International Order Research Articles

THE BRAZILIAN LEGAL SYSTEM AND THE INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL PRINCIPLES

This article aims to analyze the environmental principles established in the international order and recognized by the Brazilian legal system, in particular the 1988 constitutional text, with the aim of evaluating the effects of international legislation with regard to environmental matters, based on verification of a staggered and more accentuated regulatory development in the environmental field. The aim was to define the parameters of the new world economic order and the importance attributed to the outstanding principles of precaution, sustainable development and prevention, with a view to consolidating a relevant tool for promoting environmental protection. In this sense, by synthesizing a study on the adoption and adequacy of the principle elements of the international environmental order, an investigative aspect is created to promote awareness of the primacy of an environment that receives collective care both at a global and national level. The strengthening of international environmental law was also a concern of this article, even though it was a brief analysis, so that it shows the exact notion that the issue must involve all social actors, from individuals and even the most complex state structure, with the goal of defining and applying a normative framework on environmental issues, in the international sphere and its applicability in national territory, through the due process of internalization of treaties and, in particular, the economic order in the 1988 Constitution, facing the challenges arising from growth world population and the urgent need to confront the catastrophic effects of the process of industrialization and large-scale consumption, considering environmental sustainability.

Fields, Frontiers, and the Making of the Food and Agriculture Organization

ABSTRACT The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), once the overlooked stepchild of post-war global governance, is now at the centre of attention among historians, parsing the key figures, central policies, and ongoing challenges across the FAO’s embattled life-time. However, to date, there has been little engagement with the material, territorial and ecological preconditions that required the construction of global food governance in the first place. The present article contributes to FAO scholarship via a more grounded historical sociology of agriculture and international (dis)order. To do so, I frame the evolution of the modern ‘global countryside’ through four distinct yet inter-locking frontiers: territory, commodity, technology, institutions. In using the case of US state-formation as a springboard, I argue that the contradictory entanglement of territorial and commodity frontiers during the settler-colonial period led to a collective anxiety about US (and global) agrarian development, which called forth ever-more innovative solutions through the expansion of technological and institutional frontiers. This spiral of emergence, entanglement, crisis, and resolution culminated in the first post-war conference on international cooperation, and the eventual consecration of the FAO. Yet the contradictions of the post-war international system – at once deeply inter-dependent yet radically hierarchical – ultimately doomed the hopes for a more cooperative global food order. A more critical approach to the making of the FAO thus offers important lessons on the current dilemmas facing today’s global food system.

Formation of the international legal framework in ensuring economic security: the contribution of international organisations

Introduction: The article offers a concise overview of international organisations as collaborative partnerships among states with defined objectives while also analysing the underlying motivations for their establishment.Objective: This article explores the roles and distinctive characteristics of major global institutions, including the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), Council of Europe (CoE), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and World Trade Organization (WTO).Methods: The study employs diverse investigative methodologies, including thorough literature reviews and statistical analyses, to examine core concepts such as "legal order", "international legal order", "international security", and "global security".Results: It takes a historical perspective to trace the evolution of international organisations and utilises generalisation and diagnostic techniques to offer practical recommendations and reach conclusions. The article differentiates between "international security?" and "global security", underscoring the latter’s broader scope. Furthermore, it underscores the pivotal role of the United Nations (UN) in safeguarding global peace, fostering amicable ties among nations, advancing international collaboration, and acting as a forum for coordinating various national endeavours.Conclusions: International organisations, spearheaded by the United Nations (UN), are pivotal in upholding the international legal framework and safeguarding global security in the face of ever-evolving challenges and threats

The Privilege of Territory: Christian Wolff at the Origins of Statist International Thought

The modern state is often taken as the only legitimate claimant to the division of the globe. Political theorists offer many theories of territorial rights but tend to agree that the state remains the proper institutional bearer of such rights. This article examines how states became the exclusive bearers of territorial rights by returning to the international theory of the eighteenth-century Prussian jurist Christian Wolff (1679–1754), who wrote in a moment when sovereign states were not the heirs apparent to the globe but competed with other claimants to territorial rights. Despite proposing a radically pluralistic and anti-imperial account of land ownership, Wolff nonetheless paved the way for the state to become the sole bearer of territorial rights. Wolff’s international thought is an illustration of how building a state-centric international order was a double-edged sword: it criticized imperial overreach while also closing the international arena to nonstate forms of collective life. In this process, he offered two distinct ideas of political space: the territorial space of states, and the land ownership tracts of nonstate peoples, including pastoralists and nomads. To Wolff, only states were entitled to full and permanent territorial rights, while nonstate peoples were shut out of the international system, made both de facto and de jure stateless.

