International Situation Research Articles

Bibliometric analysis of triggers on environmental stress among medical and health sciences students at the university

Continuing to improve services to students while studying on campus, lecturers and all elements at the university need information about triggers of environmental stress among medical and health sciences students. Thus, the purpose of this study was to explore triggers of environmental stress among medical and health sciences students in the university through bibliometric analysis by analysing the network visualisation, overlay visualisation and density visualisation on the topic. Bibliometrics analysis was used in assessing related topics. The data sources were based on online searches via https://app.dimensions.ai/. Data was collected on 3 December 2023. The literature followed the Preferred Reporting Items for System-atic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) flowchart. Data were analysed using VOSviewer and further analysed and reviewed by co-occurrence and co-authors. Four major themes of environmental stress were found in this study: 1) The internal situation in the university; 2) External situations outside of the university; 3) Comfort situation during the study; 4) Aca-demic process. Environmental stress factors related to internal situation in the academic situation were academic stress, air pollution, anxiety in the academic process, COVID-19, depression, fear, medical student, nursing student, physical activity, school regulation, smoking and uncertainty of study. From the visualisation and density visualisation, it can be seen that the academic process related to the duration of study was a trending theme discussed in several papers related to triggers of environmental stress among students in the university. All elements of the university especially policy makers should pay attention to this problem to reduce the risk of stress while students are studying.

Причины, ход и результаты государственного переворота Сидониу Паиша (5–8 декабря 1917 г.) в Первой Португальской республике в документах Военного кабинета Великобритании

This article examines the coup d’état in the First Portuguese Republic, staged on 5–8 December 1917 by Major Sidónio Pais against the Government of Afonso da Costa and President Bernardino Machado. The author aims to uncover the causes, dynamics of events development and results of this coup d’état. The source base is the War Cabinet of Great Britain’s documents stored in the National Archive of the United Kingdom, which are being introduced into scientific discourse for the first time in the domestic historiography. The retrospective, systemic and narrative research methods were mainly used in the article. When using the retrospective method, it was established that the Sidónio Pais’s coup d’état was a logical result of the development of the First Portuguese Republic’s crisis. The systematic method revealed the constituent elements of this crisis: its political and socio-economic aspects, the consequence of which was mainly the coup d’état of Sidónio Pais. Since British documents had not been previously described in the domestic historiography, a narrative method was used in order to reflect fuller its content and character. The December 1917 coup d’état was the result of unsolved actual tasks after the establishment of the Republic in early October 1910 and accumulated problems after the Portugal’s entry into the First World War in March 1916. In peacetime, due to the radical anti-church policy, electoral restrictions, inter-party confrontation, changes of prime ministers and government compositions, it was difficult for the Republican leadership to solve consistently the urgent tasks in the country. In wartime, the internal situation had worsened and radicalized by December 1917 alone. The inability of the Republican leadership to solve the problems in the country and the short-sighted measures taken to improve the situation turned the majority of the civilian population and part of the military against it. In these conditions Artillery Major Sidónio Pais organized the coup d’état on 5 December 1917 with the aim of overthrowing the prime minister, leader of the Democratic Party Afonso da Costa and his fellow party member President Bernardino Machado. The coup d’état was accompanied by fierce fighting, especially in Lisbon. It ended on 8 December 1917 with the success of Sidónio Pais’s forces. Its results were the arrests of some members of the government, including the prime minister, and the president; the dissolution of the Portuguese Parliament – the Congress; the establishment of the Revolutionary Junta headed by Sidónio Pais, followed by the formation of a new government of the Republic. Thus, the December 1917 coup d’état was a response to the deep internal political crisis in Portugal. The documents of the British War Cabinet used in the study neither in general nor in detail contradict the facts set out in the historiography. However, they make it possible to expand possibilities for a further study of this coup d’état and related processes and events.

