Identities, participation, and the immigration crisis in the city: A comparative analysis

Abstract This article uses historical vignettes to explore how racializing and pathologizing create border regimes through the framing of Haitian bodies as undesirable citizens in countries of the Western hemisphere. In particular, some members of U.S. institutions and of the United Nations, depict Haitians as virulent bodies in order to build systems of inclusion and exclusion based on race and ethnicity. Tracking acute epidemics and pandemics affecting Haitians, we argue that biological crises allow the U.S. to redefine citizenship regimes, (im)mobilities, and create new hierarchies of humanity. We first discuss the medical and racial tensions that framed the relations between the US and Haiti during the age of revolutions. We then examine the blatant anti-Haitian discourse that stemmed from the US response to the AIDS pandemic in the 1980s; and finally, we examine the global mismanagement of the cholera epidemic that started in Haiti in 2011. Through these historical snapshots, we argue that a narrative pattern of medical stigmatization of Haitians partially shape US bordering practices. The pathologization of Haitians is central in the perpetuation of the myth of the “immigrant crisis” and of the concomitant deadly border practices dehumanizing immigrants from the Global South.

America once again has an immigration problem stoked by fear and political opportunism. This review revisits the Japanese American experience in the first half of the 20th century-not because the events are identical to the issues today but because the underlying dynamics are strikingly familiar: the rise of an Asian power perceived as a threat to U.S. global influence; the arrival of immigrants deemed "unassimilable" through racialized stereotypes; and the amplification of public anxiety by irresponsible politicians and media. In the case of the Japanese experience, the rule of law bent to popular will over 40 years to culminate in the mass incarceration of 110000 Japanese in concentration camps in the American interior. It took another 40 years for Congress and the courts to return to constitutional principles and rectify the irreversible decisions that history would come to condemn.

In May 2020, at the peak of the Covid19-pandemic crisis, the Italian government approved a regularization campaign for immigrant workers. While far from uncommon in the history of Italian migration policy, the persisting narrative of immigration as a threat made regularization campaigns increasingly unviable. How can we explain the political feasibility of the 2020 amnesty? What was the role of the Covid19 crisis? What were the key dynamics that shaped the final policy as well as its shortcomings? This case study analyses how and to what extent, an exogenous crisis may impact the opportunity structures of the actors involved and, ultimately, the policymaking process. The paper provides insights into how the pandemic-related crisis interacted with the dominant securitarian approach to immigration. Through an analysis of semi-structured interviews and documents, the paper argues that the challenges contingent to the crisis enabled a shift in the narratives on immigrant workers and opened a space for advocates of a regularization campaign. However, the pre-existing narrative and policy paradigm of immigration as a threat were quickly restored, underlining how the securitarian lens remains deeply ingrained in the political and institutional dynamics. At the peak of the Covid19 crisis, the Italian government approved a regularization for immigrant workers. While not uncommon in the Italian migration governance, the dominant narrative of immigration as a threat made regularizations increasingly unviable. This paper analyses how and to what extent, the pandemic impacted dominant immigration narratives and policies. Through interviews and documents’ analysis, it argues that the crisis represented a window of opportunity for policy change, exploited by supporters of the regularization. However, the pre-existing paradigm of immigration crisis was quickly restored, underlining how the securitarian lens remains deeply ingrained in the political and institutional dynamics.

ABSTRACT Golden Dawn, the most successful National Socialist party since Hitler’s NSDAP and Greece’s third-largest political force at its peak, underwent a significant ideological shift in the 2010s. Initially, the party admired Islamist movements as anti-imperial allies in a shared struggle against Western globalism and Zionism, a stance rooted in antisemitic beliefs that framed Islamist resistance as countering perceived Jewish and American dominance. However, during the immigration crisis, as Greece became a major entry point for Middle Eastern immigrants, Golden Dawn pivoted sharply to Islamophobia, portraying Islam and Muslim immigrants as existential threats to Greek identity. Using discourse analysis of the Golden Dawn’s publications from 1993 to 2020, this article examines this transformation and introduces the Dynamic Nationalist Alignments (DNA) theory to explain how far-Right movements adapt ideological boundaries in response to situational pressures. The findings highlight the malleability of extremist ideologies and their exploitation of socio-political crises to maintain relevance and expand influence.

