Interest Group Politics Research Articles

Implementation of Maritime Transportation Service Policy in Riau Province (Study on the Ro-Ro Ship Dumai – Tanjung Kapal Pulau Rupat)

Sea transportation is a mobile bridge that acts as a link between areas separated by water. Rupat Island is an area surrounded by waters and designated as a National Tourism Strategic Area that can only be accessed using sea transportation. Sea transportation used to connect Rupat Island with Dumai City is the Ro-Ro (Roll On-Roll Off) ship. This research is motivated by various problems in the implementation of the Ro-Ro ship crossing service policy, including inappropriate vehicle spacing on the ship, exceeding load capacity, and deviation from the predetermined operational schedule. The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze the implementation of sea transportation service policies and to identify obstacles in the implementation of sea transportation service policies in Dumai - Tanjung Kapal, Rupat Island. This research employs Warwick's theory (1979), which comprises three components: Political Leadership Commitment, Organizational Capability, Implementation Commitment, and Interest Group Support. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative research, utilizing data collection techniques such as observation, interviews, and documentation. The implementation of the Dumai - Tanjung Kapal, Rupat Island Ro-Ro boat sea transportation service policy is overseen by the Riau Provincial Transportation Agency and managed by UPT Transportation Management Region I, UPT Pelabuhan Rupat District, and BPTD. However, third-party ship operators have not efficiently executed these policies, encountering various obstacles including stakeholders' lack of understanding of their roles and functions, insufficient budget for infrastructure development, and limited community response to service improvements. To optimize the implementation of Ro-Ro ship service policies in accordance with Minister of Transportation Regulation Number 115 of 2016 and Minister of Transportation Regulation Number 62 of 2019, these obstacles must be addressed to ensure service standards are met.

GR-management and public policy

The basis for thinking about the current state of interaction between business and public authorities is the monograph “GR-management of business organizations in modern Russia. Complex analysis and applied technologies” (Degtyarev, A.A., & Teteryuk, A.S. (Ed.). Moscow: Prometej, 2024). The paper notes the consonance of the contents of the book with the trends in the development of the professional sphere of GR (Government Relations) in a modern society with a market economy. Methodologically, the book deals with the concept of interest groups in politics, when the interaction of business with public authorities is described in the system of political governance functionally-strategically (lobbyism), microtactically (lobbying) and technologically-procedurally (GR-management). The monograph includes ideas about conflictual interaction between business and the state and the orientation of GR management towards achieving company profitability and obtaining political rent. However, this interpretation of the axiology of business, as shown in the paper, is insufficient and contradicts the modern understanding of capitalism as “stakeholder” oriented and “inclusive”, in which profit, although the goal of business, is subject to public values. Hence, it is not lobbying (unilateral influence on the public decision-making process), but corporate public policy (socially responsible and partner behavior of business) that constitutes the strategic orientation of GR-management. With such interaction between business and authorities, communication comes to the fore as a search for mutually agreed positions in public policy.

Becoming propaganda: critical race theory and the effect of fiction on education

ABSTRACT How does a social cause like race in public education get revived and reinvented? How do political interest groups mount a campaign that flows internationally from the United States to Australia and leads to the political exclusion of Critical Race Theory from the Australian Curriculum? This article addresses these questions by examining how social media has been used to distribute propaganda that infers racial literacy education is a problem for Australian schools. Drawing on Hannah Arendt’s theories of propaganda and using artefacts from multiple Internet websites, including social media, this article examines how conservative lobbyists in education have adjusted claims from the United States to suit the highly mediated political culture of Australia in 2021. These conservative groups worked to gain political ground by deliberately subverting Critical Race Theory, turning it into a political weapon that has been deployed by political actors across the US, UK and Australia. This article traces the subversion of CRT and efforts by social media creators, editors and academics to control the meaning of the Law School concept. It concludes by discussing the consequences the use of CRT as a political weapon has had on Australian education.

Political entrepreneurs and interest groups in the CPTPP ratification process in Chile: A case of politicization?

