Role Of Ideology Research Articles

Choice of language in the construction of cultural identity by Tamil speakers in India

Abstract Individuals in multilingual societies are associated with several culturally diverse groups, and so their cultural identity is multifarious and subject to constant change across time and space as a result of increasing intercultural engagements. While cultural norms are essentially embedded in one’s language, the choice of language is understood as a significant tool in projecting the cultural identity of a linguistic community. This paper examines how language choice becomes an agency for Tamil speakers in India to construct their cultural identity. Contextualized among native Tamil speakers in Chennai, the capital city of the southernmost Indian state of Tamil Nadu, this study unravels the narratives by which the speakers’ specific language preference in family, friendship, and institutional domains is used to perform identities and maintain a community consciousness. It also examines the role of language ideologies in contributing to their choices. The study finds that despite the penetration of English into all three domains in varying degrees, Tamil remains the ‘pride’ and the preferred language for all. This affinity is driven by ideological discourses surrounding the cultural history of Tamizhakam, from which arise the need to form a distinct Tamil identity.

Конфликтное поведение сунданских студентов-мусульман: роль идеологии и предполагаемой несправедливости

<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Objective. </strong>Exploration of the psychological factors of conflict-related action among Sundanese Muslim students in Indonesia. <br><strong>Background. </strong>Religious-based conflicts have been widely examined in various disciplines, attracting responses and factors in every cultural context. <br><strong>Study design. </strong>Study 1 used an indigenous-based survey and was analyzed by thematic analysis. Study 2 examined the role of political ideology and perceived injustice in conflict-related behavior using hierarchical regression analysis. <br><strong>Participants. </strong>Study 1: 224 people (35,7% of men, 64,3% of women) from 18 to 49 years old (<em>M </em>= 20,98; <em>SD</em> = 3,72). Study 2: 494 people (35,6% of men, 64,4% of women) from 17 to 49 years old (<em>M</em> = 20,00; <em>SD</em> = 1,52).<br><strong>Measurements. </strong>Indonesian-language versions of the scales of religious fundamentalism ideology by Muluk and colleagues, violent extremist attitude by Nivette and colleagues, nonviolent direct action by Brown and colleagues, and sensitivity to injustice by Schmitt and colleagues. <br><strong>Results. </strong>Study 1 showed specific patterns of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral responses. There are differences in the respondents' responses to conflicts between and within religions. These differences are caused by ideology orientation towards religion and perception of injustice towards their groups. Study 2 confirmed Study 1 that religious fundamentalism predicts both violent and nonviolent behavior. Also, perceived injustice of victims moderates the effect of religious fundamentalism to violent behavior. Meanwhile, perceived injustice of perpetrators predicts only nonviolent behavior. <br><strong>Conclusions. </strong>There is a significant effect of religious-based ideology and perceived injustice on conflict-related behavior in the Sundanese Muslim context.</p>

Ideological Alienation in the Novel "Women of the Moon" by Jokha Al-Harthi

Objectives: The research aims to investigate ideological appropriation embedded within implicit structures, revealing societal ideologies and the role of women.
 Methods: To achieve its objective, the research adopts an analytical descriptive cultural approach rooted in the text, employing various analytical functions, to elucidate what remains marginalized within this dominance. It involves utilizing text archaeology and establishing a network of relationships between the text and society at various levels and linking them to the hypotheses of ideological appropriation.
 Results: The study highlights the role of ideology in appropriation, the state of exclusion, subjugation of the oppressed self, and the appropriation of consciousness. This occurs at a moment when the novelist attempts to provide an alternative by constructing awareness and an independent self that preserves the values and customs of society in which values are not lost, and morals are not appropriated by the occupying colonizer. The events in the novel unfold implicitly in two directions: the quest for the self-appropriated by the male other, and the lost identity appropriated by the colonizer.
 Conclusions: The study seeks to uncover the various concepts of ideological appropriation, defining its concepts, forms, and hidden implicit patterns which take three directions: the ideological, representing the core focus of appropriation and the exclusion of thought and self-expression; the self-appropriation, symbolizing the stage of self-denial and the appropriation of being; and cultural appropriation, which assumes the most oppressive direction by ensnaring individuals in a spiral of ignorance and cognitive impoverishment, as evident in the concept of domination.

