America's national interests. Trump's protectionist policies will worsen the situation in the world economy. This policy will affect the international monetary and financial system.

This study analyzed cases of international support for North Korea’s agricultural and forestry infrastructure and explores directions for resuming sustainable inter-Korean cooperation in this sector. Major international and non-governmental organisations, including the WFP, UNDP, FAO, and SDC, have carried out various projects aimed at ensuring food security, restoring forests, and building agricultural foundations in North Korea. Some of these efforts have also contributed to local employment and the improvement of regional infrastructure. However, most of these cooperative projects took place prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the onset of the pandemic and North Korea’s border closures, there has been a halt in external collaboration, resulting in a lack of recent examples. Nevertheless, a systematic review of past initiatives underscores the need to redefine future cooperation strategies between South and North Korea. A critical challenge persists: international sanctions and North Korea’s isolationist policies have restricted support efforts to short-term, limited-scope projects, falling short of fostering sustainable, self-reliant development. Therefore, when inter-Korean cooperation resumes, it is imperative to shift beyond basic food aid and adopt a mid-to-long term framework focused on strengthening agricultural and forestry infrastructure and enhancing North Korea’s capacity for self-sufficiency.

This paper attempts to show the deliberate and systematic actions of the world superpower (USA) in creating a state of controlled chaos. The reason for such an approach lies in the inevitable change in global relations in which the superpower must define its new position and prepare for the near future in which it no longer has a dominant role. This discourse can be used to analyze the reasons for the war in Ukraine, as well as the reasons for the rise in tensions on the great dividing line between East and West. Considering that the established global order is slowly disappearing, and the emerging new multipolar world is increasingly showing signs of strength and vitality, all this opens the door to a general rethinking of future relations. The already disavowed international law and unclear international order are a factor in increasing insecurity throughout the world, while the double standards that have become a basic feature of the Western democracies speak of the serious problems that global politics has fallen into. Additionally, American militarism intertwined with concept of inalienable rights hardly works as universal value anymore. “America first”, Trump’s slogan, can and should be understood in this sense as a return to the isolationist policy, but also to exploit all the opportunities that brings the benefits to US, and not as a necessary call for remaining in the position of a superpower.

The European Union is a leader in issues related to the protection of human rights, environmental protection, and humanitarian aid. Since its foundation, the European Community has been increasing its actorship in the international sys- tem, although the political and security component of the Union’s external ac- tion remains problematic. However, the challenges of the 21st century, on the one hand, pose obstacles to the EU’s path to becoming a global actor. On the other, they provide an opportunity to develop the potential to strengthen the EU’s position in the international arena. The Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine and the new policy of US President D. Trump are prompting the EU to rethink the security component of its foreign and domestic policy. The article focuses on examining the question of how/whether the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine has activated the EU to strengthen its role not only as a regional but also as a global actor. Statements by top EU leaders demonstrate the Community’s desire to play a more active role in addressing global challenges and strengthening the rulesbased international order. Politicians at both the EU and Member States levels show a growing awareness of the need to reinforce the EU’s global role. One of the possible directions to strengthen the EU’s role in the world is the development of the Union’s defense policy and its military potential. The ag- gressive policy of Russian President V. Putin against Ukraine and the isolationist policy of US President D. Trump turn out to be the catalyst. The White Paper on European Defense 2025 indicates possible ways to strengthen the EU’s common security and defense. The EU’s response to the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine, for instance, sanctions against Russia, reducing energy depen- dence on the aggressor country, military and financial assistance to Ukraine, pro- tection of Ukrainian refugees, etc., shows the EU’s potential as a united actor and its gradual transformation into a global player.

Abstract During the 1980s, Albania was one of the most isolated countries in the world, with strictly guarded borders and an authoritarian leadership that barred interaction with the West. Italy, being a nearby country with major cultural influence, became a primary destination for Albanians trying to exit the communist state. This study investigates the dynamics of Albanian escapes to Italy, Italy’s role in absorbing and integrating Albanian refugees, and the long-term impacts of this phenomena on Albanian culture and media. Using historical sources, archival documents, and sociological analyses the paper provides a comprehensive overview of Albania’s political climate during the 1980s, detailing the authoritarian regime, the isolationist policies, and the societal pressures that drove many Albanians to seek refuge in Italy. Moreover, the study explores the political ramifications of this movement and the Italian public’s response to the flood of Albanian migrants. It also assesses how these events shaped the perspective of the West among Albanians and how media played a transforming role in shaping post-communist identities and aspirations.