Конфликт на Украине и стратегическое преображение арктической политики США: логика “исторического шанса”

The article explores nuances of strategic transformation of the American Arctic policy after the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Russia’s Special military operation (SMO) in Ukraine has taken competition in the Arctic region to a new level. The paper introduces a new term “post-February” Arctic to describe the dramatic changes in the polar region after the beginning of the Ukrainian events on February 24, 2022. It shows that these events were almost unanimously perceived by Western analysts and public politicians as a “moment of strategic opportunity” to revise the international political situation in the Far North. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict critically changed the U.S. Arctic policy. The conceptual framework, within which the problems of “post-February” American polar policy are investigated, is the “offshore balancing” theory. The launch of the Russian SMO in Ukraine has led to strengthening the anti-Russian orientation of the U.S. Arctic policy. Facing a long military confrontation, Washington is trying to increase pressure in such areas critical to Russia as the Far North. However, the “post-February” U.S. Arctic policy is not so much the realization of political maximalism, but rather a reanimation and adjustment of Washington’s ambitions in accordance with the opportunities that emerged after February 24, 2022. The authors prove that despite loud calls to punish Russia for starting the Special military operation in Ukraine, the American response in this direction is restrained. The anti-Russian Arctic initiatives by various American public policy actors have a delayed rather than urgent effect. A quite moderate polar policy of the United States is explained by the fact that Washington is well aware of the limits of its capabilities in the Arctic. Its behavior throughout the current Russian-Ukrainian conflict illustrates the essence of the “offshore balancing” policy like nothing else.

Мировая торговля в условиях кризиса глобализации

The article focuses on the analysis of factors that slow down the growth of international trade at the current stage of globalization. The latter is experiencing a crisis, but objective data do not indicate the end of globalization, but rather its slowdown following rapid growth. In its development, globalization overcomes many obstacles and faces various risks. At present, the threat of fragmentation of the world economy has become especially relevant. The factors causing the slowdown in the growth of globalization and world trade, for the most part, do not threaten the integrity of the world economy. The spread of regional trade agreements also does not negate the long-term efforts of the WTO aimed at trade liberalization, and in itself does not lead to the division of the world economy into separate blocks. Currently, the probability of the risk of fragmentation of the global economy is associated primarily with the geopolitical crisis. It is generally recognized that political confrontation, accompanied by restrictive measures regarding trade, brings economic losses to its participants. It can be assumed that ultimately objective economic laws will prevail and the scenario of the collapse of the global economy will not be realized. However, the high degree of uncertainty inherent in the political sphere does not allow us to confidently judge the prospects for an exacerbation or, on the contrary, mitigation of the crisis situation, and therefore the depth and duration of the impact of the political factor on economic policy and trade. After a pause, during which integration processes will unfold primarily at the level of world regions, globalization will resume its growth. Its pace will depend on a number of factors: normalization of the international political situation, overcoming trade contradictions, strengthening the system of global governance, dissemination of the principles of sustainable and responsible development, and many others. Development will acquire a more measured character, and the openness of economies and their interdependence will increase. In the long term, the main trends in the development of world trade that are currently observed will continue: a decrease in the share of goods and an increase in the share of services, an increase in the role of developing countries in trade in goods and developed countries in trade in services. The growth rates of world trade and GDP will remain at a relatively low level, while trade will grow somewhat faster than production. In the future, factors related to digitalization, robotics, artificial intelligence, additive technologies and climate change will become more noticeable. They will lead to shifts in the product structure of trade and the directions of the main commodity flows, but will not stop globalization, but will give it new features and directions of development.

«Эпоха турбулентности» мирового порядка: преодоление вызовов и поиск ценностных ориентиров

The purpose of this article is to consider the features of the international political situation in the modern conditions of the changing world order and the new role of the Russian Federation in it. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to look at the established model of international relations existing in the modern geopolitical space, highlight the problems of the modern world order, focus on the destructive nature of the interactions of existing military and political actors, analyze the systemic problems of the concept of globalization, from the point of view of the formation of foreign policy blocs. The article examines the main challenges faced by the modern world and ways to overcome them, as well as the search for new value orientations to ensure stability and progress, the impact of measures taken by Russia to protect its vital interests in the context of military-political confrontation with the collective West on the international system based on the hegemony of the United States and its allies. The idea of dismantling the current international order and deforming the model of international relations based on globalization is actualized, the need to search for common values that bring states closer together is analyzed against the background of the search for value determinants of the content of foreign policy. The aspects of a specific axiological complex of societies and countries that can become barriers to the development of constructive dialogue are highlighted. The conclusion is made about the need to preserve and strengthen the basic traditional national values in order to ensure the unity of society and the successful activity of the state both in domestic political activity and in the international arena. Periodical materials are used, as well as special literature on the problem.