THE FORMATİON AND EVOLUTİON OF EURASİAN THOUGHTS AND CONCEPTS

The concept of "Eurasianism" is rooted in the philosophical ideas of the early 20th century, emphasizing the unity of the post-Soviet space and its special, non-Western path of development. Recently, the world order has been put to the test of strength: global challenges put states in front of the need to revise the existing world order, which forms a favorable ground for the implementation of the idea of Eurasianism in a regional perspective. Today, the idea of Eurasianism is institutionalized within the framework of the CIS and the EAEU and is especially relevant in the context of new global challenges (economic instability, changing nature of the international order, epidemiological threat, etc.), which allow us to talk about the emergence of a new world order. The article also examines the development of the Eurasian economy through the prism of the relationship between the processes of globalization and regionalization. Globalization is interpreted as an objective process of internationalization of the world economy, the peculiarities of the involvement of the economies of the Eurasian countries in it are revealed. The subjective side of globalization as a form of economic policy of the developed countries of the world in their own interests and its consequences are shown. The trends of regionalization in the economies of the Eurasian countries are revealed. It is proved that the increasing regionalization objectively leads to a significantly different world order than globalization — to a multipolar world.

Media debates about China’s role as a global public goods supplier: frame contestation in reporting on the Chinese COVID-19 vaccine

This study examines different and even conflicting media frames for the Chinese COVID-19 vaccine as a global public good. Through a standardised content analysis approach examining media frames for the Chinese COVID-19 vaccine across three media outlets, the study reveals that Chinese media emphasise the safety and efficacy of their vaccines, highlighting their benefits for the international community. Conversely, the US and German media express apprehensions about China’s ‘vaccine diplomacy’ and perceive it as a political threat. Notably, Germany exhibits a relatively softer stance in this context, implying the existence of various attitudes and behaviours within the US and Europe in terms of coping with China’s rising influence. This case reflects the ongoing competition between superpowers, with the ‘China Threat Theory’ and the ‘China Responsibility Theory’ representing two major ideas dominating international discourse about China. China’s identity as a global public goods supplier in the context of the global pandemic may not make it more acceptable as a responsible great power, but rather, create more Western anxieties over China’s threat to the liberal international order.

Evaluating the Impact of the Stride Model on India's Economic Development and Global Competitiveness by 2047

The study analyses the prospective influence of India's STRIDE model on its economic advancement and international competitiveness by 2047. The approach, concentrating on Startups, Technology and Innovation, Research and Development, Infrastructure, Deployment and Adoption, and Skill Enhancement and Capacity Building, seeks to propel India's global leadership, innovation, and economic resilience within a competitive and multipolar international order. Harmonising STRIDE's pillars with national and global objectives would bolster domestic economic expansion and establish India as a significant participant in the international sphere, fostering a balanced and inclusive global economy by 2047.

THEORY OF CONFLICTS-MICROTHEORIES

Every social system has had its conflicts. We have had conflicts over the division of empires based on religious or cultural orientation, for example the Byzantine Empire of the people have split into two denominations, the ruling system shutdown (system of Westphalia) or state of order of Westphalia. From this period, the world begins to be accompanied by state colonization. Conflicts can be regional, global, state, interstate and beyond. The crisis of Europe is more interesting than the other crisis that has entire realistic reforms after the Otto-monopoly bourgeois liberalization. East crisis was external and internal crisis, duplication of the aristocracy of the Ottoman Empire. We have a crisis or conflict of the First World War. The First World War created the system of Versailles. The Versailles system consists of the following problems: 1. The Ottoman Empire dissolved; 2. Formation of new states The cause of the First World War was Germany. - Then there is the crisis of the League of Nations (state problem solving) - Conflict of WWII; (World War II) There are three types of crises: 1. Fascism; 2. Bolshevism; and 3. Liberal Democracy. We are forming allies, and then we had the Cold War conflict. Cold War East-West conflict (ideological, military and economic change). The world is a crisis of the international order. The Russian Federation 20 years recycles apparent internal and external conflicts. Developed countries use the resources of underdeveloped countries. -World of today faces social crisis, where social crisis has no limit. Social crises coming from abuses by big capital capitalism. - The world is open in the technical aspect, technology, internet, information, where these phenomena are the social crises. Conflicts are tensions that carry certain problems of an old order to a new social order. Conflicts in the former Yugoslavia was born as neglecting the national issue (ethnic crisis.)

