The rapid development of the global Digital Economy (DE) is profoundly affecting international trade and has emerged as a crucial engine sustaining the steady expansion of China’s export trade (CE). Drawing on panel data covering 146 countries from 2003 to 2023, this study investigates in depth how the development of the global DE influences CE by integrating the level of DE development into an extended gravity model framework, and further examines the threshold effect arising from the DE gap between importing countries and China in this process. The study finds that the development of the global DE has significantly increased CE. The results of heterogeneity analysis indicate that this promoting effect is heterogeneous across countries with different levels of economic development and internet regulation, as well as across different industries. Mechanism analysis shows that this impact is mainly achieved through two channels: reducing trade costs and increasing production capacity. Finally, the empirical results reveal that when the DE gap between China and importing countries is introduced as a threshold variable, the influence of DE development in the importing country on China’s exports exhibits a single-threshold effect. Once the DE gap surpasses this critical point, the positive effect diminishes.

Research on technology-facilitated child sex offenders outside of forensic and clinical samples is scarce but necessary to inform prevention, early intervention, and investigation. This article describes and compares the demographic characteristics and internet use habits of technology-facilitated child sex offenders sourced from three quota-based samples comparable to the Australian (n = 1,945), U.S. (n = 1,473), and U.K. (n = 1,506) adult male population. The odds (99% CI) of technology-facilitated child sex offending, relative to non-offenders, were calculated for demographic factors (e.g. age, sexual orientation, and number of children in household), hours per day spent online, frequency of engagement in common online behaviours (e.g. sending emails, online messaging, and private video chatting), use of social media platforms (e.g. Facebook, Twitter, and Snapchat), online pornography viewership, and use of privacy software (e.g. The Onion Router [TOR], Telegram, and Element). Logistic regression analysis adjusted for age, educational attainment, household income, and residential location were conducted separately for each sample, with effect sizes formally compared between countries. The study identified significantly higher rates of technology-facilitated offending against children in the United States (10.9%) compared to Australia (7.5%) and United Kingdom (7.0%). Online offenders were between 2 and 3.7 times more likely to work with children and, depending on the jurisdiction, were significantly more likely to be employed, married/living with a partner, have a bachelor's degree or higher, and live with a child. Across all jurisdictions, technology-facilitated offenders were significantly more sexually active online, including paying for sexual services and content, visiting romance and dating websites, and viewing violent or animal pornography. The article considers the implications of these findings for prevention, early intervention, and more effective detection of technology-facilitated offending, including the role of internet regulation and the financial sector in online child protection.

ABSTRACT This paper provides a case study of Brazilian electoral disinformation and examines the complexities of the court-led response. Through qualitative analysis of empirical research and news coverage, it explores technological, social and political factors of legal relevance that help illuminate the broader context of electoral disinformation and the measures implemented to counter it during Brazil’s 2022 election. The main findings suggest that evolving patterns in information dissemination over the past decade have facilitated the spread of disinformation, while missed opportunities in internet regulation have further fueled its proliferation. Both the Brazilian Supreme Court and the Superior Electoral Court assumed active roles in curb extreme right-wing disinformation; however, their efforts to protect Brazilian democracy were hampered by excessive reliance on rulemaking authority, erosion of procedural norms and the abuse of individual powers.

The article examines the administrative and legal mechanism as a key instrument of state regulation ofinternet entrepreneurship in the context of digital economic transformation. Its structure is revealed throughthe interaction of normative, institutional, and procedural-functional components that ensure the stabilityof the digital business environment. The law enforcement practice in the Republic of Belarus is analyzed,highlighting issues such as fragmented legislation, excessive regulatory requirements, and insufficientadaptability to emerging forms of digital activity. The core functions of the mechanism are described, andforeign approaches to legal regulation are reviewed. Proposals are formulated for modernizing the mechanism,including the digitalization of procedures, codification of legislation, development of self-regulation, andimplementation of risk-based oversight. The study concludes that a balanced and flexible legal framework isessential to support digital entrepreneurship as a driver of innovative growth.

The essay analyzes the relationships between Marxism, art, and education in digital capitalism, highlighting how Big Techs control access to culture and restrict the democratization of knowledge. It also discusses the impact of artificial intelligence (AI), addressing risks such as the replacement of human authorship and algorithmic biases, which reinforce gender inequalities and political exclusion. Furthermore, the study emphasizes the need for internet regulation, citing legislative proposals under discussion in Brazil, such as Bill 2630/2020 (platform transparency) and Bill 2338/2023 (AI regulation). The essay concludes that digital governance must ensure transparency, equity, and rights protection, preventing technology from being used as a tool for exploitation and social control.