This article considers how American scholars and articles published in English viewed the Italian reforms of Criminal Justice implemented between the “Ferri project” (1919) and the Fascist regime. It analyzes in particular how Fascist criminal reforms have been received, interpreted and assessed from that perspective. To summarize the views of American legal thinkers on Fascist criminal reforms we can say that, despite the popularity of positivism in the U.S. at the turn of the century, the radical Ferri Code was criticized in several respects. By the mid-1930s American responses were still focused on questions of criminal science, rather than the nature of the regime itself. The isolationist policy of the U.S. did not prevent a number of scholars from assessing certain aspects of Fascist codes and criminal reforms, pointing out problems and contradictions. The transnational viewpoint is therefore important to understand better the real nature of the Fascist regime and the formal maintenance of the principle of legality.

The article presents an analysis of the views of the canadian delegation on security and defense issues within the framework of the British Commonwealth of Nations at the 1937 imperial conference. The contradictions between canada's position and Britain's attempts to establish closer cooperation within the Commonwealth to ensure imperial defense in the event of war are revealed. The approaches of other "white" dominions, Australia, New Zealand and the Union of South Africa, to current international political and military-strategic issues are considered, which allows them to be compared with the canadian point of view. Special attention is paid to the factor of public opinion in Canada, since a significant part of canadian society, especially the french canadian minority, was opposed to the involvement of the dominion in military conflicts abroad, which was taken into account by the canadian establishment when developing a foreign policy line. It is also shown that one of the factors influencing Canada's position was the isolationist policy of the United States, with which the dominion actively developed extensive economic and political ties. During the writing of the article, the author turned to both special historical methods and used the tools of the theory of international relations. The problem of Canada's position at the 1937 imperial conference on the security and defense of the British Commonwealth was practically ignored in Russian historiography, which prompted the author to fill in this gap in the history of, on the one hand, the transformation of the British Empire, on the other – in the prehistory of the Second World War. In this study, we rely on a wide range of diverse sources, represented by canadian, english and american documents of an official and personal nature. We conclude that the evasive position of the canadian establishment was the result of a breakdown in the coordination of the Commonwealth's defense policy and one of the factors contributing to Britain's policy of appeasing aggressors during the crisis of the Versailles-Washington system of international relations during the interwar period.

The article deals with the concept of «splendid isolation», traditionally associated with British foreign policy in the late 19th century, refers to the period when Britain distanced itself from European alliances. This article examines the rationale and consequences of this policy through a contemporary lens, drawing on contemporary scholarship to reassess the motivations and outcomes of Britain's diplomatic posture in that era. Analyzing the concept of «splendid isolation», the study focuses on the political, economic and military factors that determined British strategy. The focus of the study is also the analysis of criticism of this strategy and its consequences for Great Britain in the context of changes in the international balance of power at the beginning of the 20th century. The question arises as to whether «splendid isolation» was really an effective strategy for protecting national interests and maintaining the status of a world power. The traditional view of British foreign policy in the late Victorian era emphasizes independence and avoidance of binding alliances. The article examines the changes in the international environment, especially the growing competition from France, Russia, Germany and the United States, and how they influenced the decisions of British politicians. The article also examines the transition from isolationist policies to strategic alliances at the beginning of the 20th century.

The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the UK's foreign policy in the period after its withdrawal from the European Union (post-Brexit period) in the context of the country's participation in the formation of the AUKUS (an abbreviation of the English names of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States). The research methodology was formed by the principles of historicism, systematicity, and objectivity, general scientific methods of logic, comparative analysis, special historical methods of historiographic analysis, historical-systemic, chronological, historical-genetic, retrospective analysis, and comparative-historical methods of scientific knowledge. It is noted that the creation of the interstate association AUKUS in 2021 was a resonant event in the world of international politics. The agreements provide for the development of systemic military-political cooperation between the three states at the strategic level in the long term with the primacy of the US-British alliance, which will potentially have a significant impact on the configuration of the international security system, especially in the context of current attempts to revise it It is stated that the relatively recently launched international security project AUKUS has already become one of the examples of active foreign policy activities of the British governments in the post-Brexit period, which is fully consistent with the Global Britain strategy. By participating in AUKUS, the British side not only contributes to global security and strengthens its military presence in one of the key regions of world politics, protects its own geopolitical and economic interests, but also guarantees the development of high-tech knowledge-intensive industries for the long term. The project of comprehensive sectoral military and defence cooperation proposed by the United States (with the support of two allied states) reflects an attempt to maintain American and British influence in the Indo-Pacific region and globally in the face of the growing conflict with China. With the resumption of the US policy of isolationism and protectionism, and possible financial problems of the UK as the second most important partner, the AUKUS project faces uncertain prospects. Ukraine's international prospects also depend on the success or failure of the AUKUS project.