On Population and the International Order

AbstractThis essay expores demographic effects on the international order over the postwar decades and potentially through the next half‐century. Such effects derive from the relative sizes of populations and labor forces among states, contrasts in age distributions (resulting from the regionally staggered timing of fertility decline), and high levels of international migration, fueled by economic disparities and civil conflict. In coming decades, differential population growth and aging—in some states, entrenchment of population decline—will shift the global distribution of labor away from East Asia and Europe and toward South and West Asia and especially Africa. Short‐range migration may be pressed by environmental change; longer‐range migration toward rich countries, much of it illicit and already an intractable public policy issue in many of them, will face increased societal resistance and stronger efforts to police entry. The future international order will see a states system with the Global North further demographically marginalized; India as an emerging economic‐demographic superpower, joining a fast‐aging China and plausibly a less internationally engaged United States; and a demographically dominant Africa with as yet a wholly unclear place in the global political economy. Although not part of standard demographic projections, there are extreme global warming scenarios and other disaster eventualities that could be radically transformative of this order.

Polish Conductresses and the Insecurities of Female Labour Migration to France, 1925–1929

In this article we argue that the reports of conductresses accompanying female migrants shed new light on the nature of interwar labour migration. As they mitigated the anxiety and insecurity that women faced during the process of migration, they fulfilled a crucial role in the highly restrictive post-1918 international migration regime. The Polish government introduced conductresses in 1925 to respond to news of the mistreatment and sexual exploitation of Polish women working in France. Developed in close collaboration with international organizations and the League of Nations, the work of these conductresses on land and sea routes was framed as those of ‘moral guardians’ protecting female migrants from the dangers of sex trafficking. However, we argue that their main function was to mitigate the uncertainties of the post-war international order, as traditional routes of migration were ruptured and both dispatching and receiving countries attempted to control and restrict migration. Female migrants had no networks with existing diasporas, were often illiterate, and mistrusted both Polish and French institutions. By addressing these challenges, the conductresses took on roles far beyond their function as moral authority: they acted as translators, knowledge imparters, mediators, and network forgers. Both in Poland and at the international level, the Polish conductress scheme was regarded a success, as they managed to provide a relatively ‘secure’ migration experience within a migration regime designed to walk a fine line between demands for foreign labour on the one hand and the rising ideal of economic protectionism on the other.

THE TURNING POINT OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKIYE: TURNING EAST

In the late twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world underwent a significant transformation, leading to a multipolar system. This shift was characterized by the rise of various regional powers seeking to play a prominent role in global politics. The Republic of Turkiye, in particular, has been actively seeking to assert its position in the contemporary international order. This article examines the complexities of Turkish foreign policy, analyzing its legal framework, current aspects, priorities, and strategic approaches. Additionally, it explores the shift in Turkish foreign policy towards Eastern regions, away from its historical dependence on the West and towards the concept of "Turkish World", particularly in relation to Turkic-speaking countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus. In addition, the paper provides theoretical insights into the impact of foreign policy and diplomacy on various stakeholders, as well as the potential of soft power tools in the pursuit of foreign policy goals.