This work analyzes the legal challenges related to limiting freedom of expression on social media in the face of the dissemination of fake news in Brazil, a relevant and current topic in the context of digital expansion and the debate on internet regulation. The study aims to understand how it is possible to reconcile the protection of the essential core of freedom of expression with the need to combat disinformation in the digital environment, in light of the jurisprudence of the Supreme Federal Court and Bill No. 2,630/2020. To this end, a qualitative, deductive approach was adopted, based on bibliographic and documentary research, drawing on doctrine, scientific articles, the 1988 Federal Constitution, Bill No. 2,630/2020, and the jurisprudence of the Supreme Federal Court, with the purpose of constructing a critical and well-founded reflection on the legal challenges involved. It was found that freedom of expression, although broadly guaranteed by the Constitution, is not absolute, allowing restrictions when necessary to protect other fundamental rights and democratic values. These restrictions are fundamental to reducing the danger to social stability. It is concluded that the fight against fake news must occur through mechanisms of subsequent accountability, capable of ensuring the free debate of ideas, avoiding prior censorship, and strengthening democracy.

The Republic of Turkey has demonstrated a significant increase in influence on the world stage over the past decade, and the rise of information security ambitions has not been lost on the Republic of Turkey either. Turkey is currently at the forefront of digital and information initiatives in the Middle East. Not the least place in the country’s news reports is occupied by news of blocking and acts of active regulation of Internet and traditional media, which are of growing concern to Turkish society. The research paper discusses in detail the historical background, legal basis, current state and trends in approaches to ensuring digital and information security in Turkey, as well as the regulatory function of the state in relation to the Internet and media. As a methodological basis for the study, a case study of specific examples was used, setting up the Turkish leadership to be directly involved in the processes of regulating the information space and media. In addition, a content analysis was conducted, supported by a study of the statutes of the main regulatory structures in Turkey. Key articles and monographs by leading Turkish scholars in the fields of jurisprudence, information security and its history were also studied. It was revealed that one of the main reasons for the strengthening of control over the information space was the targeting of a number of cyber attacks on the entourage of President R.T. Erdogan. At the same time, it is emphasized that the unrest of recent years has become an additional trigger for changing approaches to digital security and media regulation.

One of the meaningful discourses in Russia's current information agenda is information security, which has become increasingly important amid geopolitical and domestic political changes. This paper analyzes the evolution of the concept of information security in the speeches of key political actors in from 2022 to 2024, highlighting major trends and shifts in state policy. The aim of the paper is to identify the main components of the information security discourse and examine how they have transformed in public statements made by the President of the Russian Federation, as well as representatives from the legislative and executive branches. The authors use discourse analysis to study public speeches by government officials, including the President, the Government, and the Federation Council. The study focuses on aspects such as digital sovereignty, cyber threats, internet regulation, and data protection. The authors underline that the information security discourse acts as a tool for political mobilization, shaping public awareness and justifying strict regulatory measures. The results show how technological, legal, and ideological elements combine into a cohesive strategy for national security. This paper will be beneficial for experts in political science, sociology, and information technology, as well as anyone interested in digital sovereignty and state policy.

How do state internet regulations impact innovation? A cross-country configural narrative

ABSTRACT In an increasingly digital world, online platforms play an important role in setting laborers' working conditions. Yet, as new internet regulation is proposed, the interplay between policy, platforms, and working conditions remains unclear. An example of this is FOSTA‐SESTA—a 2018 federal law aimed at ending sex trafficking—that disrupted the sex worker industry by altering regulation on platforms. I perform a qualitative analysis of interviews from a recent sex‐worker‐led podcast ( N = 23) to investigate how they describe the impact of FOSTA‐SESTA on their working conditions. I support the primary investigation with an archival analysis of public documents from platforms showing their responsiveness to the legislative change. The findings from this study reveal workers are exposed to greater financial precarity after FOSTA‐SESTA stemming from increased policing by platforms and payment processors, ultimately threatening workers' safety. Using a theoretical framework on sex work laws in norm setting which has been applied in geographically bounded contexts, I also consider how FOSTA‐SESTA shapes cultural norms that conflate all sex work as trafficking. Specifically, I show the breadth of the internet has allowed the sex‐abolitionist criminal positioning of the US to permeate broadly, affecting banks that work with online platforms and shaping platforms attitudes and punitive responses to sex workers globally. Finally, I provide methodological contributions for future research utilizing podcasts as data in balancing the ethical tradeoffs and benefits for studying hard‐to reach populations.