The basic purpose of the paper is to analyse EU regulations on the forced returns of third-country nationals in the context of procedural and organizational safeguards that the alien may invoke. However, the appropriate approach requires placing them in the broader framework of international norms, mainly adopted by the United Nations or enshrined by the European Convention on Human Rights. This perspective will allow us to answer whether the universal international standard of procedural and organizational protection in alien expulsion proceedings exists and whether its relation to this one is based on EU law. On the other hand, since we talk about procedural and institutional guarantees, comparing it with the general protection of these rights under art. 6 ECHR and 47 Charter of Fundamental Rights of UE is worth comparing. Such an approach will help understand how the level of protection in expulsion proceedings differs from the default European procedural and organizational standard. The fundamental question is whether the procedural guarantees envisaged by the EU law constitute a real obstacle to agile management by the EU member states with the immigration crises they were confronted with in 2015-2016.

The refugee and immigration crisis between India and Bangladesh has been a persistent challenge in South Asia, highlighting complex socio-economic, political, and humanitarian issues. This paper examines the root causes, trends, and implications of migration and displacement in the region, with a particular focus on the Rohingya crisis. Through an analysis of historical and contemporary data, the study explores the response mechanisms of South Asian nations and international organizations, offering recommendations for addressing these pressing challenges.

ABSTRACTThe theoretical foundation of Islamic finance is constituted by the Islamic moral political economy, which aims to provide resource accessibility within the permissibility of Islam to all stakeholders. The complementarity and unitarity nature of the Islamic cognitive system essentialises the interest of all the stakeholders in economic and financial decision‐making to rescue humans, the environment and land/water. In this privilege‐based understanding paradigm, mutuality and solidarity are considered essential pillars. After its initial emergence in the 1970s in its modern form, Islamic finance has been deviating from its origin towards conventional finance's institutional logic rather than locating itself with the objectives of Islamic moral political economy. This paper argues that sustainable development challenges, along with the refugee and immigration crisis, provide Islamic finance with an opportunity to develop its practices within the substantive morality of Islam as an embedded necessity. This paper suggests that developing qard al‐hassan (beneficence loan), funds can help Islamic banks and financial institutions at least partially respond to the call of Islamic moral political economy and can also be an effective instrument to ease the challenges faced by refugees and immigrants.

The article is devoted to the features of the third wave of the opioid crisis in the USA, which began in 2013 and reached its peak during the presidency of Joe Biden. The new opioid crisis is primarily associated with the synthetic drug fentanyl, which has a number of features that have led to its rapid popularization. It is characterized by low production costs and, as a result, a low price for buyers. Fentanyl is a potent drug, and a fatal overdose is possible with just 2 mg. The article pays special attention to how the immigration crisis that flared up under Biden contributed to the increase in the flow of fentanyl into the United States. The authors analyze the main measures taken by Obama, Trump and Biden administrations to counter the opioid crisis. Biden’s drug policy has faced serious criticism from Republicans due to the fact that the two parties rely on different approaches in attempts to solve this problem in the USA. While Democrats focus on improving access to quality treatment for drug addicts, Republicans believe that without tightening immigration policy significantly, it is impossible to successfully solve this problem. In addition to that, the authors show the role of China and Mexico in the opioid crisis in the USA. Despite the fact that the PRC authorities have banned the production of fentanyl, Chinese pharmaceutical companies continue to supply Mexico with precursors – chemicals necessary for the production of fentanyl and other synthetic opioids. In turn, the Mexican authorities have refrained from pursuing a tough policy towards drug cartels and any active actions with the Biden administration in this area. Finally, the article draws special attention to the factor of Trump’s return to the White House in 2025, which will lead to increased pressure from the American side on its foreign partners to make greater efforts in the fight against drug trafficking.

In ideological construction, media is crucial and intertwined with social representations, impacting migrant groups and societal transformations.This study focuses on Germany's Bild newspaper.After the 2015 immigration crisis, it collected visual and textual data on relevant terms via crawlers and screened for validity.Using Nvivo14 software, evaluations were made at textual, discursive practice, and sociocultural practice levels.Empirical findings show media portrayals of migrant groups and societal attitudes have polarized."Crime" has become a dominant trope, with "public security and livelihood issues" as the main analytical framework.The migrant influx didn't restructure the labor market.Financial and security concerns affected media's role.Ineffective policies led to social problems and a political shift.The prospects for immigrant groups in Germany are precarious.This study offers new academic insights for multiple disciplines regarding immigration.

