The article is devoted to analyzing the process of forming cooperative security within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a key element of regional stability in Southeast Asia and the partial extrapolation of the ASEAN cooperative security regime to the Asia–Pacific in the 20th century. The results of the analysis show that only with the establishment of a favorable climate in interstate relations in Southeast Asia in the second half of the 1960s did it become possible to create ASEAN, within which elements of cooperative security were immediately evident, in particular multilateralism, the primacy of non–interference in internal affairs, inclusiveness, and the priority of political–diplomatic rather than military instruments of interaction. The results also provide a detailed overview of the main events related to the establishment, development, and activities of ASEAN in the 20th century, focusing on the examination of ASEAN’s fundamental documents through the lens of the cooperative security concept, and identifying three periods of ASEAN cooperative security development during the 20th century: 1967–1977; 1978–1989; and 1990–1997. It is analyzed that the cooperative security regimes established within ASEAN – codes of conduct such as the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and the 1995 Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon–Free Zone, contributed to reducing tensions, improving communication, and preventing conflict escalation not only in Southeast Asia but also in the Asia–Pacific region. However, it was precisely the cooperative security regime based on the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation that became a success story in the extrapolation of ASEAN cooperative security to the Asia–Pacific and remains to this day the main code of conduct for engagement with ASEAN in Southeast Asia and the broader Asia–Pacific.

This book explores one of the central issues in contemporary international relations and, simultaneously, the confrontation between Russia and the West: the eastward expansion of the EU. Globally, the eastward expansion of the EU holds the potential for the EU to emerge as a new pole of global politics, capable of significantly influencing the balance of power in the modern world. Regionally, the latest wave of EU enlargement, which has included post-socialist European states, could be decisive in establishing a new type of interstate relations on the continent and in determining the extent to which Eastern European and Baltic countries adapt to EU standards and norms. In other words, it could have a direct impact on reform processes in post-Soviet and post-communist countries. For Eastern European countries, analyzing this process is important not only for determining prospects for further development within the EU political system or for the Eastern Partnership countries. This book analyzes the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe following the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s ongoing, aggressive, full-scale war against Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022. In this context, the authors of various chapters in this book examine the economic, social, institutional, and political instability in the countries of the eastern part of the EU.

ABSTRACT When do authoritarian incumbents request the assistance of autocratic powers located several thousand kilometres away? What type of assistance do they request? While most of the literature focuses on the supply of assistance by autocratic powers, the framework proposed here puts the incumbents that request assistance at the centre. This is tested by looking at the inter-state relations between Nicolás Maduro’s regime in Venezuela and two offshore autocratic powers: the People’s Republic of China and Russia. We process-trace the different types and intensities of domestic and international threats to the regime's survival, the high-level contacts between the authorities of these regimes and the various types of assistance that Venezuela requested during the period of autocratic consolidation between 2014-23. The proposed demand-side framework is instrumental in understanding offshore autocratic assistance in which the strategic motivations of the autocratic powers for ‘promoting authoritarianism’ are less clear than in the case of autocratic collaboration within a sphere of influence.

ABSTRACT This article aims to decentre the knowledge production of International Relations (IR) through a historical linguistic lens. It provides a theoretical explanation of why there is no conceptual history of ‘international’ and reinterprets it by tracing its semantic transformation. From ancient to late modern periods, the term ‘international’ has reflected a sense of multiplicity, suggesting that interstate relations produce political effects beyond the sum of their parts. Emphasizing the term as a translingual traveller, the article explores its semantic shifts from Latin to late-modern European vernaculars, and the mechanism of translating it into the Sinosphere (particularly Chinese and Japanese). This reveals an asynchronous and heterogeneous consciousness to challenge dualist, state-centric, and Eurocentric narratives of current IR. The article thus aims to prompt a subsequent agenda regarding the translingual inquiries in IR’s knowledge production, propelling this discipline towards a genuine decentred and ‘global’ IR.