AbstractThis study examines the strategies employed by Chilean political parties and interest groups to politicize the Trans‐Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). To achieve this goal, political entrepreneurs and anti‐trade lobbies opposed the CPTPP are using a distinct strategy to shape the debate. The idea of trade politicization helps understand how these key actors expanded the scope of topics, mobilizing political action from various groups such as environmentalists, unions, indigenous activists, and advocates for gender equality. Furthermore, this strategy involves shifting the discourse away from the traditional dichotomy of free trade versus protectionism and redirecting the debate toward ideological and cultural dimensions such as legitimacy and sovereignty.

Some policies matter more: party salience and interest group access to political parties in Western democracies

ABSTRACT Political parties and interest groups play important roles in incorporating societal interests into democratic decision-making. Recent studies have analysed the causes of interactions between individual political parties and interest groups and of interest groups’ choices to seek access to one or more parties. Meanwhile, we know less about why some parties grant access to a range of interest groups while others focus on a few. This article theorises about party strategies and suggests that party salience – that is parties’ emphasis on different policy areas – affects the range of interest groups to which they grant access. I combine interest group survey data from six European democracies with data from party manifestos and use regression analyses to test this hypothesis. I find that parties provide access to multiple interest groups representing various interests in legislative politics and, above all, in policy areas that are salient to them. Thus, parties are more likely to be aware of diverse interests’ perspectives on policies in areas they prioritise. The results have important implications for our understanding of the consequences of party–interest group interactions in democracies.

Cross-border political competition.

Individuals are increasingly exposed to news and opinion from beyond national borders. This news and opinion are often concentrated in clusters of ideological homophily, such as political parties, factions, or interest groups. But how does exposure to cross-border information affect the diffusion of ideas across national and ideological borders? Here, we develop a non-linear mathematical model for the cross-border spread of two ideologies. First, we describe the standard deterministic model where the populations of each country are assumed to be constant and homogeneously mixed. We solve the system of differential equations numerically by the Runge-Kutta method and show how small changes in the influence of a minority ideology can trigger shifts in the global political equilibrium. Second, we simulate recruitment as a stochastic differential process for each political affiliation and fit model solutions to population growth rates and voting populations in US presidential elections from 1932 to 2020. We also project the dynamics of several possible scenarios from 2020 to the end of the century. We show that cross-border influence plays a fundamental role in determining election outcomes. An increase in foreign support for a national party's ideas could change the election outcome, independent of domestic recruitment capacity. One key finding of our study suggests that voter turnout in the US will grow at a faster rate than non-voters in the coming decades. This trend is attributed to the enhanced recruitment capabilities of both major parties among non-partisans over time, making political disaffection less prominent. This phenomenon holds true across all simulated scenarios.

Election proximity and the effectiveness of economic sanctions

Do elections matter for sanction effectiveness? Scholars have long highlighted the importance of domestic political factors in target (i.e. sanctioned) states in explaining when economic sanctions work. This line of research, however, has primarily focused on political regime characteristics and interest groups that are relatively low time-variant during sanction episodes. Building on this literature, we explore the effect of temporal proximity to elections. While the impact of elections have been examined in the context of military conflicts, their possible effects on sanction effectiveness have not been subject to systematic scrutiny. We argue that target governments are more likely to comply with sender demands as elections loom near in order to avoid the likely political costs of sanctions. The effect of elections, however, is likely to vary across different election characteristics and political regime types. We assess the empirical merits of our claims using data on over 1,000 sanction cases between 1950 and 2020. The results from a battery of empirical tests, including those that account for potential selection bias, support our hypotheses. We find that elections have a positive effect on sanction success, and this effect is more prominent in less democratic states that hold competitive elections. This suggests that even if sanctions have a relatively low success rate against non-democratic polities, elections may provide a window of opportunity for senders to extract concessions from target states.