The role of theory in empirical legal studies

The growing field of empirical legal studies is not an alternative to theory: within every empirical inquiry is an implicit formal theoretical model. Further, good empirical tests should be inspired by substantive theories of the phenomena being analysed. This article explains how theory is built into all empirical testing and illustrates why empirical tests are best informed by well-developed theories. It uses examples of empirical studies of both US Supreme Court and Australian High Court oral arguments to illustrate how these issues apply to the central issues at the intersection of empirical legal studies and constitutional law: the role of judicial ideology and strategy, and predicting judicial behaviour. The article explores common errors in both conducting and consuming empirical work, and presents some solutions, including both methodological fixes and how to draw on substantive expertise. It aims to help the non-technical reader understand when counterintuitive results should be queried and when, in contrast, resistance is more reflective of priors of the reader rather than potential weaknesses of the work. And it acts as a reminder to technical readers and empirical practitioners that theory is built into every empirical test, and so must be taken seriously.

Isolating the Roles of Religion, Ethnicity, and Political Ideology in Mass Atrocities, 1800–2020

Religion, ethnicity, and political ideology all lend themselves to the perpetration of mass atrocities by creating a sense of identity that sets up an Us/Them dichotomy. Atrocities are modelled here as arising from the motive of acquiring territory but augmented by other-regarding preferences that capture the role of identity. My empirical results using data for the period 1800–2020 confirm that all these identity-driven motivators are associated with mass atrocities, with religion being more powerful than ethnicity. Monotheistic religions (with the strong exception of Judaism) are seen to be associated with more mass atrocity deaths than (polytheistic) Hinduism, lending partial credibility to Hume’s (1757/2010) view on the intolerance of monotheism. While democracies are associated with fewer mass atrocities than autocracies, Christian liberal democracies are not. My statistical analysis rejects the popular presumption that Islam is more violent than Christianity. In fact, in the post-World War II (WWII) era, among the major religions Christianity has been associated with the most mass atrocity deaths. The results also show that mass deaths were higher in atrocities that took place in settler colonies, especially in the post-WWII period of decolonisation. Using mass atrocities as the metric of violence, the correlations found in the empirical work of this paper offer many new and surprising findings.

Getting citizens to conserve water: A comparison of crisis responses in Bogota and Mexico City

How can global megacities respond to increased threats from natural hazards? Looking at hazard events that produced drinking water crises in Bogota, Colombia, and Mexico City, Mexico, we compare these cities’ efforts to decrease potable water consumption. We ask how and why the socioeconomic and biophysical contexts shape city policymakers’ responses to water crises and consider the immediate and lasting impacts of technical and behavioral interventions. Leveraging our 2 case studies in Latin America, we identify how the unique policy contexts affected the interventions used and helped determine their outcomes. Four factors are identified as particularly relevant as follows: the differential roles of scientific and technical perspectives in each context, the role of ideology, the complexity of the environmental policy problems in each setting, and the varied roles of policy entrepreneurs in Bogota and Mexico City.

Violence against civilians and public support for the state: The moderating role of governance and ideology

When state armed forces engage in violence against civilians during civil wars, why do some citizens continue to support the government? I argue that individuals’ support for the state in such contexts is shaped by the interplay between their perceptions of violence, governance and ideology. Drawing on research concerning motivated reasoning, I suggest that ideological similarity with and effective governance from the state can alleviate the negative effect of military violence against civilians on support for the state and, conversely, augment the positive effect of insurgent abuse on attitudes toward the government. Analysis of seven years of surveys fielded by the Latin American Public Opinion Project in Colombia between 2005 and 2011 suggests that individuals’ responses to victimization by the state’s armed forces depend on whether the individuals are ideologically aligned with the state. More specifically, among people who have an ideology similar to that of the president, military victimization has a less negative effect on support for the armed forces and for the national government. There is also mixed evidence that the quality of state governance, particularly the provision of security from crime, shapes the ways people respond to victimization. While existing studies primarily focus on the effects of either violence or governance on attitudes toward the state, these findings indicate that a more complete theory of why people support governments which engage in violence against civilians requires an understanding of not only violence but also of governance and ideology.

Role of ideology in social and political development (extremism and pacifism)

Role of ideology in social and political development (extremism and pacifism)

The Ideological Role of Vocabulary in Ukrainian President Zelensky’s Speeches to European and National Parliaments

The present paper is a critical discourse analysis (CDA), which is basically based on Fairclough’s (2001) Three-dimensional model, the descriptive stage. It specifically focuses on the ideological function of vocabulary in the political text. The analyzed data includes six speeches of Ukraine President Zelensky that were delivered virtually to the European and National parliaments from 1-20 March 2022. Moreover, a qualitative approach is employed as the research methodology for data analysis. However, the primary objective of this research is to address the following question: To what extent can vocabulary, specifically in terms of overwording, meaning relations, and wording at the microstructure level, reflect aspects of President Zelensky’s ideological stance as reflected in his speeches? The analysis results indicate that vocabulary reflects a significant part of President Zelensky’s ideology and he highly depends on them to send ideological messages.