Export of services by European Higher Education Area countries: Lessons for Russia

The article evaluates the influence of EHEA membership on the export of higher education services. Russia strived for joining the EHEA both for increasing the quality of higher education and its export. Due to the international situation since February 2022 Russian participation in the EHEA was blocked that made discussions about the necessity of remaining in the Area urgent. Thus, it is topical to identify possible consequences of leaving the EHEA for Russian export of higher education services. The article explores the consequences of EHEA membership for the export of higher education services by EHEA members as well as the factors influencing the geographical destinations of such export. The hypothesis is the following one: EHEA creation contributed to strengthening its general role at the world educational market, however, it did not change drastically the roles of its member-states that used to be both exporters and importers of higher education services. The article concludes that EHEA existence ensured the increase in common export of higher education services by the region but did not eliminate the differences of student mobility rates among the member-states. Nevertheless, the absolute numbers and the share of international students grew in most of these states. The research evaluates and forecasts the role of regional initiatives at the world market of higher education services. The research results may also be useful for evaluating projects of integration in higher education sphere as well as for elaborating the support tools for Russian export of higher education.

Ewolucja stosunków rosyjsko(radziecko)-japońskich w latach 1699–1941

Russian(Soviet)-Japanese contacts have a tradition of over 300 years. The author focuses in the article on a brief exemplification and analysis of unofficial Russian-Japanese contacts since the 18th century and their official relations until the signing of the Treaty of Neutrality between the Soviet Union and Japan in April 1941. In total, four parts of the article are devoted to the analysis, apart from the introduction and conclusion. The first part of the article covers the period of unofficial relations between the two countries, which was characterized by two contradictory tendencies. Russia is pursuing territorial expansion towards the Pacific Ocean, while Japan maintains a policy of voluntary closure to the outside world. The second part deals with the official relationship between them from the Treaty of Shimoda to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. During this period, both countries are guided by a policy of territorial expansion, which led to a war between them. The third part is related to the period from the signing of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty in 1905 to the fall of the Romanov dynasty in 1917. This was the only period of mutual friendship between Russia and Japan. The last part was the years from the February and October Revolutions in Russia to the conclusion of the neutrality pact in April 1941. At that time, one of the external interventions against Soviet Russia was Japan. However, after the Japanese troops were driven out of Soviet territory in the Far East, the two countries establish official diplomatic relations. In the 1930s, mutual relations deteriorated, and in the complicated international situation that existed at the time, Moscow and Tokyo signed the Neutrality Pact in April 1941. At the end of the article, several conclusions were formulated.

USING THE CAPABILITIES OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN THE CREATION OF INFORMATION AND PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS

Artificial intelligence (AI) is a relatively new and rapidly developing area of technology that has already gained significant influence on various spheres of human life, including national security, in a short time of its existence. In modern armed conflicts, AI is very active, in particular in the context of information and psychological operations (IPO). The use of AI in IPSO can bring about radical changes in their nature and methods. On the one hand, automated systems based on AI can significantly increase the efficiency and scale of information and psychological operations, allowing for faster and more accurate influence on the psychological state of the enemy. This can be especially useful in the virtual space, where the speed of reaction and dissemination of information is critical. On the other hand, the use of AI in IPSO also carries risks of conflict escalation. Artificial intelligence algorithms can make information and psychological operations more insidious, less predictable and aggressive, which can lead to unforeseen consequences and deterioration of the international situation. In this context, it is important to conduct a detailed analysis of the role of AI in information and psychological operations in modern armed conflicts. It should be noted that the use of AI in IPSO requires a thorough ethical justification, strict regulation and control to ensure the stability and security of the international community. In this article, we plan to consider in detail the mechanisms of AI use in IPSO, as well as analyze the potential consequences of its application, in particular in the context of security and stability at the international level.