Globalisation and digitalisation have had a profound impact on public discourse and modern communication within contemporary institutions. In Morocco, these developments have resulted in an ongoing attempt to reconcile the tensions inherited from deeply rooted cultures with the contemporary demands of institutionalisation, namely efficiency and transparency. Based on Hofstede's intercultural model and the work of Bourdieu, Giddens, Morin, and Habermas, this article takes a systemic approach to culture and communicational interactions in public organisations in Morocco. Drawing on an analysis of national administrative culture and theories of structuration and communicational rationality, the author shows the impact of societal values, hierarchical distance, collectivism, and cohesion on inter-state relations and public institutions. Far from being reduced to the circulation of information, public communication, in its modern function, is articulated around a field of tension and power relations where modernity, tradition, and the space for co-civism are negotiated. Keywords : Hofstede's cultural dimensions and public communication in Morocco: between identity heritage and institutional modernity. Received Date: August 21, 2025 Accepted Date: September 13, 2025 Published Date: October 01, 2025 Available Online at https://www.ijsrisjournal.com/index.php/ojsfiles/article/view/477

The article examines the key trends determining the modern specifics of relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) after the global energy crisis of 2021-2022 (IEC). The thesis is put forward that in the context of the transformation of the global energy system, in particular changes in the structure of consumption and supply, as well as in the context of political and economic tensions caused by the IEC, one of the ways to adapt the economies of China and the KSA to new realities is the formation and strengthening of Sino-Saudi relations. The impact of the crisis is also determined within the framework of a comparative analysis of state relations in the pre-crisis and post-crisis periods, where the former is characterized by the emergence of hydrocarbon energy interdependence of states, the development of bilateral investment and political relations between the PRC and the KSA. It is concluded that the IEC 2021-2022 He acted as a catalyst for the expansion of interstate relations to the level of strategic partnership, the reorientation of investments in the green policy of states within the framework of the implementation of the “One Belt, One Road” strategies of the People’s Republic of China and the “Vision 2030 of the KSA and stressed the dependence of interstate relations on traditional energy sources.

The world is undergoing a period of de-globalisation, shifting the relative balance of power and changing inter-state relations,weakening international organisations due to the declining interest of key members towards effective agreements, andincreasing distrust in the capability of the international institutions to transform and perform effectively and independentlyfrom its majority shareholders. Global competition is intensifying, and a painful restructuring is reshaping approaches tocooperation. Leading world economies are adopting offensive protection policies to reclaim their competitiveness and secureleadership in defining the rules of the emerging economic order. While acting within a realist paradigm of realism, theycontinue to stick to the rhetoric of liberalism, and further amplify it. The need to modernise global economic governance is feasible, broadly recognised and consistently reaffirmed in thedocuments issued by the UN, G20, BRICS, SCO, APEC and other international institutions. The key question is whetherthe renewed system will foster an equitable and effective economic order and inclusive cooperation aimed at generatingglobal public goods – or instead serve as a mechanism for exerting influence and coercion in the interests of certain countriesand alliances. The article examines the G7 international initiatives grounded in the notion of economic security, aimed at reshapingthe existing international institutions and rules, establishing the G7-centered cooperation frameworks with like-mindedpartners, and countering strategic competitors unwilling to play by the G7 rules. The author outlines the risks stemming fromredefining trade and economic cooperation, as well as economic governance institutions under the banner of economic security,explores possible models for the future of economic governance, and proposes recommendations for BRICS cooperation.The study is based on content analysis of the G7 policy documents, statements by the G7 leaders, and expert assessments

ALFÖLDI LÁSZLÓ. Kolozsvártól Bukarestig. Egy magyar diplomata visszaemlékezései [From Cluj-Napoca to Bucharest. Memoirs of a Hungarian Diplomat]. Budapest: Kisebbségekért‒Pro Minoritate Alapítvány ‒ Méry Ratio Kiadó. 2022. 251 p. GHEORGHE ALBUȚ. Un diplomat român la Budapesta (1981-1990 și după aceea…) [A Romanian Diplomat in Budapest. (1981-1990 and after that…)]. București: Corint Istorie. 2023. 256 p.