The proliferation of fake news, hate speech, as well as information manipulation in the digital era demands a constant reevaluation of the legal framework that regulates the functioning of the internet. In this context, the present article aims to analyze the civil liability of internet providers in light of the Marco Civil da Internet (MCI). It also seeks to identify challenges and propose solutions for a more ethical and transparent digital environment. The research demonstrates that, although the MCI has been an important milestone for internet regulation in Brazil, its provisions need to be revised to allow keeping up with the rapid technological evolution and new practices of information manipulation. Given this scenario, the study proposes a revision of the civil liability regime for providers, with the goal of strengthening the protection of users’ rights, ensuring network neutrality, and promoting a digital environment that favors freedom of expression, access to information, and plurality of voices. The research concludes that adapting the MCI to contemporary challenges is fundamental to preserving democracy and ensuring a more just and equitable digital future. This is a dogmatic legal research that utilizes documents, legislation, and literature review to produce the result.

Unpacking the digital divide: Heterogeneous effects of open sky agreements on air transport network centrality amid internet regulation constraints

This study explains how Maqashid Sharia is applied in regulatory and Islamic economic policies in Indonesia through the implementation of five fundamental principles: protection of religion (hifz al-din), life (hifz al-nafs), intellect (hifz al-‘aql), lineage (hifz al-nasl), and wealth (hifz al-mal). This concept is proposed as a normative foundation for formulating and implementing public policies that are just, sustainable, and focused on welfare. The article discusses the application of Maqashid in Islamic finance, banking, internet regulation, consumer protection, and the role of ZISWAF institutions. The author also identifies challenges in implementation, such as limited human capacity in understanding Maqashid, regulatory conflicts, and fragmented policy interventions. The recommendations highlight the importance of promoting Maqashid literacy, regulatory reform, and institutional synergy as strategies to build an Islamic economy rooted in spiritual ethics and social justice.

This study is a theoretical exploration of the limitations of legal theory when addressing informational phenomena. It begins by observing that sociology and communication sciences already offer frameworks for understanding the intersection between social and digital life. However, this intersection has become increasingly problematic with the radical intensification of connectivity. The research employs an abstract analysis of ideal models of Internet regulation and their interplay with user behavior. It presents a detailed framework, outlining classical types of regulation and evaluating the extent to which these normative orders are adhered to on a continuum ranging from minimal to maximal compliance. The latter section critically assesses various legal theories. A key finding is that all these theories rely on the nation-state as a central element in defining the essence of Law. Further, the study examines theoretical approaches to overcoming this limitation. These include proposals to open national legal systems to external and reciprocal influences, promote legal harmonisation, and develop a concept of transnational legal pluralism. The work introduces the idea of legal norms and rules as cultural and legal hybrids, borrowing from anthropology to address the complex interplay between social and digital life. It concludes that while opening national legal systems to external influences offers significant potential, this approach also risks undermining fundamental principles of the rule of law.

Bill 2630/2020, popularly known as the “Fake News Bill,” has become one of the main points of controversy surrounding the regulation of digital platforms in Brazil. Although the term “fake news” does not appear in the bill’s original text, it has been widely labeled and debated as such, revealing a significant gap between its normative content and the way it has been framed by the media and amplified by digital platforms. This article analyzes how distorted narratives about the bill were produced, disseminated, and absorbed by the public, contributing to the polarization of the debate and the weakening of its technical and legal foundations. The study adopts a qualitative, critical-descriptive approach based on a literature review on media framing and the algorithmic logic of platforms, as well as the analysis of news reports and public campaigns promoted by major media outlets and platforms such as Google. The selection of empirical material is non-systematic and focuses on emblematic cases that illustrate the intersection between media, platforms, and disinformation. By examining how these dynamics affected the bill’s legislative process, the study seeks to contribute to the understanding of the barriers faced by democratic internet regulation in Brazil.

ABSTRACT Today, internet freedom is increasingly contingent upon government discretion. Previous research has uncovered how governments use digital strategies to establish control over online communication. However, beyond digital strategies for internet control, conventional tactics also expand the digital repressive toolkit. Governments are gradually creating legal capacities, often under the guise of preventing cybercrime or protecting user privacy, which enable them to punish online expressions of anti-government sentiments or to legalize state surveillance. But when do governments enshrine infringements of digital political and civil rights into law? Using original data on internet legislation across sub-Saharan African countries, I test whether governments’ reactive or preemptive decision-making, influenced by domestic and regional factors, drives restrictive internet regulation. The results indicate that governments restrict digital rights through national laws as a preventive measure, outside the spotlight of political events. Specifically, illiberal governments in regional environments where legal internet controls are widespread are more likely to enact restrictive internet regulation. Anecdotal evidence from cybersecurity laws enacted in Eastern Africa further highlights that governments learn from each other about acceptable levels of rights restrictions and the legal provisions needed to implement these restrictions.