Публично-правовое обеспечение государственного суверенитета в Соединенных Штатах Америки и Федеративной Республике Германия

The sharp aggravation of the international situation in recent years has acutely raised the question of the essence and content of state sovereignty of individual countries. The analysis of foreign experience of public-law provision of state sovereignty on the example of such ‘unfriendly’ states as the United States of America (hereinafter - the USA) and the Federal Republic of Germany (hereinafter also FRG, Germany) has not only cognitive, but also applied value for the improvement of public-law provision of state sovereignty of the Russian Federation. The emergence of the USA as a sovereign state took place in the struggle for independence from Great Britain. The colonial past and opposition to the traditional view of sovereignty as the absolute, unrestricted power of the monarch led to the US adherence to the concept of popular sovereignty, according to which the source of all power is the people. This provision is clearly enshrined in the preamble to the US Constitution, which establishes a system of dualistic federalism, stipulating that not only the federal government, but also the governments of each state within its competence have sovereign powers (granted by the people). The Foreign Agents Registration Act, passed as early as 1938, and the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995 play an important role in the public law enforcement of US state sovereignty. These laws contain strict requirements for registration of lobbyists and foreign agents, disclosure of information and general transparency of their activities. Legislation on lobbying and agents of foreign influence also exists at the state level. The requirements for lobbying and foreign agents vary from state to state in terms of their strictness and elaboration, differing significantly from federal legislation, but still strengthening the latter and contributing to the state sovereignty of the United States as a whole. German sovereignty is a consequence of the country's difficult history, which lost it as a result of defeat in World War II and had to rebuild it while in the midst of the Cold War and then as part of the unification process. Membership in NATO and later in the European Union, on the one hand, gave the FRG the opportunity to rise to the same level as other European countries and to get most of its sovereign rights back, on the other hand, it led to a limitation of sovereignty. The public-law provision of German state sovereignty is based on the provisions of the supreme legislative act of the country. According to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany, while participating in the development of the European Union, Germany can, by means of a law approved by the Bundestag, transfer sovereign rights not only to the European Union but also to intergovernmental institutions. In addition, the exercise of sovereign state powers falling within the competence of the Länder may be transferred by them, with the consent of the Federal Government, to border agencies of neighbouring states. Unlike the USA, counteraction to foreign influence in the Federal Republic of Germany does not have a developed legislative basis. At the normative level, there is no concept of a ‘foreign agent’ and no single act regulating the activities of collective and individual entities that receive funding or other support from abroad. A single normative legal act regulating lobbying activities, the German Lobbyists' Register Act, was adopted only in 2021, and it applies only to the representation of interests in the German Bundestag and in the Federal Government.

Chinese as an instrument of cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China

This scientific article is devoted to the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China. The relevance of the research topic is due to: first, the growth of the influence of the People’s Republic of China on the international arena; secondly, the acceleration of the process of transformation of the international situation, consisting in «power transition» from the USA to China; third, strengthening relations between the PRC and the countries of the collective "non-West". The object of this study is the cultural diplomacy of the PRC. The study focuses on the Chinese language as an instrument of Chinese cultural diplomacy. The aim of the study is to determine the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of China. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to study the process of implementing the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China in the context of «power transition», to define the role of the Chinese language in the cultural diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China in the context of «One Belt One Road». This study is based on the theory of neoliberalism, which implies the primacy of international political, economic and cultural cooperation as a factor restraining potential hostilities. The main conclusions of the study are the characteristic of cultural diplomacy as an integral part of inter-state relations, identification of the key tools for the implementation of Chinese cultural diplomacy at the present stage in the form of a symbiosis of the initiative «One Belt One Road» and the activities of the Confucius Institutes, characterization of the PRC as the key and only rival of the United States of America on the international arena in the context of the theory of «power transition».