This study aims to examine the impact of regional integration policies on interstate relations and political stability in the Middle East. The main focus of the research includes analyzing the influence of these policies on diplomatic cooperation, political stability, and regional security. Additionally, the study will identify the challenges and obstacles hindering the effectiveness of regional integration and propose strategies to enhance integration with a more inclusive and cooperative approach. To elaborate on the discussion, the author uses regionalism theory. The method used is descriptive-analytical. The study concludes that regional integration in the Middle East faces significant challenges, such as dependence on hydrocarbon exports, which limits the development of industry and the private sector in GCC countries. Economic disparities between wealthy countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar and poorer countries like Yemen are exacerbated by the migration of young professional workers to the GCC. In addition to economic issues, the region also faces insecurity in food, water, and energy. Internal conflicts, cultural identity differences, and political rivalries often hinder the effectiveness of regional cooperation. To achieve better integration, an approach that involves intergovernmental dialogue, inclusive strategies, and the active participation of civil society and the private sector is required.

Abstract The current literature on the study of rivalries in international relations focuses on “scrambling rivalry,” whose underpinning logic is that actors try to maximize their positional, spatial, ideological, and interventional influence in resource-rich regions. However, in the last three decades the Horn of Africa, an area with relatively poor natural resources, fragile states, and conflict-prone interstate relations, has hosted thousands of foreign troops. A new concept of “disrupting rivalry” is put forward in the article. It argues that in the peripheral zone of outside powers’ rivalries actors establish a military presence without necessarily aiming to expand their security interests, but to disrupt the rival’s presence with the excuse of protecting overseas nationals or other rationalization. The foreign military presence does not aim to prepare for hard military confrontation, but to pursue soft political competition to spoil the rival’s eventual unchallenged gains.

This article aims to connect the structural crisis of capital with the dynamics of interstate relations in recent decades. We will argue that, between 1979 and 2008, the centripetal force of the international superstructure corresponding to US global power prevented the uncontrolled, totalizing, irresistible, and unrestricted tendencies of transnational capital from appearing in an immediately catastrophic manner. However, the reemergence of imperialist rivalries following the rise of the Chinese economy has introduced unpredictability and irreversibility to transnational capital. Combined with the broader tendencies of rivalry, these factors will likely accelerate the long civilizational march toward socio-environmental catastrophe.

Abstract While a large existing body of work considers the international determinants and consequences of arms transfers, research on their domestic sources is rare. However, anecdotal evidence highlights their importance. This paper addresses this gap by linking arms transfers to research on the consequences of leadership turnover for interstate relations. It develops the expectation that leadership turnover in a recipient country should result in reduced arms orders from previous suppliers, given that new leaders should introduce uncertainty into diplomatic relations and tend to change their countries’ foreign policy behavior. This should especially be the case when new leaders are affiliated with a different support coalition than their predecessors, and when political power is highly concentrated in the executive. These expectations are tested using global dyadic data on leadership turnover and arms orders. Surprisingly, across a range of operationalization and modeling strategies, there is no empirical support for the expectation that leadership turnover decreases arms orders filed with previous suppliers. This research raises important questions regarding the domestic sources of states’ foreign policy behavior and politico-strategic role of arms supply relationships between states, especially highlighting important future directions for research on the consequences of leadership transitions.

Indian’s long-standing identity as a secular democracy is increasingly being contested by ascendance of far-right ideological narratives, particularly those associated with the concept of “Hindutva”. With the electoral prominence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and ideological influence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), ‘Hindutva’ has emerged as a dominant political discourse. The ideology envisions India as a fundamentally Hindu nation, wherein citizenship and national belonging are closely tied to Hindu cultural affiliation. In this framework, non-Hindu communities are expected either to conform to majoritarian norms or accept subordinate status. Political actors and affiliated organizations have strategically utilized mass media and discursive tools to foster communal polarization, often targeting Muslim and other minority communities. This has contributed to increased marginalization, socio-political exclusion, and incidents of communal violence. Moreover, such narratives have extended beyond national borders, contributing to the dissemination of exclusionary rhetoric within the South Asian region. Anti-Muslim sentiment promoted by certain Hindu nationalist factions has exacerbated regional tensions and reinforced militarized and nationalistic postures. There is a growing concern that Hindutva-aligned narratives may influence minority Hasan, A. A. (2025). ‘Hindutva’: Political Narrative in India and its Implication for South Asia. The Informal: South Asian Journal of Human Rights and Social Justice, 2 (1), 53-65. Introduction Hindu populations in neighboring countries, potentially catalyzing reactive mobilizations among other religious groups, including Muslim and Buddhist factions. This discursive spill over heightens the risk of reciprocal extremism, deteriorates inter-state relations, and intensifies communal tensions. Consequently, these dynamics pose a substantive threat to regional stability and minority rights across South Asia.