Abstract The Latinx community is the largest racial minority in the United States, yet many Latinx families are in socially vulnerable positions due to immigration crisis, discrimination, health inequities, and poverty. These factors have been shown to impact Latino mental health and well-being; particularly in the caregiving role. The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (2021) have recommended advancing the field by understanding the cultural aspect of dementia and caregiving in diverse populations and the resultant implications. An Evidence-Based Program, Cuidando con Respeto, aims to empower Spanish-speaking caregivers of loved ones with Alzheimer’s Disease. Fifty-eight Latinx rural dwelling caregivers, primarily daughters, caring for their elder parents with dementia were surveyed about their perceptions of the Cuidando Program and how prepared they felt for their caregiving role. Qualitative analysis of caregiver responses on Program effectiveness and perceptions of preparedness in caregiving areas, e.g., information, revealed overwhelming positive benefits. Caregivers felt more prepared for their caregiving role and appreciated learning coping strategies with disruptive behaviors. The Promotora-led training resulted in greater reported self-efficacy. Level of preparedness is an important caregiving dimension to address, especially with culturally diverse communities having strong cultural caregiving norms. The incidence of Latinx caregivers is rising; however, available culturally appropriate services are lacking, especially in rural areas. Familismo, a Latinx primary cultural value, refers to the importance of strong family loyalty, and contributing to the well-being of the nuclear, and extended family, and kinship networks. Cuidando con Respeto shows promise in empowering caregivers within a familismo-culturally relevant manner.

The Venezuelan diaspora has been the most significant immigration crisis in Latin America during the 21st century, with over 7 million people leaving their country. Peru has been the second most popular destination for Venezuelan immigrants, with over 1.5 million people arriving. Different communication media broadly covered the massive influx of newcomers, portraying it as an unusual phenomenon. Thus, this article focuses on the study of 4 Peruvian television channels and how they depict immigrants. However, the sensationalized coverage by these channels paid more attention to negative aspects such as crime, border crises, and the burden of these immigrants on the recipient country. As a result, this mediated coverage has contributed to the local population’s unfavorable reception of Venezuelans.

Multiculturalism as an ideology holds that Western societies ought to become mosaics of races, ethnicities and religions. At least from the mid-1980s, multiculturalism has set out the contents and limits of public debate and policy on immigration in Western democracies. That ideological supremacy has been effectively questioned only by the public reactions to the 2015 EU immigration crisis. Political rhetoric on immigration has changed more than actual policy. Meanwhile, in Poland, its deep political divisions notwithstanding, the mainstream elites of power and opinion have remained quite uniformly sceptical about the generally lax Western approach toward immigration, both regarding its ideological underpinnings and resulting policies. The scope of the Polish debate on immigration seems also much less constrained by the strictures of political correctness than has been the case in the West. The present article documents that transpolitical consensus, tracing its roots back to the historical experience specific to Poland and Central Europe.

The Republic of North Macedonia, as the central part of the Balkan Peninsula, plays an important role in the transit of people, goods and services. Taking advantage of this position represents a great challenge. A recent example for this is the immigration crisis and activation of immigration transit routes. The legislation of the Republic of North Macedonia, especially the Law on Asylum and temporary protection is regulating all issues that outcome from the crisis. The law is balanced with international norms based on procedures of gaining and abolition of the right to asylum and subsidiary protection, as well as determining rights and obligations that outcome from the acquired status. This work is elaborating the main characteristics of the compliance process of Republic of North Macedonia regulations with the European Union in the context of immigration. During the research, were used all documents and legal correspondence between the European Union and the Republic of North Macedonia. The objective of this work is to present the progress and difficulties during the compliance process of the regulations of the Republic of North Macedonia with the EU, with the aim to provide direct conclusions about improvement of certain regulations.

The image of Palestine during the years 1933 to 1936 was shaped in the periodical press of the United States under the influence of the “colonial discourse”. In the first half of the 1930s, the issue of Jewish immigrants became one of the central themes in the “Palestinian question”. The materials from the periodical press allow for an exploration of how perceptions regarding the causes of the crisis in the Middle East evolved within the informational discourse of the United States; how the representations of Arabs, Jews, and Great Britain underwent transformation. Publications from American newspapers provide insights into evaluations of British measures aimed at resolving the immigration crisis in Palestine during the 1930s. An analysis of U.S. newspapers reveals distinctive features in the construction of the images of the Jewish and Arab populations of Palestine. It identifies who was categorized as “the other”. The first half of the 1930s proved decisive for American public opinion in prioritizing positions within the context of the Middle Eastern conflict. The material presented in this article vividly illustrates the stages of evolving assessments of the situation in Palestine from 1933 to 1936. The study examines the manipulative techniques and strategies employed by American periodicals in the 1930s concerning Palestine, thereby providing a clearer understanding of how the issue of Jewish immigration was integrated into the broader narrative of Palestine within U.S. periodical literature.