Where’s the beef?: the politics of health care reform in South Korea

Background: In February 2024, the South Korean government released a policy proposal for healthcare reform, with one of the main pillars being increased medical school admissions. This policy has sparked intense opposition from the physicians’ top association. Most importantly, interns and residents—the bedrock of the medical workforce in Korean hospitals—began to leave en masse. Consequently, a medical crisis emerged, in which many medical and surgical procedures were delayed.Current Concepts: According to studies on comparative health policy and systems, the crisis could be attributed to the unique characteristics of the Korean healthcare system, in which the administration and doctors have failed to establish a substantive dialogue through which policy options are examined and deliberated. These dynamics necessitated the establishment of an institutional space for interest group politics, causing both to suffer from a lack of action repertoires. The stalemate we witness reflects the enduring patterns of the same issue.Discussion and Conclusion: To ensure the success of the current initiative, institutional arrangements must be established in which policymakers and physicians make a credible commitment to each other. Alternatives, for instance, include reactivating and regularizing the Health and Medical Services Policy Deliberation Committee, which could pave the way for establishing a venue where key stakeholders can discuss future agendas, such as how to ensure improved accessibility to “essential” care and mitigate its subnational variation, thereby creating a long-term vision for new health system governance in South Korea.

Testing theories of policy growth: public demands, interest group politics, electoral competition, and institutional fragmentation

ABSTRACT Policy growth is a ubiquitous feature of modern democracies that has attracted increased attention in political science and beyond. However, the literature is characterised by considerable disagreement on why policy growth occurs. Existing explanations centre on the influence of (1) public demands, (2) interest group politics, (3) electoral competition, and (4) institutional fragmentation. While all four explanations are plausible, there are no studies that assess their relative explanatory power within a single empirical analysis. This article provides such an analysis by examining the drivers of policy growth in 21 OECD countries from 1976 to 2020 in the area of environmental policy. We identify strong ties between organised interests and the government as the primary driver of policy growth. Public demands and institutional fragmentation are relevant but comparatively less important factors, while the intensity of electoral competition has no influence on policy growth. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the functioning of democracy in the long run.

Microtargeting, voters’ unawareness, and democracy

Abstract Recent technological developments have raised concerns about threats to democracy because of their potential to distort election outcomes: (a) data-driven voter research enabling political microtargeting and (b) growing news consumption via social media and news aggregators that obfuscate the origin of news items, leading to voters’ unawareness about a news sender’s identity. We provide a theoretical framework in which we can analyze the effects that microtargeting by political interest groups and unawareness have on election outcomes in comparison to “conventional” news reporting. We show which voter groups suffer from which technological development (a) or (b). While both microtargeting and unawareness have negative effects on voter welfare, we show that only unawareness can flip an election. Our model framework allows the theory-based discussion of policy proposals, such as to ban microtargeting or to require news platforms to signal the political orientation of a news item’s originator (JEL C72, D72, D82, D83).

Defining artificial intelligence as a policy problem: A discourse network analysis from Germany

AbstractScholars agree that digital technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) pose a political challenge. In this article, we study empirically how different actors in the German political system define AI as a policy problem. We use an original data set of 6421 statements by representatives of political parties, interest groups, scientific experts, and public officials in parliamentary debates, government consultations, and quality newspapers. Through Discourse Network Analysis and quantitative text analyses we show that most actors define AI as technology (innovation) policy and link it to government operations, international cooperation, and macroeconomics. Although they are present, consumer protection, labor, and education seem to be less important policy issues concerning AI. The results imply that the capacity of the national government to reduce problem definition uncertainty and to steer the political agenda is difficult and that most actors focus on technological innovation rather than civil rights‐related aspects.

Бюджетная политика развитых стран: игра по правилам?

The article examines the reasons for the adoption of fiscal rules in advanced economies, their main types, evolution and results of application. In the practice of fiscal policy over the past decades, there has been a steady trend towards budget deficits. There are two main reasons that explain this widespread deficit bias phenomenon: the tendency to push out the financial discipline burden to future governments or even to future generations and the interplay of political processes and interest group activities (common pool effect). Chronic budget deficits and growing public debts have prompted many countries to adopt certain national and supranational (in the EU) fiscal rules – long-lasting constraints on fiscal policy through numerical limits on main budgetary aggregates: budget balance, debt, expenditure or revenue. Fiscal rules can promote financial discipline and reduce the deficit bias in several ways. This influence on fiscal behavior arises from their capacity to “tie the hands” of policymakers and to be a useful signaling tool, helping to reduce the asymmetry of information between policymakers and voters. But the compliance track record with fiscal rules is relatively poor. They have failed to provide sufficient fiscal discipline: the deficit bias persists and the debt-to-GDP ratio in most advanced economies continues to grow. The adopted budget rules are periodically suspended, they are subject to revision, sometimes formally implemented by applying the creative accounting, policymakers use them as a tool of political bargaining. Ultimately, fiscal discipline does not depend on the existence of rules, but on the willingness of politicians to comply with this discipline.