The softening climate and ice conditions in the Arctic have led to a significantly increase in the associated research and business activity. The Arctic potential attracts the attention of states, and they seek to formulate efficient strategies for using the emerging resources and opportunities. The purpose of this work is to identify signs of intensification and diversification of the Arctic policy of states in the late 20th — first quarter of the 21st century, which are reflected in scientific publications. The study uses the works of experts who have studied the manifestations and dynamics of climate change in the Arctic region, the associated natural, political and socio-economic opportunities and threats. A systematic approach is used to consider the interests, connections and relations of states. Through synthesis, analysis, comparison and generalization, trends in the development of the Arctic and the evolution of Arctic strategies are identified. It is concluded that the authors actively considered the climate agenda. In the interdisciplinary field, the causes, nature of climate change, their impact on natural ecosystems and living conditions of the population of the Arctic region are identified. Since the early 2000s, the vector of scientific research related to the opportunities that are opening up due to the melting of ice in the Arctic has begun to gain momentum — the development of communication routes and transport logistics, mining and industrial construction in the Arctic latitudes. Along with interaction in the field of Arctic research and development, international rivalry is developing. The desire to protect their interests and expand geopolitical influence leads to the militarization of the Arctic policy of various countries. Assessing the crisis of trust between countries and the presence of threats, researchers note the lack of effective instruments and mechanisms for regulating interstate relations and the need for joint efforts to achieve peace and security. The intensification of economic development of the Arctic region is inevitable, and the responsibility of countries is to prevent threats leading to the destruction of its nature through new scientific, technical and organizational means.

The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has long been a pivotal yet contentious element in the complex relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan. With the Taliban’s resurgence in Afghanistan in August 2021, the dynamics of Pak-Afghan relations have undergone a significant transformation, heavily influenced by the presence and activities of the TTP. This research investigates the multifaceted role of the TTP as a destabilizing force in bilateral ties, particularly in the context of the Taliban’s ideological and operational linkages with the group. The study argues that the Afghan Taliban’s tacit support—or at least reluctance to curb TTP operations—has intensified security challenges for Pakistan, leading to a surge in cross-border militancy and complicating counterterrorism efforts. By examining official policy statements, security reports, and insurgent activities, this paper assesses how the TTP’s resurgence has strained diplomatic engagements between Islamabad and Kabul. It highlights Pakistan’s concerns over alleged safe havens for TTP militants in Afghanistan, as well as the implications of the group’s attacks on Pakistan’s internal security and regional stability. Furthermore, the study evaluates the effectiveness of Pakistan’s counterterrorism strategies and the broader geopolitical ramifications of the TTP’s presence in the region. Ultimately, this research underscores that the TTP remains a critical impediment to sustainable cooperation between Pakistan and Afghanistan in the Taliban era. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of how non-state actors influence interstate relations in conflict-prone regions, offering insights into the challenges of counterterrorism, bilateral trust-building, and regional security management.

New Zealand and Sri Lanka neighbor regional powers: Australia and India, respectively. Australia and India wield considerable influence in the Pacific and Indian Ocean regions due to their size, wealth, and resources. The island-states in Australia’s neighborhood are dependent on Australia for trade and security, whereas India’s neighbors engage in trade, have security pacts, and are occasionally influenced in domestic and foreign policy, resulting in both New Zealand and Sri Lanka being in these countries’ direct sphere of influence. Accordingly, this article examines how the geographic proximity of small states to a bigger, more powerful neighbor influences how smaller states manage these relations. The research follows the comparative case study method using two sets of cases: Australia and New Zealand, and India and Sri Lanka. The article develops new insights into the geopolitics of small states and provides a nuanced understanding of interstate relations. It argues that Alan K. Henrickson’s framework on distance in foreign policy could be developed further by explicitly acknowledging the relationship between distance and closeness, and the dynamic interrelationship between different types of distances and proximities.

