Democratic Institutions Research Articles

Democracy Revised: Democratic Imaginary and Emerging Autocracy in Post-Soviet Russia

Contemporary autocracies often maintain a connection with democracy. They do not entirely dismantle the democratic structures established within unfinished modernization projects. Instead, they emerge as “electoral autocracies” and manipulate the concept of democracy offering alternative interpretations and meanings to further their illiberal agenda. The paper delves into the revision of democracy and how the democratic imaginary is utilized in the context of emerging autocracy in post-Soviet Russia. While the post-Soviet Russian autocracy adjusted democratic institutions for its own objectives, it also intended to appropriate the concept of democracy at the semantic and symbolic levels. The rise of Putin’s autocracy is characterized by the radicalization of cultural-civilizational particularism endorsing anti-democratic illiberal arguments. Through this adaptable hermeneutic framework, the Russian authorities tend to relativize the concept of democracy, criticizing, and dismissing the relevance of liberal democracy. Simultaneously, they articulate a distinct “sovereign” version of democracy and claim that non-liberal regimes are legitimate forms of political modernity. The autocratic political discourse on democracy is intrinsically non-democratic, as the lack of intellectual autonomy, control, and closure of discourse constrain the scope of meaning. The resulting heteronomous conception of democracy presents a static and ahistorical society predestined to (re)produce a single pro-authoritarian cultural-political pattern.

Democratic Rollback in West Africa: Coup Contagion, Sit-tight Tyrants and Best Options for Regional Organisations

Unconstitutional changes of government (UCG) have resurfaced in West Africa, undermining decades of democratic progress. This article examines the effectiveness of intervention strategies by regional organizations, specifically the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), in preventing democratic backsliding and mitigating military coups. Despite these organizations’ efforts, their strategies, including diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions, and military threats, have often yielded limited success. The study investigates the strengths and weaknesses of these approaches, highlighting the inconsistency in sanctions application and the internal divisions within ECOWAS that hamper effective intervention. Through a comprehensive review of recent coups in Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon, the study explores the broader political and economic factors contributing to instability, such as corruption, weak institutions, and socioeconomic challenges exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings suggest that enhancing democratic institutions, promoting good governance, and enforcing strict term limits are crucial for long-term stability. This study aims to contribute to the development of more robust frameworks for safeguarding democracy in West Africa, offering recommendations for regional organizations, national governments, and international actors to address the challenges of democratic backsliding and coup contagion.

ЕФЕКТИВНЕ ДЕРЖАВНЕ УПРАВЛІННЯ І НАЦІОНАЛЬНА БЕЗПЕКА В КОНТЕКСТІ DEEP STATE

The article explores the concept of the «deep state» as a key element of ensuring sustainable public administration and national security in war and peace. The author examines global and regional development trends that affect the formation of national security and analyses the mechanisms of power and governance in different countries. Particular attention is paid to the role of informal and closed networks in influencing official policy, which allows for a deeper understanding of the sources of information wars and manipulation of public opinion. The relevance of the study is driven by the need to build a transparent, fair and democratic society, as well as to strengthen democratic institutions and protect the rights and freedoms of citizens. The analysis of the deep state allows us to identify the interconnections between state institutions, the military, intelligence services and big business, which often remain outside democratic control. The author notes that the study of the deep state is important for the protection of democratic values, increasing transparency, accountability and efficiency of governance. Particular attention is paid to the influence of the deep state on the information space and the mechanisms of manipulating public opinion through the media. Understanding these processes contributes to the development of critical thinking and the protection of citizens' rights and freedoms. In the context of globalisation, the concept of the deep state is seen as an important factor influencing international relations, trade policies and economic alliances. The study of this phenomenon helps to predict changes in global politics and the economy, which is important for the development of long-term national security strategies. The term «deep state» is used to describe a network of influential individuals or organisations that can exert significant influence on public policy beyond democratic control. This concept is actively discussed in political debates, causing controversy over its role and influence on political processes.

King warns the nation: white America, the political economy, the age of Obama

The author contends that white America’s resistance to black advancement is the primary cause for the current racism and resistance to democracy and democratic institutions. Beyond Martin Luther King Jr.’s life and witness, white America has mutated into the political economy that has hybridized surrogates, namely, neofascism and neoliberalism, philosophical constructs that represent the Theo political right and the Theo political left. Strikingly, the political economy and its hybridized surrogates and paralleling philosophical constructs have come to maturity during the age of Obama, which provides a narrative for this article.

