This paper argues that disability studies provides the tools for International Relations (IR) to better understand power in relation to global health. The paper offers two main theoretical claims to demonstrate this. First, the paper shows that disability studies makes visible the disableist and colonial power relations that underlie dominant conceptualisations of health. Second, the paper demonstrates that disability studies helps us to understand health not as a product of social relationships, but as a mode of governance. The paper argues that health is used to structure hierarchical relationships between bodies, revealing that health interventions are tied up in biopolitical racialised and (dis)ableist expressions of state power. To illustrate these arguments, the paper conducts an analysis of UK government policy in response to COVID-19. Applying insights from disability studies to the case study of COVID policy reveals the ways in which the debilitation of minority ethnic and disabled communities in order to capacitate others was not an unforeseen policy consequence, but a result of lockdown policy working as intended. Disability studies, then, can help show IR how power operates and circulates through relationships of health.

Seafaring and trade across the Indian Ocean have played a pivotal role for Oman and its scholars. Islamic law compendia are reflective of and an important source on the material culture of their times. They discuss all aspects of human life, questions of personal status and trade and international relations. Despite the exposure of Oman and its scholars to the sea and related legal cases, maritime law in the Ibāḍī fiqh encyclopedias is a neglected field of research. This study aspires to close a gap in the literature. It focuses on the earliest extant Omanī fiqh encyclopedias and other relevant material of the 2nd-3rd/8th-9th centuries, mainly the Kitāb Jāmiʿ Abī l-Ḥawwārī (alive in 272/885), Kitāb Jāmiʿ al-Faḍl ibn al-Ḥawwārī (d. 278/891) and Jāmi’ Ibn Jaʿfar al-Izkawī (alive in 277/892), with references to later sources, primarily the Kitāb Bayān al-sharʿ of Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm al-Kindī (d. 508/1115), the Muṣannaf of Abū Bakr al-Kindī (d.557/1162), and others. This research analyses the available material to identify the earliest possible source material and authorities of dicta on Ibāḍī maritime law while referencing later material for clarification. Case studies on different questions, such as hiring ships and vessels for transportation, contract work, shipwreck and jettison, taxation, and persons missing at sea, are analyzed with respect to the sea as spatial factor that may (or may not) impact Islamic legal rule.

Since the day the first Jewish settlers settled in Palestine, Israel has systematically occupied and annexed Palestinian territories through different methods. The wars with the Arab countries in the region, which started in 1948 and afterwards, have put Israel into an aggressive and paranoid structure, and it has put all kinds of methods into practice in order to protect the gains it has achieved and then to reach the geographical borders it targets. In particular, the sense of ownership of the city of Jerusalem, the cradle of the birth and life of the three Abrahamic religions, has become the focal point of the struggle. The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 and the subsequent expansion of Israel's occupation after the 1967 Arab-Israeli Wars, the forced displacement of the Palestinian people living in the region, disregarding all human rights rules, the opening of settlements to Jewish immigrants at every opportunity, and more gravely, the fact that the whole world turns a blind eye to the inhuman cruelty has become the most important tragic reality of our day. Starting with the October 7 process, the massacre of tens of thousands of innocent people by the Israeli army is the biggest move towards the end of Israel`s occupation process. The forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes under the pretext of eliminating terrorism in the Palestinian territories can be seen as the final result of the occupation policy it has pursued since its establishment. However, Israel's disproportionate reprisals, violations of established international norms and laws of war, and attacks on civilians, including hospitals, will have serious repercussions on international relations, especially in the Middle East region. The subject of this study is to examine Israel's occupation and post-occupation policy from its arrival in the Palestinian territories until the current Gaza war.

The refugee problem has become one of the most pressing global challenges in contemporary international relations. Armed conflict, persecution, insecurity, and humanitarian crises have compelled millions to flee their countries of origin in search of safety and survival. In response, the international community, under the auspices of the United Nations, has established a legal framework for refugee protection, most notably through the 1951 Refugee Convention, its 1967 Protocol, and the institutional role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Despite widespread ratification of international refugee law, implementation varies significantly among states. Many Western countries, while formally committed to international instruments, increasingly adopt restrictive asylum policies and practices such as narrow interpretations of refugee status, procedural barriers, externalization of responsibilities, and securitized approaches to protection. This study uses a qualitative doctrinal and analytical legal approach. It relies on secondary sources including international legal instruments, UNHCR documents, and peer-reviewed literature. The analysis reveals a growing gap between legal commitments and state behavior. Western asylum governance demonstrates selective and minimalist compliance with international refugee law, reflecting restrictive interpretations and practices that undermine the spirit of asylum protection. Contemporary refugee governance in the West does not represent a wholesale rejection of international law but rather a pattern of limited compliance that weakens the normative foundations of asylum rights.