Back to Bipolarity: How China's Rise Transformed the Balance of Power

Abstract China's rise, Russia's military resurgence, and India's economic growth have prompted debates about the end of unipolarity and the future balance of power. Such debates are a staple of international politics; indeed, in the late twentieth century, many observers warned that Japan and the Soviet Union would overtake the United States. Yet scholars and policymakers evince little agreement on how to define power or measure the distribution of power. This article introduces an inductive method for comparing national power. I empirically validate common metrics of national capabilities—economic and military—by assessing their ability to both predict known balances of power across historical systems (1820–1990) and distinguish between great powers and other countries. This method yields three important findings. First, large gaps in national capabilities between great powers and even superpowers have been common throughout history. Great powers need not achieve parity with the leading state to engage in a dangerous security competition. Second, this method shows that China on most dimensions is not only a great power but a superpower. Third, neither Russia nor India is a great power. The system is bipolar. These findings inform debates about the stability of international politics and the future of international order and suggest the likelihood of shifts in U.S. grand strategy and alliances.

Geopolitical Shifts Amid War in Europe, and the Cooperation Between Portugal and the US | Mudanças Geopolíticas no Contexto da Guerra na Europa e a Cooperação entre Portugal e os EUA

The articles analyses the international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and some of the challenges that it presently faces. In light of that, it also discusses several of the possibilities that lay ahead for a future order and engages in the ongoing debates. Indeed, the so-called international liberal order has been under challenge for some time. In all probability, that condition will not change in the near future and may even exacerbate. In fact, one of its more recent threats includes war in Europe, more specifically the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which further endangers its existence. Many, if not most, appear to believe that after the Russian invasion the world will never be the same again. Under these conditions, and independently of the type of ordering that we will see in the future, the article argues that given the historical and long-standing relationship between the US and Portugal the latter can play a significant role, as occurred during the Cold War, albeit this time with respect to energy.

Counter-Archiving Migration: Tracing the Records of Protests against UNHCR

Abstract The archives of migration are piecemeal and scattered. This is both an epistemological problem, and a matter of political concern in an international order that forces people to migrate, racializes them, and renders them subject to violence. In response, we explore the potential of counter-archiving migration. First, we explain why archives matter politically, and consider which traces of migration are stored and which are absent or lost. Second, we develop a methodology for counter-archiving migration. Third, we illustrate a process of counter-archiving, taking protests and violent evictions outside the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) offices as an analytical lens. We begin with an “along the grain” reading of official archives; we then turn to ethnography to trace the memories, practices, and material remnants of migrants’ struggles. Our analysis makes the case for counter-archival work in and beyond the field of migration. We argue that this approach serves to disrupt the epistemic violence of classification systems and categories associated with border violence; to chart the contestations and transformations of the global order from below; and to articulate new horizons of justice.

Brazil's Foreign Policy in the Emerging Multipolar World: Data-Driven Strategic Positioning within BRICS and Beyond

In the multipolar world, Brazil's foreign policy faces complex geopolitical realities as a part of its strategy to expand its global influence and economic presence. On another front, Brazil considers itself one of the leading countries in the Global South. It has partnered with BRICS to call for better transport, and help has a say in running the world (power balance) instead of being overruled by Western powers. Brazil demonstrates regional leadership by actively participating in initiatives like the New Development Bank and organizations such as MERCOSUR, CELAC, and BRICS, emphasizing its commitment to sustainable development and regional cooperation. The plan is to broaden Brazil's regional power reach, seeking economic and diplomatic relations throughout the planet. Brazilian foreign policy is characterized by a pragmatic search for equidistance, maximizing economic possibilities and strategic ties without ever fully committing to any one bloc or country. These measures will increase Brazil's clout on global issues and solidify the country as a critical factor in shaping a more equitable and representative international order.

Hans Morgenthau, Peaceful Change, and the Origins of American Realism

This article examines Morgenthau's switch from international law to international politics, arguing that it was fundamental to his emergence as a founder of postwar realism in the United States. More precisely, it sets this switch in the context of a far-reaching but largely overlooked debate among American jurists during the 1930s on the question of peaceful change: of how to revise an international order or major aspects of it by means other than war. This debate provided Morgenthau with a solution to the impasse reached by his project in international law before World War II, allowing him to transform what appeared to be a problem from the vantage point of international law into a structural element of an approach to international politics—of his realism.