Regulating Platform Work in the UK and Italy: Politics, Law and Political Economy

The advent of the platform economy gives rise to an important challenge for existing systems of labour law across the world. Different countries are reacting to this common challenge with various legislative measures, ranging from accommodation to re-regulation. This paper analyses the policy response to the spread of platform work in the UK and Italy, countries with quite different labour law frameworks as well as contrasting political and regulatory institutions. These two countries have responded differently to the advent of the platform economy. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, the paper draws on theories from political science and comparative political economy to explain the different regulatory outcomes observed. Specifically, it is argued that policy and legislative outcomes can be explained by the relative power of political actors and interest groups which are shaped, in turn, by the national system of political parties and the existing industrial relations frameworks. Platform or Gig Economy, Platform Work, Law and Political Economy, Power Resources

SOCIAL MEDIA GOVERNANCE VIA AN “ANEMIC” POLICY REGIME? HOW BOUNDARY SPANNING, COMPETING ISSUE DEFINITIONS, LACK OF COHESION, AND ADMINISTRATIVE FRAGMENTATION IMPEDE REGULATORY REFORM

Across the globe, lawmakers have enacted a range of reforms targeting the operation of large digital platforms. Within the United States, however, the push to regulate platform companies—specifically, social media—has faltered. Neither standard interest group politics, nor partisan deadlock, nor the clash of liberal versus conservative ideologies adequately account for this situation. Drawing upon historical sources, an examination of political-ideational foundations, and an empirical analysis of recent Congressional hearings, this paper argues that an “anemic” policy regime has emerged for governance of the social media sector in the United States over the past two decades. Key attributes of this regime—its boundary-spanning nature, competing issue definitions, lack of policy cohesion, and administrative fragmentation—combine to impede the capability for problem-solving on the topic of regulatory reform.

Party–Interest Group Ties and Patterns of Political Influence

Organizational ties between political parties and interest groups are common in contemporary democracies, but little is known about the political effects of such ties. This article examines whether the strength of organizational ties between parties and interest groups affects the probability of (1) interest group influence on parties, (2) party influence on interest groups, and (3) mutual party–interest group influence in decision-making. Using novel interest group survey data from six democracies, we are the first to systematically examine the relationship between organizational ties and perceived and attributed influence across multiple policy areas. The findings indicate that one-sided influence is more likely when the actors have stronger ties but that such ties also increase the likelihood of influence going both ways. Close party–interest group relationships hence likely involve give-and-take across policy issues. These findings shed important new light on the role of parties and interest groups as intermediaries in democracies.

Conceptualizing the European military-civilian-industrial complex: the need for a helicopter perspective

ABSTRACTIn his 1961 farewell address, US President Eisenhower coined the term “military-industrial complex,” referring to the coalescing of military, industrial, and political interest groups. In contemporary Europe, the military-industrial complex is arguably transforming into a complex with a noteworthy commercial civilian dimension, blurring traditional military and arms-focused understandings of European defence and security. Our emphasis on an added corporate civilian component captures the expansion of defence and security beyond the traditional military domain. Coalescing of industry and politics is observed in Europe, blurring the military-civilian divide, technologically as well as in organization and governance, particularly through public-private partnerships. Eisenhower, himself a decorated WWII general, warned of how the US military-industrial complex could lead to “disastrous use of misplaced power.” Rather than reiterating such a conclusion in the European context, our paper examines how the European military-civilian-industrial complex is emerging, looking at how elite participants shape the public-private structure of the complex, and specifically how policies on dual-use and emerging technologies influence developments in Europe. The focus herein is on novel actors, characteristics, and the European Union and charts out defining conceptual features of the defence and security industry in Europe.