ІМПЕРАТИВИ ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ БЕЗПЕКИ У СУЧАСНОМУ СВІТІ: СТРАТЕГІЇ І ЗАГРОЗИ

The article examines the key aspects and modern challenges affecting the economic security of states in the conditions of globalization and the rapidly changing international situation. Factors such as technological change, cyber threats, climate risks, social inequalities, and global financial instability that significantly affect the resilience of national economies are analyzed. It emphasizes the need for international cooperation and coordination of efforts between states to effectively counter cross-border threats to economic security, the importance of implementing innovative technologies and modern data analysis methods for forecasting and preventing economic risks, which contributes to the development of effective policies and tools aimed at increasing the level of economic security in today’s the world Based on a comprehensive analysis, strategies and measures aimed at minimizing the negative effects of these factors, strengthening economic stability and ensuring long-term stable development are proposed. It was determined that economic security is a multifaceted and complex problem that requires coordinated actions at all levels of management – from local to global. The need for constant updating and adaptation of economic security strategies in accordance with changing conditions and new challenges is substantiated, which includes continuous training, exchange of experience and development of professional competencies of specialists in the field of economic security. Taking into account the content of the concepts of "economy", "security" and the specifics of the concept of "imperative", for a deeper understanding and effective response to the challenges of economic security in the modern world, further research is needed, aimed at identifying the vulnerabilities of economic systems, developing effective strategies for countering threats and creating favorable environment for sustainable economic growth. The article represents an important contribution to the scientific understanding and practical solution of economic security problems, offering a comprehensive analysis of current challenges and threats, the development of strategies to effectively overcome them, offering a systematic approach to solving current problems in this field.

Пространственные особенности обеспечения энергетической безопасности региона на примере Калининградской области

Problems of energy security remain relevant for Russian regions in the current condi­tions. On the one hand, there is a pressing need to protect the economy and the population from energy-related threats at a regional and national level. On the other hand, the tense post-2022 international situation poses new industrial development challenges for regions, prompting some to reorganise domestic and export energy supply. Energy security issues encountered by Russian regions exhibit spatial variation depending on economic specialisa­tion and geographical location. This article examines several definitions of energy security employed in Russian and international practice. The conceptual and terminological features of the category ‘energy security’ are explored, with an emphasis on Russian regions. A socio-geographical approach is adopted to this end. Spatial features of energy security are identified based on a typology of relevant factors — conceptual objectives and avenues to act on. The case of the Kaliningrad region, an exclave highly dependent on external energy supplies, is examined to provide insight into possible scenarios for ensuring the territory’s energy securi­ty and the conditions for each course of events to unfold. The findings of the study suggest potential pathways for enhancing the exclave’s energy security, each requiring momentous decisions and careful attention to detail.

Development of Sino-Russian legal service cooperation in the context of hindered Eurasian integration

Due to the continuation of special military operations, the original mode of competition and cooperation in Central Asia has changed. The process of Eurasian integration has fallen into a temporary low tide, and the “Belt and Road” strategy has also been impacted. China and Russia have established a highly friendly comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination in the new era, and have maintained long-term high-level cooperation in various fields. Against the backdrop of the overall downturn in the world economy, bilateral trade has grown. In the face of Western sanctions, the economic and trade cooperation between Russia and European countries has gradually decreased, which will inevitably lead to the deepening of exchanges between Russia and China in the field. Whether the high-quality development of economic and trade cooperation or the docking and landing of long-term strategies, it is inseparable from the escort of the law. The current China-Russia legal services have such problems as narrow coverage, lack of legal talents, lack of dispute resolution mechanism, etc. Such scattered and fragmented legal services obviously cannot meet the needs of the development of Sino-Russian trade, and it is also unable to make timely adjustment in the face of the impact of the drastic international situation. This paper will sort out the development context of China- Russia legal service. Based on the current situation of legal service cooperation, this paper will analyze the shortcomings exposed in this field in the face of the drastic international situation, and put forward suggestions for the transformation and development of China-Russia legal service cooperation.