Exploring the role of language ideology in disaster contexts: case study of the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami

Abstract During/after disasters, language communication (or the lack thereof) can be a matter of life or death, particularly for “Indigenous/Tribal, Minority and Minoritized languages and peoples” (ITMs). Disaster and language studies have identified language barriers as critical because some ITMs do not understand basic risk communication, evacuation warnings, and recovery information. There are three major approaches to lowering these barriers in disaster contexts: (1) disseminating warnings and critical information in multilingual formats; (2) using bi/multilingual translators/interpreters and automated translator; and (3) using simplified language(s). However, this top–down approach is insufficient because ITMs need more than just selective information to cope with adversities. The basic communication rights to know, “talk about it,” and express one’s feelings after a traumatic event should not be a taken-for-granted privilege for speakers of the majority languages. The root causes of disaster linguicism, which focuses on the unique social vulnerabilities confronted by ITMs, have not been properly addressed. Drawing from our qualitative research, this article explores the role of Japanese language ideology in relation to the experiences of ITMs in the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami.

State-legal Ideology as a Factor of Developed Public Legal Consciousness Formation in the Russian Federation

This article is devoted to the study of the relationship and mutual infl uence of the state-legal ideology and public legal consciousness. The article discusses the possibility of the existence of a state-legal ideology in the Russian Federation in the context of the constitutionally enshrined principle of ideological diversity, and concludes that such an ideology is admissible and necessary. The author reveals the interdependence of the state-legal ideology and public legal consciousness, in particular, through consideration of the content of the functions of the latter. The study establishes the relationship between legal informing and state ideological infl uence. The author analyzes the impact of the state-legal ideology both on the individual legal consciousness of the individual and on the collective consciousness of society, and also notes that the state-legal ideology can be an eff ective means of combating the deformation of both types of legal consciousness, expressed in various forms. The article concludes that the non-ideological existence of the state is impossible, as well as the high role of state-legal ideology as a means of maintaining stable statehood and progressive state building. In addition, based on the results of the study, the position is substantiated, according to which the state-legal ideology should be considered a factor that ensures the formation and constant increase in the level of public legal consciousness as an integral attribute of a democratic constitutional state.

Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Reallocating Police Funding to Other Social Services

Abstract In the wake of several high-profile cases of police use of excessive force, renewed critiques of policing have emerged from the Defund the Police movement. Yet, the movement has faced fierce opposition from Americans who subscribe to a color-blind logic that racial inequality in policing and society as a whole reflect differences in merit. In assessing Americans’ use of color-blind racism, support for public spending on social services, and support for punitive social control, scholars have recently emphasized the role of Christian nationalist ideology. Building on this recent work, we use data from the 2021 General Social Survey (GSS), a nationally representative survey of Americans, to test the relationship between adherence to Christian nationalist ideology and opposition to reducing funding for police departments and moving those funds to mental health, housing, and other social services. We find that respondents who score higher on an index of Christian nationalism hold greater odds of opposing shifting funding from police departments, independent of other measures of political and religious orientations. We also consider interactions between Christian nationalist ideology, race, and color-blind racial ideology.