When and Why the Doctrine of a “Rules-Based International Order” Emerged

INTRODUCTION. It is no understatement to say that the “rules-based international order” doctrine, as opposed to the “international order based on law”, has emerged as one of the most debated concepts in global politics during in the late ХХ and early ХХI centuries. This concept presents a framework where general rules of conduct for states, though not norms of jus cogens under general international law, are considered legally binding for all states and other participants in international relations. Consequently, it challenges the traditionally recognized supremacy of international law in governing these relations, seeking to erode established practices of international law-making. This doctrine is actively utilized by leading Western powers to substantiate their political positions and accuse strategic competitors of failing to adhere to these “rules” deemed as legally binding. Understanding the essence and origin of this doctrine is crucial in unraveling its significance. MATERIALS AND METHODS. The set of used methodological approaches encompass a range of general scientific and specialized methods, including historical analysis, formal logic, synthesis, as well as systemic and comparative legal methods.RESEARCH RESULTS. The research indicates that the doctrine of a rules-based international order entered international diplomatic discourse in the early 1990s, arising as a consequence of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of a unipolar world.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The author reaches the conclusion that in the context of this emerging unipolarity, the United States deemed it appropriate to unilaterally (or at most in conjunction with its closest allies) dictate universally binding rules of conduct in international relations to the global community. The doctrine of a rules-based internation[1]al order provided the necessary scientific justification to validate such a policy. Initially, this doctrine garnered substantial support in international politics but subsequently faced a decline in its proponents, particularly with the shift towards a polycentric world order. While it continues to exist to some extent, the goals for which it was originally conceived have been largely nullified.

Decoding Xi Jinping's Idiosyncratic Foreign Policy: Analyzing the Interplay of Centralized Decision-Making, Soft Power Dynamics, and Regional Security Implications

Comparative historical analysis will trace the foreign policy orientation of Xi Jinping: the orientation that, by the nature of things, must be different from that of his predecessors, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin. Xi's ideological motivations and strategic objectives will be analyzed qualitatively using a systematic review of scholarly articles and policy documents. It describes the shift from a narrative of peaceful rise to a more assertive foreign policy that aims to change the international order according to the vision of realizing national rejuvenation in China. The focus is on two critical components of Xi's policy: the soft power, on the one hand, and military modernization, on the other. Together, they reflect his dual playing of economic cooperation and territorial aspirations. This paper also explores how evolving domestic politics and the increasing competition between the United States and China shape the impact of China's soft power campaigns and its broader security strategies in the region. Findings indicate that under Xi, centralized decision-making and assertive diplomacy are redefining China's role in global governance and transforming international relations in the fast-changing multipolar world. These policies are compared with those of previous leaders to bring forth valuable insights into the dynamic change experienced by the foreign policy of China and its consequences on the international political configurations. Key Words: Idiosyncrasy, Xi Jinping, Soft power, Military modernization, Decision making

Envisioning ecological security through local direct action: community resistance with global resonance

ABSTRACT As climate change becomes a pressing concern for policymakers and citizens around the world, a variety of security discourses have emerged framing the environment as a security issue. While dominant frameworks focus on securing national interests, the international order, or individuals, the ecological security framework presents an alternative discourse. Ecological security requires a refocusing of the security discourse onto the environment itself, vulnerable communities, and future generations, and requires the exploration of alternative, relational forms of social and economic organisation. This framework has often been discounted as an impractical and radical alternative to dominant discourses, however, I argue that ecological security can, and is, being enacted by local communities around the world through radically relational activist methodologies. I suggest that direct action methodology employed by environmental activists can enable the enactment of ecological security by local communities. By investigating the connections and overlaps between blockade-style activism, direct action methodology, and Indigenous resurgence, it is possible to envision a locally-based, radically relational, bottom-up model of ecological security. Through an investigation of the conflict between Wet’suwet’en land defenders and the Coastal GasLink pipeline, this community-activist-ecological security nexus is drawn out and examined as a possible path forward for climate security.

Ordoliberalism in Spain: translations of Röpke’s publications

Röpke is considered one of the most prominent Ordoliberal economists. The objective of this work is to analyse the dissemination of Röpke’s works, within Spain, through diverse institutions: Instituto de Estudios Políticos, Revista de Occidente, Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, CSIC and Fundación Villalonga. Most of these works appeared between 1946 and 1963. From 1976, after the Franco Dictatorship, some of his books were reissued. Grouped by topics, the main lines of argument exposed by Röpke are perceived as: Monetary Policy, Social Policy, International and European Economic Order, and the performance of small and medium-sized companies, within the economy.