In the backdrop of recent Israel war on Gaza, world has witnessed extraordinarily close relationship between Pakistan and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Against this pretext, the relevance of social factors in the making of strategic ties is important to understand what has constituted the special ties between two states (Guzansky, 2016). It demands that we should make a clear understanding of these constituents in international and bilateral relations. The present study constitutes a significant addition to the theoretical knowledge existing in the literature relating to bilateral relationship between Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. It argues that interaction between the definition of “self” and ‘other’ determine a state to formulate policy about other state as friend, ally or adversary. Similarly, it is the conservative religion-cultural self-identity and mutual definition of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia that help articulate their policy towards each other. Such an ideological affinity provides both sates a strong foundation to further consolidate their bilateral ties in all possible areas of cooperation including the military one.

The research article focused on the critical intersection of legislative awareness based on knowledge of Nepal's foreign policy. Nepal navigates a complex geopolitical milieu; the comprehension and involvement of its representatives in foreign policy are essential. This research explores and analyzes the knowledge of the international relations committee members within the House of Representatives, Government of Nepal, aiming to enhance their contributions to the formulation and implementation of Nepal’s foreign policy during this crucial period. By analyzing the influence of elected political party’s representatives on foreign policy of Nepal and its strategies, the research study underscores the importance of informed decision-making that aligns with both national interests and global trends. Utilizing quantitative research method, the researcher gathers primary data through purposive sampling, which is then, analyzed using SPSS software. The objective is to gain insights into Nepal’s foreign policy standing in the international arena guided by pragmatic research philosophy and employs an inductive approach. It utilizes a quantitative method, specifically through a survey research strategy. The primary data serves as the key source for data collection, with the analysis of quantitative data conducted using SPSS. Finally, the relevance and outcome of the research seems to be a deficiency in political insight among some respondents, as they do not fully grasp the complexities involved in the implementation and political aspects of foreign policy of Nepal in international politics

“The Grand Island” and China’s Strategy: The Influence of Geopolitical Theories on International Relations

Abstract Norm contestation has become a defining characteristic of our time and a major interest in International Relations (IR) scholarship. However, researchers often view contestation as a repudiation of norm socialization and thus overlook the ways in which contestation occurs within socialization. This article advances an interpretive account based on performativity to capture the role of cultural translation and appropriation as practices of contestation within processes of norm socialization. It makes three key interventions. First, it redefines norm socialization as a process of cultural translation rather than straightforward transition. Second, it investigates various strategies through which actors appropriate norms by disjointing a norm’s normative appeal from its normalizing power – its prevalent interpretation. Third, it underscores how such contestations destabilize the relationships of authority and hierarchy in normative engagements. To illustrate the analytical purchase of this framework, the paper analyses the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s discourses of ‘Islamic democracy’ and the ‘Islamic civil state’ as examples of their performative socialization into the norm of democracy. The paper concludes by reflecting on the democratic promise as well as the precariousness of performative socialization in world politics.

The BRICS grouping functions as a civilizational project that realizes unique strategies of identification, self-identification, and image formation on the geopolitical arena. The topicality of the BRICS’ image study is determined by its growing role in the international setup. The present study seeks to examine the BRICS’ metaphorical modelling in the mass-media discourse of one of its member states, the Republic of South Africa. The research data were collected from the News on the Web Corpus. The illustrative corpus was compiled based on thematic, chronological, and frequency principles with the help of computer-aided and manual processing. A total of 521 metaphors were selected from 1000 texts. The methodological foundation of the study is the theory of image schemas, as proposed by M. Johnson and G. Lakoff. The metaphors were studied through quantitative and qualitative methods: quantitative estimation, metaphorical modelling, cognitive, discursive, linguistic and cultural analysis. The findings of this study suggest that despite a relatively low metaphor density in South African media discourse, the BRICS image is structured by more than 10 source domains. The frequency of similar image schemas (e.g., SOURCE-PATH-GOAL, CONTAINER, CENTRE-PERIPHERY, FORCE, LINK, etc.) underlying the metaphors is linked to their capacity to reflect the fundamental characteristics of the grouping: multipolarity, national sovereignty, equality, and mutual beneficial cooperation. Family, game and sport, body, and animal metaphors, based on social and biological archetypes, were found more culturally marked than those relying on universal physical laws (path, mechanism, architecture, war, celestial body). The research contributes to the development of medialinguistics, which provides a solid theoretical and analytical framework for studying international relations and phenomena from a linguistic perspective.