This paper presents a quantitative and contrastive analysis of expressions of effective stance in conservative newspaper opinion articles related to irregular immigration and humanitarian crises involving refugees in both English and Spanish contexts. Drawing upon the seminal works of Langacker (2013) and Marín-Arrese (2021a, 2021b, 2023), the study examines six fundamental categories of effective stance expressions established according to factors such as orientation towards self or others, degree of control about the realisation of the event, and agreement with social norms. The dataset under examination comprises a 120,000-word corpus of opinion articles obtained from two conservative newspapers, The Telegraph from the United Kingdom and El Mundo from Spain. The words are evenly distributed, with each newspaper contributing 30,000 words in articles pertaining to three humanitarian crises involving refugees: Syria (2015), Afghanistan (2021), and Ukraine (2022-2023), and 30,000 words relating to articles on irregular immigration coinciding in time with each of the three refugee crises. The primary objective of the paper is to discern notable differences between the two newspapers and across the different refugee and irregular immigration crises under investigation. The analysis of the results, which uncover a larger number of effective stance expressions in the English subcorpus as well as distributional differences of subcategories across the subcorpora in both languages, provides a valuable understanding of the intricate patterns of usage and distribution of effective stance expressions within the realm of newspaper discourse, thereby enriching our comprehension of journalistic portrayals concerning the complexity of refugee crises and migratory movements.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE INVOLVEMENT OF NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS IN THE REFORM OF EU MIGRATION, ASYLUM AND EXTERNAL BORDER CONTROL POLICIES IN 2015-2020 The article tries to describe and explain the change in the involvement of national parliaments in the process of reforming the EU’s migration, asylum and bord control policies in the years 2015-2020. The research continues the threads that author have presented in the article entitled The involvement of national parliaments in 2015–2017 in actions to overcome the immigration crisis in the EU published in 2018. However, this analysis was mainly exploratory and descriptive. Therefore, by using a hypothetico-deductive method and drawing from observations about the activity of parliaments in using the treaty and non-treaty tools available to them, as well as from the conclusions about their involvement in the reform of migration, asylum and border control policies in 2015-2016, two hypotheses are tested: H1. The instrument of political dialogue was used more frequently by national parliaments during the 2020 reform than during the 2015-2016 reform; H2. Those parliaments that actively used treaty-based instruments in 2015-2016 were more likely to submit opinions on documents regarding the reform of asylum and migration policy after 2020. The results obtained show a decline in the involvement of parliaments measured by the number of political dialogue opinions sent to the EU institutions and the intensity of discussions in interparliamentary cooperation bodies. Nevertheless, the relatively large number of reasoned opinions under the subsidiarity control procedures, as well as the fact that new parliaments, which were not involved in issuing opinions on solutions regarding migration, asylum and border control policies in 2015-2016, allow us to ask new interesting research questions requiring further analysis.

The paper reports on a pilot study devoted to the analysis of opinions expressed by Facebook discussants related to the immigration crisis in Europe. Opinions were conceptualised as the subjective expression of evaluation. The data were investigated in line with an original, tripartite typology consisting of 46 criteria of evaluative language coming from distinct scholarly traditions: media studies, linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis. Generally speaking, the proposed templates proved effective when mapped onto social media data; however, as there is a partial overlap of some of the categories used in the pilot study, the number of categories needs to be reduced in the subsequent investigation. The secondary objective of this paper is to present computational tools employed in the study, which, as the study shows, can enrich research methodology in communication studies, and these comprise the “R” package used for data visualisation and lexical and sentence-based embeddings based on LLM.

Germany, the head of the European Union, enacted measures that were notably different from those of other members when Europe was beset by the immigration crisis in 2015. Germany freely opened its borders with the Open Door Policy, which was overseen by Angela Merkel, to allow migrants to enter its land. Unfortunately, this strategy was met with several objections and rejections from different groups. Public figures, opposition parties, Merkel's own party, interest groups, and the European Union as a regional governing body for Germany were among them. This policy wasn't decided upon democratically, nor did it involve the involvement of the Bundestag (level I parliament). Merkel steadfastly defended and implemented her divisive strategy in the face of numerous criticisms. This viewpoint shows the distinct perspective or impression that Merkel had when she created the Open Door Policy in response to the immigration crisis. This essay will explain how Angela Merkel's vision of the world may have influenced her decision to protect migrants while encountering various types of opposition. The belief and image systems influenced Angela Merkel's perception that Germany should be the primary actor in responding to the refugee crisis that occurred in the European Union region and around the world, it was discovered using Ole R. Holsti's framework for the relationship between perception and decision-making. This article also looking forward on how Germany could face the immigration problems in the future.

Today’s Immigration Crisis: A Broken Asylum System <i>An Interview with Muzaffar Chishti</i>