CEO political ideology and credit risk assessment

PurposeThe authors examine the role of CEO political ideology in the credit rating process.Design/methodology/approachThis study adopts a quantitative method with panel data regressions using a sample of 5,211 observations from S&P 500 firms from 2001 to 2012.FindingsThe authors find that firms run by Republican-leaning CEOs, who tend to have conservative political ideologies, enjoy more favorable credit ratings than firms run by Democratic-leaning CEOs. In addition, the association between CEO political ideology and credit ratings is more pronounced for firms with high operating uncertainty, low capital intensity, high growth potential, weak corporate governance and low financial reporting quality. Finally, the authors find that CEO political ideology affects a firm's cost of debt incremental to credit ratings, consistent with debt investors incorporating CEO political ideology in their pricing decisions.Research limitations/implicationsLeveraging CEO political ideology, the authors document that credit rating agencies incorporate managerial conservatism in their credit rating decisions. This finding suggests that CEO political ideology serves as a meaningful signal for managerial conservatism.Practical implicationsThe study suggests that credit rating agencies incorporate CEO political ideology in their credit rating process. Other capital market participants such as auditors and retail investors can also use CEO political ideology as a proxy for managerial conservatism when evaluating firms.Social implicationsThe paper carries practical implications for practitioners, firm executives and regulators. The results on the association between CEO political ideology and credit ratings suggest that other financial institutions could also incorporate CEO political ideology in their evaluation in their evaluation of firms. For example, when evaluating audit risk and determining audit pricing, auditors may add CEO political ideology as a risk factor. For firms, especially those that have Democratic-leaning CEOs, the authors suggest that they could reduce the unfavorable effect of CEO political ideology on credit ratings by improving their corporate governance and financial reporting quality, as demonstrated in the cross-sectional analyses. Finally, this study shows that CEO political ideology, as measured by CEOs' political contributions, is closely related to a firm's credit ratings. This finding may inform regulators that greater transparency for CEOs' political contributions is needed as information on contributions could help capital market participants perform risk analyses for firms.Originality/valueCredit rating agencies release their research methodologies for determining corporate credit ratings and identify managerial conservatism as an important factor that affects their risk assessments. The extant literature, however, has not empirically investigated the relation between credit ratings and managerial conservatism, which, according to behavioral consistency theory, can be proxied by CEO political ideology. This study provides novel empirical evidence that identifies CEO political ideology as an important input factor in the credit rating process.

The Indeterminacy of Social Meaning Linked to ‘Mexico’ and ‘Texas’ Spanish: Examining Monoglossic Language Ideologies among Heritage and L2 Spanish Listeners

This study examines how implied speaker nationality, which serves as a proxy for bilingual/monolingual status, influences social perception and linguistic evaluation. A modified matched-guise experiment was created with the speech of eight bilingual U.S. Spanish speakers from Texas talking about family traditions; the speech stimuli remained the same, but the social information provided about the speakers–whether they were said to be from Mexico (implied monolingual) or from Texas (implied bilingual)–varied. Based on 140 listeners’ responses (77 L2 Spanish listeners, 63 heritage Spanish listeners), quantitative analyses found that overall listeners evaluated ‘Mexico’ voices as more able to teach Spanish than ‘Texas’ voices. However, only heritage listeners perceived ‘Mexico’ voices as being of higher socioeconomic status and of more positive social affect than ‘Texas’ voices. Qualitative comments similarly found that heritage listeners evaluated ‘Mexico’ voices more favorably in speech quality and confidence than ‘Texas’ voices. The implications are twofold: (i) the social information of implied monolingualism/bilingualism influences listeners’ social perceptions of a speaker, reflecting monoglossic language ideologies; and (ii) there exists indeterminacy between language and social meaning that varies based on differences in lived experiences between L2 and heritage Spanish listeners. Extending on previous findings of indeterminacy between linguistic variants and meaning, the current study shows this also applies to (implied) language varieties, demonstrating the role of language ideologies in mediating social perception.

Political ideology shapes heterogeneous preferences for food values

We investigate the associations between political ideology and heterogeneous consumer preferences for food values. Marketing literature emphasizes the polarizing role of political ideology in consumer preferences. Despite the growing recognition of this relationship, scarce evidence exists regarding food value preferences across the political spectrum. Using survey data from 637 respondents, our findings reveal that conservatism relates to heterogeneous consumer preferences for food values. Specifically, conservatism is positively associated with naturalness and tradition, and negatively with environmental impact. These results underscore the potential of political ideology as a predictor of food preferences, suggesting its potential application in developing targeted marketing programs and policy interventions. Accordingly, marketing and policy communications should be tailored to align with the intended audience's political ideology. Managerial implications further expand to the promotion of ethical and sustainable food products, the introduction of innovative food technologies, and the adoption of sustainable supply chains.

Anthropocentrism, animism and the Anthropocene: decentring the human in psychology

"This article explores the role of anthropocentric ideology, and belief systems in hampering effective individual and collective responses to ecological crises. In the context of the Anthropocene, it considers how anthropocentrism is culturally widespread and habitually reproduced across a range of practices. However, to avoid overly deterministic readings of the power of anthropocentrism, the article considers how humancentred ways of thinking and working are being challenged in many areas of life. It focuses on psychology, psychotherapy and related disciplines, drawing on examples of research, professional practice and everyday life that are actively questioning anthropocentrism. It considers if and how therapeutic practices can engage with human healing whilst meaningfully shifting the focus to the ways in which human health and well-being is entangled with other-than-humans. The article then critically considers whether an animist worldview can effectively frame an alternative to anthropocentrism, exploring if and how animism can be appropriately understood within a non-Indigenous and everyday context. The article concludes by reflecting on the wider ethical and political challenge for psychology of actively unlearning anthropocentrism. Keywords animism, Anthropocene, anthropocentrism, Indigenous Knowledge, posthumanism, trans-species"