This article will examine how countries use tourism as a political tool in international relations. In the globalized world, soft power has become a cornerstone of international relations. The term soft power, coined by Joseph Nye, refers to “a nation’s ability to shape the preferences and behaviors of others through appeal and attraction rather than coercion or force.” Tourism is generally described as a leisure activity. However, behind the scenes, in an increasingly interconnected world, governments use tourism as a powerful political instrument to achieve a wide range of diplomatic and economic goals. For this reason, tourism plays a significant role for governments as a way to promote their unique cultural heritage, historical, and many other values in international relations. This way, tourism shapes how other countries perceive a nation and governments use this perception as a soft power policy in conducting their foreign affairs. In this context, Türkiye is given as an example which promotes tourism internationally that contributes to Türkiye’s soft power. Therefore, especially “hot air balloon” and the “Black Sea Coast” tourism concepts are going to be highlighted for serving as an instrument of Türkiye’s soft power policy. Tourism significantly enhances Türkiye's influence and positive image in international relations. Overall, the role of tourism as a political tool for governments will highly likely become more significant policy as global geopolitics continue to evolve. The rise of global tourism makes its influence on international diplomacy is inevitable. Without ignoring this, governments will continue to seek to use tourism, in multifaceted ways, to advance their national interests.

Arabic language education holds significant importance in shaping the socio-economic landscape of Bangladesh. Traditionally associated with religious instruction, its potential extends beyond the theological domain, serving as a key tool for socio-economic development. This article seeks to explore the multifaceted role of Arabic language education in Bangladesh, analyzing how it contributes to the counHtry’s economy, cultural identity, and global connectivity. Drawing on various disciplines, including education, economics, and cultural studies, the research examines how Arabic language proficiency influences employability, trade relations with Arab countries, and the development of the financial sectors. The paperc argues that the expansion of Arabic language education could enhance Bangladesh’s economic ties with the Arab world, opening up new avenues for trade, investment, and employment, particularly in sectors like migration and tourism. Despite its potential, Arabic language education remains underutilized in the broader socio-economic fabric of Bangladesh. The paper aims to explore (a) the ontic basis of Arabic language instruction as embedded in the Islamic education system of Bangladesh, (b) how Arabic proficiency may be integrated into vocational and technical education to improve employability, and (c) the impact of Arabic language education on social mobility, particularly among the Muslim population. In addition, the present paper emphasizes identifying key challenges in the current Arabic language curriculum that hinder its wider applicability in the job market and economic sectors. The study employs a multidisciplinary methodology, including qualitative interviews with educators, economic analysis, and a review of Arabic language instruction models from other countries. The findings reveal that a stronger emphasis on Arabic language education could lead to broader economic opportunities for Bangladesh, particularly in the Middle East, while also reinforcing the cultural and religious identity of its Muslim majority. This paper contributes to the academic discourse on the role of language education in economic development, highlighting how Arabic proficiency can influence socio-economic behavior, migration patterns, and international relations. By connecting linguistic education with economic prospects, the research advocates for a more integrated approach to Arabic language teaching in Bangladesh, aligned with national development goals. The role of language education in economic development, highlighting how Arabic proficiency can influence socio-economic behavior, migration patterns, and international relations. By connecting linguistic education with economic prospects, the research advocates for a more integrated approach to Arabic language teaching in Bangladesh, aligned with national development goals. Mother Language, 2024; 8(1-2): 123-152

Customary land rights encompass two elements. The first element is a civil law element, namely as the joint ownership right of the members of the relevant customary law community over the customary land, which is believed to have originated from the legacy of their ancestors and is a gift from a supernatural power, as the main support for the life and livelihood and the environment of all members of the customary law community. The second element is a public law element, namely as the authority to manage and regulate the allocation, use, and control of customary land, both in internal relations with its own citizens and externally with non-citizens or "outsiders". In customary law communities, land has an important meaning, because by its nature land is the only asset that, even if it experiences any circumstances whatsoever, remains constant in its state, and sometimes even becomes more advantageous. This issue has become a recurring problem encountered in the field regarding land use. Data from the National Land Agency of Kutai Barat Regency shows that no customary land has been registered with the BPN. However, judging from the locations in Kutai Barat, areas that are productive areas that are often controlled by companies are not customary land. Based on the background described above, the problem identification is what are the issues faced in the Status and Territory of Customary Land in Kutai Barat Regency. The normative juridical method is carried out through a literature study that examines secondary data in the form of legislation, court decisions, agreements, contracts, or other legal documents, as well as research results, assessment results, and other references. The normative juridical method is research that begins with normative research or a study of legislation (normative). According to the data held by the BPN of Kutai Barat Regency, no customary land has been registered with the BPN. However, based on observations and monitoring carried out by the National Land Agency (BPN), the land that is currently considered customary land is located in West Kutai, which is a non-productive forest area. Based on the explanation from the BPN, a monitoring mechanism can be implemented to ensure that customary land is truly customary land. This mechanism is based on the provisions of the Minister of Agrarian Regulation Number 10 of 2016.