ABSTRACT The internet has had an enormous impact on the social, political and economic lives of many people in Africa. One notable impact has been its ability to open up space for democratic participation. The internet has demonstrated its potential to enable the enjoyment of freedom of association, expression and opinion, which is essential for democratic participation. Yet access to these benefits is under threat, as many governments have responded by adopting draconian legislation, policies and practices aimed at suppressing democratic participation. The purpose of this paper is to examine the legality of various legislations, policies and practices that have been adopted by African states to regulate cyberspace, and to what extent they are consistent with the African Union's legal instruments. It proposes measures that the African continent can adopt to advance democracy through enabling access to cyberspace.

In this modern digital era, e-participation plays a vital role in fostering democratic governance and citizen engagement. However, internet regulatory frameworks can greatly influence the extent and type of e-participation initiatives. Internet regulations can be considered as two sides of the same coin. While increased government authority and control may deter people from taking part in e-participation initiatives, laws are necessary to promote a safe online environment. Drawing on complexity theory and the insights provided by fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), this study investigates the multifaceted relationship between internet regulations and e-participation outcomes. The study used publicly available cross-sectional data from 134 countries for 2021 and 2022. Through an examination of diverse regulatory frameworks, including those on online content regulations, defamation, privacy and the availability of resources for internet regulations, it becomes evident that while regulations on privacy are effective for high e-participation, the government’s inability to regulate the internet leads to low e-participation. While strong internet laws and privacy laws are the core conditions for high e-participation, the absence of privacy laws is a core condition for low e-participation. Moreover, the government’s approach to regulation yields varying outcomes. The findings of this study would be useful to policymakers, stakeholders and researchers in understanding the configurations leading to high and low e-participation.

In this article, we explore the possibilities for the self-regulation of online platforms, here by using Facebook’s Oversight Board (OB) as an example. First, we analyse and systematize how the OB fits in the mosaic of internet regulation. Our analysis shows that the OB has tried to lay the foundation for global self-regulation, but because of its limited jurisdiction and indicative nature, it falls short of becoming a real ‘supreme court’ of Facebook. In addition, although the OB is a positive attempt to deal with many problems, it does not seem to be able to process enough cases, relies on idiosyncratic standards instead of general rules and principles and has problems deciding which human rights principles it should follow. Additionally, the OB is not compatible with the Digital Services Act (DSA) of the European Union or with the recent initiatives for social media councils.

The purpose of the article is to determine whether the geopolitical positioning of the European Union (EU) and the discourse of "digital sovereignty" is a rejection of the EU normative project. The object of the study is the regulatory force of the EU. The subject of the study is the digital policy of the EU. The author examines the provisions of Jan Manners' theory of normative force and cites criticism of the theory by other researchers. Special attention is paid to the principles of the EU's regulatory force in digital policy. The legitimacy of the EU's regulatory power through role theory, the geopoliticization of the EU's digital policy and the impact of the geopolitical turn on the EU's regulatory power are also considered. The author studied the concept of "digital sovereignty" in the context of the normative power and compatibility of the geopolitical EU with the previous image. The discourse of the EU's "digital sovereignty" is analyzed as an attempt to activate a new international norm in contrast to the models of Internet regulation in China and the United States. Arguments are given in favor of the view that "digital sovereignty" is a new manifestation of the EU's regulatory power. The paper uses methods of theoretical research, namely: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, generalization, induction, deduction and classification. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the regulatory power of the European Union in the context of regulating digital policy and creating new standards for managing the digital sphere. The author's contribution to the research of the topic is to consider the normative power of the EU through the prism of role theory and the manifestation of adaptability to external challenges. The novelty of the study is the analysis of "digital sovereignty" as a manifestation of the EU's regulatory power. The main conclusions of this study are: 1) The new geopolitical course of the EU in digital policy does not mean abandoning the EU regulatory project and changing the paradigm. The principles can take different forms to match the global situation, but the core in the form of European values remains unchanged and is used as a basis for creating regulatory legislation. 2) The use of the discourse of "digital sovereignty" and tougher rhetoric allow the EU to fit into the new geostrategic world and get the opportunity to continue exporting European values and standards. 3) "Digital sovereignty" is a discursive expression of the EU's unwillingness to take one of the extreme positions embodied in the approaches of the United States and China.