«Только анархия может дать нам возможность победить советскую власть»: докладная записка генерала М. К. Дитерихса руководству РОВС (1930)

The article analyzes a memo from the head of the Shanghai branch of the General Military Union, General M. K. Dieterichs, to the leadership of the ROVS, which is practically unknown to domestic researchers. The document is kept in the collections of the Bakhmetyev Archive of Russian and Eastern European History and Culture at Columbia University. The text of the memo shows the discrepancy between the author’s realistic assessment of the international situation in the Far East, the situation in the Far Eastern regions of the USSR, where there was an increase in discontent with the activities of the Soviet government, as well as the state of White emigration in China and the presentation of the prospects of the anti-Soviet movement based on Dieterichs’ belief in the exclusively repressive and spiritually alien Russian people essence of Soviet power and readiness a significant part of the ordinary military emigration to sacrifice in the overthrow of the «Bolshevik yoke». In the end, this discrepancy had a negative impact on the course of the anti-Soviet struggle.

ЯДЕРНЫЙ ФАКТОР В РОССИЙСКО-УКРАИНСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЯХ В 1990-Е ГГ.

The article considers the impact of the issue of Ukraine’s denuclearization on the development of Russian-Ukrainian relations in the 1990s. It describes in detail the difficult negotiations on the withdrawal of Soviet tactical and strategic nuclear weapons from Ukrainian territory, which first took place in a bilateral format between Russia and Ukraine, and then joined by the United States. The author notes that Russia sought to maintain a monopoly in possession of that type of weaponry in the post-Soviet space. Washington was also not interested in increasing the number of nuclear states, especially in the Commonwealth of Independent States. The position of the Ukrainian side was characterized by inconsistency and contradiction. The author explains why Ukraine’s renunciation of nuclear status was necessary and in the interests of all parties, including, first and foremost, Ukraine itself. In particular, the signing of the Budapest Memorandum not only helped ease tensions in Russian-Ukrainian relations in the mid-1990s, stabilized the international situation in the post-Soviet space, but also allowed Ukraine to receive international recognition and financial assistance. The article clearly refutes the thesis, quite popular in modern Ukraine, that it was possible for the country to retain a part of the Soviet nuclear arsenal after the collapse of the USSR. It was ruled out, among other things, because Ukraine did not have the technical capability to maintain such arsenal under the new conditions.

Newspaper reports about the Polish uprising of 1863 in the perception of L.N. Tolstoy

During the Polish uprising of 1863, L.N. Tolstoy expressed a desire to go to war again, as is known from his letter to A.A. Fet dated May 1-3 and from S.A. Tolstoy's diary dated September 22, 1863. As a result, the very military-political context of 1863, in which this desire was formed, remained practically unexplored. It remained unclear which Polish or pan-European events could actualize Tolstoy's desire in May and September 1863, why this desire is now escalating, then, obviously, retreating. In this article we will fill this gap by recreating the foreign policy context of 1863 on the basis of newspaper reports about the Polish uprising in April-May and September. In the early 60s, the Polish uprising entailed the intervention of Western powers in the conflict. This led to a diplomatic struggle between the Russian Empire and the Western powers. The focus of our attention will be publications from the "Moscow Vedomosti" edited by M.N. Katkov, which Tolstoy most likely followed. The main method of research is comparative and cultural-historical. Using these methods, we analyze in detail what exactly happened in May and September 1863 in the theater of operations in Poland and in the diplomatic spheres of Europe. Recreating the international situation of that time, we will prove that Tolstoy's desire to "take the sword off the rusty nail", about which he wrote to Fet, arose at the most critical moments for European diplomacy, when a new war between Russia and a coalition of Western states (like the Patriotic or Crimean) seemed almost inevitable. And the disappearance of his desire is connected with the elimination of this military threat. This proves that at the time of the beginning of work on "War and Peace", the writer was still quite closely following the modern political agenda, although he refused to participate in the war, the thought of it did not pass without a trace and left an imprint on his artistic imagination. Tolstoy then offered the reader of War and Peace a generally peaceful view of relations between peoples.