In recent years, energy resources have become one of the most significant political assets a country can possess. It is accepted that international relations, including international conflicts, are driven by political, economic, geostrategic, and energy ambitions. Cyprus, the third largest island in the Mediterranean region, is influenced by tensions over the Turkish-Greek conflict and energy discoveries. More than a decade ago, the first offshore gas field, Aphrodite, was discovered offshore Cyprus, but its exploitation has been delayed despite its abundant gas export potential. Since 2018, plenty of major energy discoveries have underlined the island's extraordinary potential and its international role. The energy discoveries around Cyprus, and their subsequent exploitation, have faced persistent political obstacles, driven by the Turkish-Greek conflict over the country's division. The clash of Turkish-Greek differences is not new, as the Cyprus settlement issue has been pending since 1974, and its complexity makes it a geopolitically important conflict. The paper examines the geopolitical implications of Cypriot offshore natural gas exploration, focusing on how the Turkish-Greek conflict has shaped Cyprus’s domestic and foreign energy policies. Using secondary sources, the research analyzes the legal, infrastructural, and diplomatic challenges surrounding the Aphrodite gas field and the broader Eastern Mediterranean energy landscapes. The findings reveal that unresolved territorial disputes and competing regional ambitions, particularly between Turkey and Greece, continue to hinder the development of a unified energy strategy. Cyprus’s export prospects remain uncertain due to infrastructural constraints and persistent political fragmentation. The study recommends that future energy agreements prioritize inclusive dialogue between Turkish and Greek Cypriot authorities, supported by EU mediation, and investment in shared infrastructure to reduce dependency and foster regional cooperation. These steps are essential for transforming energy competition into collaboration and for stabilizing one of the EU’s most strategically sensitive frontiers.

A distinctive feature of modern international relations is the constant movement not only of capital, goods, and services but also of human resources, highlighting the new transnational nature of global politics. This article analyses the processes of relocation of a significant number of Russians to other countries following the escalation of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The study aims to comprehend the phenomenon of Russian relocation, the reasons and dynamics of this “new waveˮ of migration, the challenges of integration and adaptation in host countries, and to clarify the statistical data. The methodological framework is based on Everett Lee’s “push/pullˮ theory, which helps identify the factors, causes, and conditions determining migration. The research relies on open statistical data, survey results, analytical reports, and media sources. The article examines the spatial patterns of relocation, which are largely shaped by the financial resources of migrants, value-driven and emotional motivations, and the receptiveness of host countries. A comparative analysis of data from various sources reveals discrepancies between actual quantitative indicators, intermediate and final relocation destinations, and prevailing perceptions about them. Particular attention goes to the sociological profile of Russian migrants. The study concludes that the relocation of Russians in 2022–2023 has become a significant phenomenon in the socio-economic and public life both within Russia and abroad. Although each decision to leave was made individually, the 2022 wave was largely influenced by a “push/pullˮ dynamic, where “pushˮ and “pullˮ factors were so strong that relocation costs were often disregarded. In 2023–2024, some migrants continued their movement, changing their trajectory and primary destination, while many returned to Russia. Over time, the likelihood of those remaining abroad reintegrating into the Russian economic and political-legal framework decreases. However, their successful integration into recipient countries may provide new momentum for developing political and socio-economic relations between nations and states.