The Future of the Civilization of the Ummah Is Reviewed from the Sociology of Education for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG'S)

Objective: The ancient Arab economy developed in the second half of the first millennium BC. Its glory peaked in the first century until the early second century AD, with trade routes to North Arabia and Syria. Nabataean kingdom in North Arabia was established, with two major cities as trading centers: Petra, and Palmyra. using the sociological perspective of education and commercialization theory, the ancient Arab economy has a mode of merchant capitalism. Theoretical Framework: Ancient Arab trading capitalism revived in the pre-Islamic Arab period, from the end of the fourth century AD. Mecca became the center of international trade, side by side with Yathrib and Taif. Two types of markets were born, the inner market and the outer market. New institutions related to culture, politics, and economy were established, including the division of labor institutions and institutions that regulate traders' interaction from inside and outside Makkah. Method: This research uses an interpretative paradigm with a qualitative approach, case study type, and multicase design. Data were collected using observation, interviews, and documentation. Data validity using triangulation of sources, methods, and theories. Next, an interactive model analysis is carried out. The research object was carried out in the Yogyakarta and Surakarta regions of Indonesia. Results and Discussion: Merchant capitalism during the early Islamic era underwent characteristic changes, similar to social capitalism. Referred to as Religious Capitalism, because its inspiration comes from religious teachings. The state regulates the market: the prohibition of exaggerating the quality of goods, bidding new prices, intercepting goods before they reach the market, hoarding goods, and silent trading. State revenues have also increased, including spoils of war, income from the agricultural and industrial sectors, kharaj, endowments, 'ushr, jizya, redemption money, loans, alms, and gifts. The state is involved in public affairs, for example by establishing the Diwan. Research Implications: The reconstruction of Islamic civilization should follow the model of Religious Capitalism, which is one of the main legacies of the early Islamic period. Social capitalism is also gaining momentum. Apart from that, a development model with a mode of peaceful revolution is also proposed: dialogue and cooperation with the dominant civilization. The geopolitics of the world are also shifting. Originality/Value: Three technical requirements are needed, namely political democracy, economic cooperation, and active participation in global institutions. The main attention is directed to the development of knowledge and science, with critical and conventional madzab models.

Unmasking the Authoritarian Mob Boss: A Critical Analysis of Donald Trump’s Political Leadership

This article comprehensively examines Donald Trump’s political leadership, arguing that his tenure as the 45th President of the United States exhibited characteristics commonly associated with authoritarian mob bosses. Drawing upon various empirical evidence and theoretical political science frameworks, the study sheds light on the underlying dynamics that shaped Trump’s leadership style and its implications for democratic governance. The analysis begins by contextualizing Trump’s rise to power within the erosion of democratic norms. It explores how his rhetoric, characterized by demagoguery and the demonization of opponents, mirrors the tactics employed by mob bosses to consolidate their power and suppress dissent. Moreover, the study uncovers the striking similarities between Trump’s administration management and the hierarchical structures of organized crime, highlighting his reliance on loyalty, personal connections, and a disregard for institutional checks and balances. Furthermore, this research delves into Trump’s autocratic tendencies, as evidenced by his disdain for the free press, attacks on the judiciary, and attempts to undermine the integrity of democratic processes. It reveals how these actions align with the strategies employed by authoritarian leaders to silence opposition and perpetuate their dominance. By examining Trump’s presidency through process tracing, this study contributes to our understanding of the complex relationship between authoritarianism and the erosion of democratic institutions. The findings underscore the urgent need for continued scholarly and public scrutiny of leaders who exhibit traits akin to authoritarian mob bosses to safeguard the principles of democratic governance and protect the integrity of liberal democracies.

The interrelationship between sovereignty, state building, and good governance: the case of the Kurdistan region

ABSTRACT The process of state building and sovereignty has long been debated in the literature to hinge on international recognition. Despite the importance of the international factor, an equally important factor in this process is the establishment of good governance grounded in democratic institutions and a culture of democratic decision-making practices. The link that will be established is between state building and governance. This will be investigated in the context of unrecognized and de facto states. By problematizing the question of sovereignty, I argue that these states should adopt the idea of reversed sovereignty whereby priority is given to governmentality and the art of government rather than to sovereignty. The case study that I will rely on for this argument is the Kurdistan Region in Iraq (KRI) and its governmental body, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Whilst the focus is on a single country study, the theoretical line has a wider reach that is intended to be applicable to a larger body of cases of unrecognized and de facto states, which are on the trails of seeking state formations.