Urban Communities as Interest Groups in Local Politics: A Conceptual Analysis

Urban communities are one the varieties of interest groups in local politics. The study examines the channels and the possibilities of their influence on the political agenda formation. The resources of interaction communities with other political subjects are analyzed. The success of communities in protecting group interests is assessed in terms of factors of two types - internal, reflecting the state and resource base on the communities themselves, and external, primarily institutional. The influence practices in the urban communities on local politics, as well as the degree and barriers to participation in the political processes in large cities in modern Russia are revealed.

Undermining lobbying coalitions: the interest group politics of EU copyright reform

ABSTRACT Recent studies show that, when salience is high, ‘heterogeneous lobbying coalitions’ uniting business and civil society groups are more successful in achieving their lobbying objectives than homogeneous coalitions. It is therefore surprising that a coalition of tech firms and civil society activists failed to prevent the adoption of the EU’s contested 2019 Copyright Directive, which constitutes a significant shift in the Union’s approach to online content regulation. This article argues that proponents of the policy change successfully undermined the lobbying coalition by invoking notions of ‘digital sovereignty’ and by delegitimizing activists as Silicon Valley’s ‘useful idiots’. Combining process-tracing of the lobbying processes and content analysis of European Parliament debates, the article shows how legislators employed delegitimation and sovereignty claims to justify their non-responsiveness to public protests. The article contributes to the interest group literature and debates on ‘digital sovereignty’ by demonstrating its strategic use in the policy-making process.

Intellectual Property and the Politics of Public Good during COVID-19: Framing Law, Institutions, and Ideas during TRIPS Waiver Negotiations at the WTO

Context: To facilitate the manufacturing of COVID-19 medical products, in October 2020 India and South Africa proposed a waiver of certain intellectual property (IP) provisions of a World Trade Organization (WTO) agreement. After nearly two years, a narrow waiver agreement that did little for vaccine access passed the ministerial despite the pandemic's impact on global trade, which the WTO is mandated to safeguard. Methods: The authors conducted a content analysis of WTO legal texts, key-actor statements, media reporting, and the WTO's procedural framework to explore legal, institutional, and ideational explanations for the delay. Findings: IP waivers are neither legally complex nor unprecedented within WTO law, yet these waiver negotiations exceeded their mandated 90-day negotiation period by approximately 18 months. Waiver opponents and supporters engaged in escalating strategic framing that justified and eventually secured political attention at head-of-state level, sidelining other pandemic solutions. The frames deployed discouraged consensus on a meaningful waiver, which ultimately favored the status quo that opponents preferred. WTO institutional design encouraged drawn-out negotiation while limiting legitimate players in the debate to trade ministers, empowering narrow interest group politics. Conclusions: Despite global political attention, the WTO process contributed little to emergency vaccine production, suggesting a pressing need for reforms aimed at more efficient and equitable multilateral processes.

Anticorruption frames: Bridging accountability

ABSTRACT Studies indicate that the success of anticorruption reforms depends upon the support of civil society actors (CSAs), whereas bottom-up initiatives need a certain degree of vertical integration with political elites to bring about long-lasting change. Indeed, anticorruption is a multi-actor field populated by political parties, the media, NGOs, interest groups, and social movements. Each of these actors shapes the outcome of the anticorruption struggle, bringing to the fore its logic, goals, strategies, and, most importantly, its discourses. Studies on frames and discourses have shown how corruption narratives inform policymaking. However, few studies have examined institutional and civil society anticorruption frames and their impact on anticorruption policies simultaneously. Focusing on the Italian case through a frame analysis of parties’, regulatory agencies’, and CSAs’ documents, newspapers, and interviews, this work looks at processes of frame alignment and frame disputes between civic and institutional actors and tries to assess their impact in shaping the Whistleblowing Protection Act (2017). The article aims at reintroducing the analysis of grassroots frames alongside institutional ones to understand the impact of discourses on anticorruption policymaking.