This article examines the transformation of Iran's foreign policy and international relations in the aftermath of the 1979 Islamic Revolution. It also reconstructs the pre-revolutionary period, focusing on U.S.-Iran relations and demonstrating the extent to which the two states were bound by a close strategic partnership. The study analyzes the reorientation of Iran's external behavior following the Revolution, a process that began in earnest with the U.S. embassy hostage crisis and has continued to shape bilateral relations up to the present day. The article places particular emphasis on the evolution of U.S.-Iran relations, the formation and consolidation of anti-American ideology, and the gradual institutionalization of a sanctions-based regime. It offers an in-depth examination of how pre-revolutionary Iran, under the rule of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, came to occupy the position of one of the United States' principal strategic partners in the Middle East. This partnership rested on far-reaching political, economic, and military cooperation, including U.S.-UK involvement in the 1953 coup, support for the peaceful development of nuclear energy under the "Atoms for Peace" program, substantial American investment in Iran's oil sector, and extensive military-technical collaboration. The article also explores the post-revolutionary period, focusing on the systematic dissemination of the Islamic Revolution's ideas both within Iran and across the broader region. At its core, the article seeks to explain how profoundly Iran's external orientation was transformed in the wake of the Islamic Revolution. U.S.-Iran relations shifted from a de facto strategic partnership to a relationship characterized by open hostility and rivalry. From the hostage crisis onward, successive U.S. administrations progressively tightened sanctions against Iran. Under these conditions, the post-revolutionary leadership in Tehran has grounded the country's foreign policy in explicitly anti-American and anti-Western rhetoric and practice, while simultaneously deploying this ideology domestically as a key instrument for consolidating personalized, centralized rule.

The importance of Afghanistan to a large extent originates from its transit and geographical position, in fact, the geographical position of Afghanistan has given it the status of a bridge between the countries of Central Asia and South Asia, in the north of those Central Asian countries that are full of energy resources (gas, electricity) , oil and other raw materials) are located, in the south and east of which Pakistan and India are located, which are in dire need and thirst for energy and raw materials, according to this, Afghanistan has a special position in the region. The purpose of this article is to search for the importance of Afghanistan's position in the region and states how Afghanistan can create advantages for itself and other countries in the region due to its geographical and transit position. The research was conducted in the form of a library and used magazines, books, articles and websites. The results show that Afghanistan's transit location can lead to an increase in national income, job creation, promotion of national security, development of the country, especially in transportation infrastructure, increasing the country's role and contribution in regional and international relations, helping to develop and integrate between Neighbors and at the regional level, providing the economic needs (imports and exports) of the neighboring countries and the region, developing tourism, tourism and cultural cooperation for the country.

This article examines how fear motivates the states to pursue nuclear weapons, contributing to the growing literature on emotions in International Relations and strategic studies. It reviews the concept of fear in IR theory and links it to established models of nuclear motivation. Using discourse analysis, the article investigates Pakistan’s nuclear programme, arguing that fear played a critical role in accelerating its pursuit of nuclear capability. The findings suggest that fear operates dynamically, varies over time and shapes the urgency and pace of nuclear development. Finally, the article proposes a framework for analysing fear as a driver of nuclear proliferation.

ABSTRACT During the Cold War coups d’état were one of the most common methods for accessing in Latin America. This article examines diplomatic reactions to coups to study changes in foreign policy during the Spanish transition to democracy (1973–86). In this period, foreign policy changed from authoritarian to democratic, directly impacting the way that Spain related to Latin America as a region in a time when coups were the norm. Analysing which domestic changes were the most influential helps us to better understand both the coups themselves, as well as wider international relations during the Cold War.

Foreign law occupies an important position before the Algerian national judge whenever the conflict-of-law rules provided for in the Civil Code refer to it, particularly in matters of an international nature such as personal status, contracts, and commerce. The judge is considered obliged to apply it as law rather than as a fact. However, this obligation sometimes encounters difficulties related to proving the content of foreign law and interpreting it, especially when the parties are unable to provide the approved texts or accurate translations. The judiciary also faces technical and institutional challenges, such as lack of training, the absence of databases for foreign laws, and divergent jurisprudence. Nevertheless, the application of foreign law contributes to enhancing justice in private international relations. Developing evidentiary tools, updating legislation, and training judges remain essential factors for improving the effectiveness of the Algerian judiciary in this field.

Abstract The assumption that state behaviour is primarily driven by a survival interest remains widespread within international relations (IR), even as many others attract critique. This article problematises that assumption, arguing that the meaning of survival itself, not just states’ means of pursuing it, varies significantly. Common conceptions of state survival reflect a legal definition of sovereign statehood encompassing a permanent population, defined territory, government institutions, and political autonomy. Yet leaders and publics do not uniformly conceive and value these aspects of statehood, which often generate contradictory policy incentives. Expanding on recent works in ontological security studies, this article argues that national narratives produce diverse interpretations of state survival that generate distinct meanings and prioritisations among the core aspects of statehood. Put another way, states’ physical bodies and physical survival – as IR scholars frequently discuss these concepts – are chiefly ideational. These theoretical arguments are illustrated through case studies of Georgia and Kazakhstan, which displayed radically different interpretations of survival and, hence, threat perceptions and security choices during the early 1990s. Accounting for variations within the concept of survival – both across states and within a state over time – can help future research explain a broader range of state behaviour.