Abstract Although parliamentarians play an important role in advancing interstate relations, their influence on foreign policy formulation, particularly amid growing geopolitical complexity and polarization, is often poorly understood. In the context of Japan–central Asia relations, inter-parliamentary cooperation is rarely explored in depth, and the role that members of the Japanese legislature play in shaping Japan's foreign policy towards central Asia remains insufficiently explored. This research aims to fill this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of Japan's parliamentary diplomacy towards central Asia, with specific attention being paid to the role of parliamentary leagues of friendship. Using in-depth interviews and document analysis in multiple languages, the study examines the influence of individual political figures and parliamentary structures (including both formal and informal associations) on the evolution of Japan–central Asia relations in general, and Japan–Kazakhstan relations in particular. The article demonstrates that parliamentary diplomacy, both formal and informal, has been central to fostering stronger relations between the nations, especially in the context of changing global dynamics.

Abstract This paper employs the Tirukkural as an analytical framework to study the statecraft of the Chola Empire, one of the longest-ruling thalassocratic dynasties in global history. The work provides a systematic approach to understanding governance, with particular emphasis on statecraft, interstate relations, and the monarchy of the Cholas, whose political influence spanned both Southern India and Southeast Asia. By examining the key precepts of the Tirukkural, this study seeks to examine pivotal moments in Chola history, notably the Chola expedition to Srivijaya. These military ventures, set against the backdrop of generally peaceful relations between India—particularly Southern India—and Southeast Asia, present a persistent historical conundrum. Through a critical analysis of the Tirukkural’s guiding principles, the paper assesses the text’s explanatory utility in understanding Chola political strategy. In doing so, it underscores the continued relevance of the Tirukkural as a potent tool for analysing the political dynamics of one of the most influential empires in the history of the Indian subcontinent.

This study examines the complex dynamics shaping relations between Türkiye and the Gulf Arab States in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. It addresses the central question: "How has the Arab Spring reconfigured alignments between Sunni, pro-Western Türkiye and the Gulf Arab States?" The research posits that Middle Eastern geopolitics can be more comprehensively understood through a framework that synthesizes material and ideational factors. It argues that the fluctuating convergence and divergence between these actors are primarily driven by ideational factors, with material considerations playing a significant secondary role. The study employs the regime security approach as its theoretical foundation, complemented by process tracing methodology to analyze the political, economic, and social dimensions of Türkiye-Gulf Arab States relations. This multifaceted approach aims to provide a nuanced understanding of regional realignments and contribute to the broader discourse on Middle Eastern security dynamics. By focusing on the interplay between ideational factors and regime security concerns, this research offers novel insights into the evolving nature of inter-state relations in the post-Arab Spring Middle East.

In this article, the significance of international treaties in the regulation of interstate relations in the recognition and enforcement of court decisions (decisions) of foreign states is analyzed. The author examines the regulation of interstate legal relations through universal, regional, and bilateral international treaties. In particular, universal, regional, and bilateral international treaties are considered, and the specific features of each of them in the process of recognition and enforcement of judgments (decisions) of foreign states are highlighted. In particular, issues such as state sovereignty, national interests, and confiscation of proceeds from crime in the recognition and enforcement of court decisions (decisions) of foreign states are covered within the framework of international cooperation. The article analyzes bilateral agreements signed by the Republic of Uzbekistan with such countries as Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and the Czech Republic, including agreements on the continuation of serving sentences and the provision of legal assistance to persons sentenced to imprisonment. Also, attention is paid to the requirements of the Minsk and Chisinau Conventions “On Legal Assistance and Legal Relations in Civil, Family and Criminal Matters,” as well as bilateral agreements of the Republic of Uzbekistan on the recognition and enforcement of court decisions (decisions) of foreign states. At the same time, attention was drawn to the differences between the general approach of universal conventions and the procedural procedures in regional, bilateral agreements.