A simple twist of fate. An experiment on election uncertainty and democratic institutions

In this paper we study electoral systems in an experimental governance game in which citizens contribute to a public good and policymakers decide how to distribute it. In the Voting condition, citizens receive information about the policymaker performance (how much she shared of the public good with individual participants), her skills and her altruism, and vote directly for a policymaker for the next election cycle. In the Referendum condition voters receive information about the policymaker's performance before deciding whether to remove her from office in a simpler binary choice (in or out). If they decide to remove the incumbent, a new policymaker is chosen randomly from the remaining group members, in the spirit of referendums like Brexit or the plebiscite about the peace agreements in Colombia. We compare these two electoral mechanisms with two baselines in which the policymaker is never replaced (Baseline) and another one (Random) in which the policymaker is always randomly replaced by another participant. Our results show that both electoral mechanisms are largely effective in improving citizens’ earnings by generating more equitable sharing rules. Citizens in Voting and Referendum extract greater surplus from policymakers than in the other conditions and voting against a candidate (Referendum) is more effective in increasing surplus than voting for a candidate (Voting). Contributions to the public good and conditional cooperation patterns remain strikingly similar in democratic (Referendum and Voting) and non-democratic (Baseline and Random) conditions. Empirical expectations about contributions of other citizens are similar as well. However, we show that policymakers distribute the public good differently in democratic institutions, and more effectively in Referendum than in Voting, as policymakers use clientelist transfers to avoid being replaced. Overall, both democratic institutions are effective in improving citizens’ payoffs by indirectly limiting policymakers’ surplus.

The Role of Public Relations in an Illiberal State: The Case of Russia

Drawing upon in-depth interviews with seasoned public relations practitioners, this study suggests that the field of public relations in Russia has gradually transformed over the last 30 years from being relatively independent to being largely subordinated to political and business elites. Failure to sustain the role of public relations as a driver of democratization has coincided with the overall decline of democratic institutions in the country. Current practices in the field primarily focus on promoting government and business interests and lack a systemic approach to developing relations with citizens to address social problems. This study, which focuses on the Russian context, contributes to the body of literature on business communications and international public relations by analyzing how a country’s sociopolitical and economic context can influence transformations within the field of public relations; in this case, evolving from being relatively independent to becoming subordinate to political and business elites.

Does democracy stimulate remittances?

AbstractThe phenomenon of remittances is the subject of intense debate among politicians, researchers, and academics. This is because it touches on a multitude of human, economic, and financial aspects. This paper empirically investigates the empirical relationship between political systems and remittances in order to understand how changes in political systems in the home and host countries affect remittances. By using the gravity model of bilateral remittance flows for 101 sending countries and 92 developing receiving countries for the period 2010–2017. Findings indicate that strengthening democratic processes in countries of origin leads to more remittances. This result is most pronounced in low‐income countries. However, democracy in host countries has a negative effect on remittances. These findings are robust to the different techniques and specifications used. Strengthening democratic institutions in low‐income countries can attract more financial flows.

Choices of Law for Democratic Regional Head Election Dispute Resolution Institutions in Indonesia

This research aimed to provide a conceptual idea regarding legal options in resolving disputes of democratic regional head elections in Indonesia with two proposed options. The first option included revising the Election and Regional Election Law to grant authority to the Constitutional Court (MK) and Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) for adjudicating disputes. The second option proposed implementing the Fifth Amendment to the 1945 Constitution to reconstruct the Constitutional Court as an election court correlating with the primary role of upholding regulations. These proposed options would grant the Constitutional Court the authority to examine and adjudicate substantial matters related to the constitutionality of elections. Furthermore, the analysis used normative legal research including statutory, comparative, and conceptual methods.

Weak party system institutionalization and autocratization: evidence from Tunisia

ABSTRACT Why do party systems remain weak in transitioning countries in ways that can hamper the democratization process? We answer this question through a case study of Tunisia, which was the only success story of the Arab uprisings. Tunisia has experienced a process of autocratization since President Saied's presidential coup in 2021. Utilizing a historical institutionalist framework, we conducted interviews with 15 leaders from the major political parties. We find that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, the strong party institutionalization under authoritarian rule did not lead to an institutionalized party system after authoritarian rule ended. We attribute this dynamic to the inability of regime-successor parties to institutionalize, perpetuating democratic vulnerabilities inherited from authoritarian rule. We also find that too-powerful civil societies can be detrimental to transitions. The labour union, UGTT, acted as a de facto veto player and limited the ability of cabinets to implement reforms. Furthermore, leftist parties could not benefit from the UGTT's base. The 2011 revolution was a critical juncture that could have facilitated the establishment of an institutionalized party system. However, the political elite's institutional choices put additional challenges on parties. The weakness of the party system in turn contributed to President Saied's self-coup and dismantling of Tunisia's democratic institutions.