This study examines Joe Biden's leadership style in implementing U.S. political policies, focusing on domestic and international challenges during his presidency from 2021 to 2024. Utilizing a historical and qualitative approach, the research highlights Biden's democratic, consensus-building leadership traits, which prioritize collaboration, inclusivity, and pragmatism. The findings underline Biden's key policies in economic recovery, climate change, and restoring international diplomacy. Domestically, he addressed issues like racial justice, social equity, and pandemic recovery through initiatives like the American Rescue Plan. Internationally, Biden's administration reestablished alliances, recommitted to the Paris Agreement, and pursued diplomatic solutions to global challenges, countering the isolationist policies of his predecessor. However, critiques emerge regarding unmet promises, economic pressures, and communication gaps. Despite challenges, Biden's leadership reflects a balanced approach to progressive change and political stability, offering insights into modern democratic governance and policy-making

In this text I present the arguments of my PhD thesis on the globalization of the Romanian chemical industry. The empirical approach resulted in an ethnographic description of the micro-foundations of local deindustrialization in Săvinești, Neamț County. The imaginary of decline, as it emerges from the accounts of former employees of the enterprises, is attributed to predominantly internal factors. The decline of the industry is the result of inadequate management of industrial resources during the socialist period. But the decline was determined by both internal and external factors. Beyond the various declinist hypotheses, the isolationist policies of the Romanian Communist Party in the 1980s, in tandem with the re-entry into the global market after the socialist period, influenced the events of the decline as significantly as the inadequate privatization plan. Throughout the text, I trace the narrative of decline foreshadowed by these structural factors and describe the process of deindustrialization in two enterprises from Săvinești: Melana and Fibrex. At Melana, the decline arose from internal factors: mismanagement of financial and production needs. At Fibrex, the decline was caused by the privatization of the enterprise itself: the delegated foreign managers eroded production capacities for their own purposes.

The decades that followed Irish independence witnessed a doubling down of efforts to reinforce established gender roles and conservative systems of power in the fledgling state. The tensions that emerged between the cosmopolitanism outside of Ireland and the increasingly isolationist policies within found suitable expression in the contradictory treatment of Kate O’Brien’s work, lauded outside of Ireland, yet subjected at home to the stringent censorship laws that saw both Mary Lavelle (1936) and The Land of Spices (1941) banned upon publication. While, across the Atlantic, Maeve Brennan, then at the very outset of her career, was undergoing a form of self–censorship writing her first extended work, later to be published as The Visitor (2000). In the mid-twentieth century, Brennan and O’Brien explored depictions of women living on the margins of normative domestic life, beyond the institutions of marriage and motherhood. And in this, they paved the way for the radical cultural and spatial re-formations that would signal a new Ireland at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In this essay, I consider Kate O’Brien’s novel Mary Lavelle (1936), alongside recently uncovered drafts of Brennan’s roughly contemporaneous novella, as a challenge to the patriarchal hegemony that emerged in the newly conceived Free State. And I suggest that in drafting her first extended work of fiction, Brennan was conscious of the proscriptions that O’Brien had fallen foul of in Ireland.

The world is facing its biggest crisis since World War II. The COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine have had a devastating impact on the global economy, especially on developing countries. In this context, Indonesia has played a leading role in promoting solidarity and cooperation among developing countries. The objective of this article is to explore Indonesia's role as a representative of the Global South, achieved through South-South Cooperation and its involvement in the G20, aiming to establish solidarity as a basis for post-pandemic international cooperation. The qualitative approach is utilized for this analysis. The Covid-19 pandemic has led to a rise in isolationist policies among countries in their international dealings. The Russian invasion of Ukraine further deepened divisions in global cooperation, with countries aligning either with the Western side or the Russian side, causing significant damage to trust in international cooperation. This situation is likely to disproportionately affect the Global South. Nevertheless, the article reveals that Indonesia has made efforts to promote solidarity-based international cooperation, expanding its approach from South-South Cooperation to a larger stage, the G20. Indonesia's successful 2022 G20Presidency is seen as an achievement in reinstating a degree of solidarity in international cooperation, particularly through the Bali Declaration.

ABSTRACT After the expulsion of the Portuguese from Japan in 1639, European trade with Japan was restricted to the Dutch. Doors were closed to other Western nations for the next 215 years. This isolationist policy of Japan’s is commonly known as ‘Sakoku’. This article considers how Sakoku was viewed and judged in the eyes of English thinkers in the seventeenth century working in the natural law tradition. However, such normative philosophical reflections and accounts are virtually unknown in this period. This article takes up Charles II’s letter written to the Japanese ruler in an effort to reopen trade with the Japanese in the 1670s, and draws attention and analyzes its appeal to natural law. While the natural law argument in Charles’s letter was commonplace and typically adduced in the context of criticizing trade-limiting policies, the article shows that it can also be seen as an acceptance of Japan’s Sakoku policy.