Challenges and strengthening the role of Pancasila ideology in the reform era through increasing literacy

The government has attempted to realize nation-building and character-building based on Pancasila values through a systemic and planned national education system. However, students' understanding, skills, and actualization of Pancasila values still experience various obstacles, one of which is literacy. Therefore, it is necessary to strengthen the role of Pancasila ideology by increasing ideological literacy among students. This research aims to uncover challenges and strengthen the role of the Pancasila ideology through increasing literacy. The approach used in this research is qualitative with a literature review method using inductive and descriptive analysis. The research findings found that the challenges of strengthening the role of Pancasila ideology, namely instilling Pancasila values amidst the onslaught of foreign culture, increasing human resources based on Pancasila values, and efforts to maintain its existence. One way to strengthen the role of Pancasila ideology is to increase the literacy skills of Pancasila ideology among students. Increasing literacy in Pancasila ideology can enable students to understand and apply Pancasila values in everyday life. The implication of this research is to increase Pancasila ideology literacy among students and encourage stakeholders or teachers to increase ideological literacy while at the same time instilling Pancasila values among students.

Under what conditions do gender differences exist in power and achievement values? The moderating role of gender ideology

AbstractPrevious studies revealed differences between men and women in value priorities. It has been asserted that men do inherently attribute more importance than women to power and achievement values. Our study brings a sociocultural lens into account employing gender ideology as a moderator of the gender differences in these values. Specifically, we hypothesized that internalization and endorsement of gender role ideology shape gender differences in power and achievement values. We focused on two components of gender ideology as moderators of the gender differences in values: primacy of the breadwinner role, and acceptance of male privilege. We used data from the World Values Survey wave six (89,565 participants from 60 countries). Results indicated that gender ideology moderated the relationship between gender and the endorsement of achievement and power values. Specifically, the relationship between gender and achievement was significantly moderated by acceptance of male privilege, but not of primacy of the breadwinner role. In addition, the association between gender and power was significantly moderated by primacy of the breadwinner role, but not by acceptance of male privilege. In other words, when participants endorse egalitarian gender ideologies, gender differences in power and achievement disappear or even reverse. We contrast previous perspectives assuming inherent gender differences in human values and argue that such differences are related to beliefs in gendered separate spheres.

“They own our country!” voter reaction to anti-China rhetoric: The case of the presidential election in Brazil in 2018

How do voters react to a presidential candidate who warns against investments from a foreign country? This study examines voter reactions to a presidential candidate warning against foreign Chinese investments, using the Brazilian 2018 campaign as a case study. Far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro repeatedly criticised Chinese acquisitions of national assets, particularly in natural resource extraction. By analysing geographically referenced data on Chinese investments and electoral data, I find that Bolsonaro's electoral success increased with higher levels of Chinese acquisitions, especially those related to natural resources. Post-election surveys also confirm a link between voting for Bolsonaro and rejecting Chinese investment. These findings highlight the connection between right-wing voters' fears of globalisation and the rise of far-right candidates. The study contributes to understanding the role of ideology and nationalism in shaping voter attitudes towards foreign investment during a presidential campaign.

Believe it or not. The role of ideology as a predictor of trust in mainstream and social media during COVID-19

Introduction: The goal of this article is to analyze the extent to which ideology intervenes in citizens' trust in the news that appears in traditional and social media during COVID-19. Methodology: To do this, a quantitative approach based on the online survey technique is used. The questionnaire was launched in July 2021 through the Qualtrics platform and was answered by 2,803 citizens residing in Brazil (726), Spain (682), the United States (694), and India (702). Results: We found a connection between ideology and confidence in traditional media, strongly conditioned by the socio-political context. In addition, right-wing citizens tend to trust the information they receive from digital platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, or WhatsApp better than left-wing citizens. This uneven impact of trust in the media could result in a heterogeneous effect of fake news, with right-wing citizens most likely believing political news appearing on social media Discussion and Conclusions: This article contributes to expanding prior knowledge about the trust in mainstream and social media, with considerable emphasis on the factors that have a predominant influence in four countries with different social and political structures and media systems: Spain, United States, India, and Brazil. In this context, it has been observed how ideology is an essential factor in all of them. When this relevant variable is controlled for, and despite what previous studies had determined (Newman et al., 2021), factors such as educational or income level do not seem to play a significant role.