The Cost of Neoliberalism: How Economic Policies Are Undermining Democracy

ABSTRACT The relationship between neoliberalism and democracy has been a topic of debate among scholars for decades. Neoliberalism, an economic and political ideology emphasizing free markets, deregulation, and privatization, has gained global influence but has also been criticized for undermining liberal democratic institutions. In this article, I offer a critical perspective on the emergence of authoritarian neoliberalism and its impact on democratic governance in the twenty-first century. By examining the growing concentration of wealth and power in the age of global capitalism, the erosion of public trust in the state and other social institutions, and the privatization of essential services, it sheds light on the challenges posed by neoliberalism and the need for policies that rebalance economic and political power.

Popular autocrats: why do voters support Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary? A quantitative analysis

AbstractAuthoritarian populism has become an increasingly prevalent subtype of hybrid regime and is characterized by weakened democratic institutions and a leader who relies on populist appeals. Authoritarian populist regimes limit citizens’ freedom, undermine accountability and the rule of law, and are likely to be more corrupt than democratic regimes. Nevertheless, certain authoritarian populist regimes appear to enjoy broad popular support. Based on the European Social Survey database and my calculations of respondents’ personal income tax rates, I investigate the factors that influenced voters’ support for Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary from 2010 to 2020, which may be considered an exemplary case of an autocratic populist regime. The analysis shows that voters’ support for the government was influenced by their perceptions of the economy and government performance, political beliefs (i.e., policy congruence and ideology), and basic human values (i.e., self-transcendence and conservation). By contrast, changes in voters’ individual economic conditions were not found to be associated with their support for the government. The findings indicate that, in addition to explanations of government support that specifically focus on hybrid regimes, economic voting theory, which originated from and has typically been applied in democratic contexts, also provides viable explanations for understanding support for authoritarian populist regimes. More broadly, the findings also lend support to the altruistic and expressive voter hypotheses.

A Unique European Governance Structure : Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina Basis of Its Legitimacy and Controversial Accountability

In order to assess the successes and failures of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s (BiH) challenging road towards a fully functional democratic state aiming at membership in the European Union (EU), this paper examines the state-building process in BiH, and the transition from the post-Dayton political development, the work of the interim, ad-hoc political institution of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, as well as the justification – if any - of its future existence and operation. Guided by the coordination dilemma, the research question of this paper is a reflection on the challenges of self-enforcing democratic institutions and how the OHR substitutes for it. This paper claims that the original purpose of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) was to create a powerful yet limited institution of the OHR, one that is to be given sufficient power to institute behaviour, but is prevented from abusing its power. However, this purpose deviated in the years that followed the signing of the DPA, creating and institution which doings resemble liberal imperialism. The hypothesis of the paper is that the OHR has been abusing its power and that it is time to close it because it is no more a substitute for the self-enforcing democratic institutions. This paper claims that the problem of political officials’ lack of respect for the political and economic rights of citizens they administer, as investigated by Weingast, is one of the central features of the operation of the OHR in BiH. The novelty of the paper lies in the attempt to test if OHR could be a case that could serve as a very good field to test Weingast’s model (1997).