„DANAS AVIONI VRŠE NAPAD NA BEOGRAD“: BEOGRADSKA JAVNOST I OPASNOST OD NAPADA IZ VAZDUHA 1918-1941.

The tense international situation, the Spanish Civil War and the outbreak of the Second World War influenced that, from the mid-1930s, the danger of air attacks became a daily topic in the public discourse of the then Yugoslav society. Reports from the front followed, allowing readers to become familiar with the devastating effects of the bombing. At the same time, works were published that looked analytically at this topic. Their authors, in a scientific and popular way, tried to bring to a wider readership all segments of the use of aviation in war operations, its consequences and factors that can influence their mitigation. Such articles were an important segment in the education and preparation of the population against the dangers of air attacks. The simulation of aerial attacks through exercises held on Belgrade streets and training grounds represented a direct opportunity for the population to learn about bombing as directly as possible, without consequences. Exercises of this type also enabled state authorities to see shortcomings and assess the possible behavior of civilians during an attack. Analysis of advertisements in Belgrade newspapers clearly showed that in the second half of the 1930s, the threat of bombing became a daily reality for citizens. Overall, there is no key segment of this topic that was not represented in the Belgrade press of the interwar period.

ВНЕШНЕТОРГОВЫЙ МЕНЕДЖМЕНТ НА ПРИМЕРЕ СУДОХОДСТВА В ПЕРИОД САНКЦИЙ

For the domestic market, which is engaged in foreign economic trade, at the moment there is a period of ambiguous challenges. The influence of not only the economic and political sanctions of Western countries appears, but also the global economic situation, as well as the internal situation of the Russian economy, has a serious impact. The sanctions have only intensified the existing problems. The heads of logistics companies engaged in foreign trade face many issues that require special attention and discussion. Nowadays, we often come across a large number of publications devoted to this problem, all of them deserve detailed analysis. There are also a number of other aspects that are important for the productive work of companies in foreign markets, including issues of foreign trade management.

The International Actor Level and Situation of Turkey's Relations with the Organization of Turkic States

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin Orta Asya bölgesi ile tarihsel, kültürel, ekonomik, jeopolitik olarak çok yönlü bir ilişkisi bulunmaktadır. Türkiye’nin kuruluşundan günümüze kadar devam eden bu ilişki 1991’de Sovyetler Birliği’nin dağılması sonrasında Orta Asya ve Kafkasya devletlerinin bağımsızlıklarına kavuşmaları ile güçlenerek devam etmiştir. Türkiye’nin 1991 sonrası bölgede başlattığı aktif dış politikası sayesinde uluslararası ilişkilerdeki aktör rolü artmıştır. 1990’lı yıllarda Türk Devletleri Teşkilatının kurulmasına öncülük eden girişimlerde Türkiye öncü rol oynamıştır. Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı ile Türkiye arasındaki ikili ilişkilerde artarak devam eden kurumsallaşma bugün de devam etmektedir. Bu durumun ele alınması ve incelenmesi Türk dış politikasının geçmişten günümüze geldiği noktayı ve uluslararası bir aktör olarak gelişimini analiz etmek açısından önemli bir araştırma alanı oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmada Türkiye'nin Türk dünyasındaki aktör düzeyi ve gücü teorik düzeyde yorumlanmıştır. Bu durum aynı zamanda uluslararası sistemin yapısını ve Türkiye'nin durumunu da ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu çalışma aynı zamanda uluslararası örgütler ile devletler arasındaki aktör ilişkisini de incelemiştir. Böylece yeni dönemde uluslararası sistemin değişen yapısı tartışılmıştır. Çalışmada güncel küresel aktör analizlerine de yer verilmiştir. Türk Devletleri Teşkilatının uluslararası aktör statüsü ve Türkiye ile ikili ilişkileri ise çalışmada yer almamaktadır. .Bu konu geniş ve kapsamlı ele alınması gereken ayrı bir alandır. Bu nedenle çalışmada yer verilmemiştir.

Development Path of Bilateral Economic Relations between Pakistan and China: Current International Situation

Development Path of Bilateral Economic Relations between Pakistan and China: Current International Situation