Forecast of Corruption: From Ethical to Pragmatic Considerations

From an ethical standpoint, combating corruption is crucial for promoting justice and equality. The rule of law and ethical governance involves clear standards of behavior for public servants and mechanisms for ensuring these standards are upheld. Corruption undermines public trust in government and democratic institutions and exacerbates social inequality and injustice (disproportionately affects the poor and marginalized groups, denying them access to essential services and opportunities). The fight against corruption during a full-scale war has ethical and purely pragmatic implications for Ukraine, the data of which formed the basis of this study. The lack of tangible progress in the fight against corruption in general, the lack of transparency of many institutional mechanisms in public administration, the revealed corruption schemes in the distribution of international military and humanitarian aid, as well as in the field of public defence procurement, the lack of punishment for corrupt officials in the highest echelons of power threaten the loyalty of international donors and allies, reduce Ukraine’s authority in the international arena, slows down Ukraine’s movement towards the EU, and significantly affects the decisions of foreign partners. The article demonstrates the results of forecasting the future level of corruption in Ukraine (for 2024‒2027) based on the retrospective dynamics of the Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International for 1998‒2023. Two economic and mathematical models are used for forecasting: Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA), which better reflects long-term historical trends and fluctuations, and the exponential smoothing method, which is more sensitive to the latest values of the time series. The statistical analysis package STATISTICA was used for the calculations. The forecasting results are disappointing since both methods showed an expected decrease in the level of corruption in 2024-2027, but in critically low volumes: by 1 point according to the ARIMA model and by 3-4 points according to the exponential smoothing method. The results of this study can serve as a basis for public advocacy campaigns as an argument for the need to radically revise the existing format of anti-corruption policy in Ukraine given its European future.

Exploring the Nexus of Democracy and Mental Health: a Study of Urban People in Solapur City

Purpose: The present study aimed at understanding the intersections of democracy and mental health of people with reference to urban people of Solapur city. Theoretical Framework: The theoretical framework integrates insights from political understanding and social determinants of mental health to explore the nexus among democracy and mental health in Solapur city’s citizens. Study assess how individual perceptions and perspectives of democracy, including political efficacy and trust in social institutions, intersect with social factors such as access to resources, political power, to influence mental health outcomes. Research Method: The study has incorporated mixed method approach. The sample consisted of 231 adults (117 male and 114 female), in the age range of 18 to 65 years. The participants were administered the Democracy indicators developed by National Democratic Institute, Iraq (2007) after voluntary oral consent. Findings: The result of percentages shows that less than two-fourth of respondents opened that they have more democratic state, more than two-fifth said they have less democratic state, less than one-tenth of them opined that they have least and most democratic state respectively. It has found that the opinions are not associated with their age, gender, and earnings. However, the study tried to explore intersections of democracy and mental health of people in the context of eleven subscales of democracy index. Research Practical and Social Implications: The article intends to raise the debates and deliberations around democracy and mental health. They article pave the way for future in depth study on understanding the democracy and mental health with a larger sample size and in transnational study areas. Originality/value: Mixed research on mental health and democracy is need of the time and it’s become crucial to study democracy and mental health in different nations democratic nations.

The State of American Federalism 2023–2024: Judicialization of Gridlocked Politics

Abstract Contemporary American federalism, while characterized by nationalized policy battles in the states, is also increasingly defined by the centralization of power in the federal judiciary. In this introductory piece of the 2023–2024 Annual Review issue, we unpack the judicialization of federalism politics. This process, we argue, has been facilitated by national political gridlock, defined by increasing dysfunction in Congress, and the growth of the administrative presidency. In policy conflicts on subjects ranging from education and the environment to abortion and other individual rights, courts have played an increasingly significant role as the arbiter of the federal–state balance of power. As the articles in this Annual Review illustrate, with a few exceptions, judicialization of federalism has often resulted in the devolution of authority to the states, with significant implications for public policy and democratic institutions.

Teaching Political Science in Times of Conflict: Introducing the Symposium

The Teaching Political Science in Times of Conflict symposium’s collection of articles underscores the vital role of political science educators in fostering an understanding of democratic institutions and their vulnerabilities. As global tensions and domestic challenges to democracy continue to rise, the importance of teaching political science and equipping students with critical thinking skills cannot be overstated. This symposium aims to stimulate further debate and research on political science education, emphasizing the discipline’s significance in navigating and understanding contemporary political landscapes.

Ambiguous Policies, Controversial Issues, and Strained Bureaucracies: Banning Critical Race Theory in Idaho

Absent coping strategies, ambiguity strains administrative agencies and democratic institutions on multiple fronts, particularly where controversy is amplified by different ways of thinking that are incompatible with each other. This is examined using a case study of the implementation of Idaho’s House Bill 377 (HB377), the first state-level ban on “critical race theory” in public education in the United States. The brief and ambiguously written bill leaves a lot to be “figured out” by educators. Using a modified grounded theory approach, interviews with 10 faculty reveal how making sense of HB377 caused significant distress for faculty and strained their relationships with administrators. Findings suggest that this bill may have damaged higher education institutions in Idaho, particularly by creating low faculty morale among those teaching in areas newly perceived to be controversial. Conclusions consider implications for administrative agencies when faced with ambiguous laws and conflicting messages from elected officials.