Ideological Tenets Research Articles

Islamism and Globalisation: Unpacking the Dialectics of Ideology and Socio-economic Change in the Middle East

The ascension of Islamism in the Middle East is an articulation of the profound and far-reaching transformations transpiring within the political and cultural spheres. As a construct, Islamism is at the center of the public discourse regarding the interplay between Islam, Muslims and power. Despite disparities among Islamists in their perceptions of extremism, political participation and societal engagement, they hold in common several fundamental ideological tenets. Notwithstanding the enigmatic nature of these tenets, the diversity among Islamists in the extent to which they materialize these principles into action is profound. It is imperative to contextualize Islamism within the historical, social and economic contexts that have exerted an impact on its ideology and practices. In this regard, it is particularly important to situate contemporary Islamism within the context of globalization. The primary objective of this paper is to situate the emergence of Islamism within the framework of political economy and underscore the dialectical relationship between Islamist convictions and socio-economic transformations. The paper argues that by leveraging economic opportunities, Islamism has created alternative methods of existence. Islamism is seen as a confluence of organizations and endeavors that advocate for the diffusion of Islamic principles. Nonetheless, it has identified a battleground in the marketplace, where it can pursue a counter-hegemonic conflict with the dominant narrative of the establishment.

The Political Strategies and Ideological Transformation of Political Conservatism: Russian Monarchist Emigrant Organisations’ Political Activity in the 1920s

Abstract The twentieth century may be characterised as an epoch dominated by migratory movements, marked particularly by the substantial human displacements precipitated by wars and revolutionary upheavals during its first half. Historiographical tendencies have often led to a narrowed concentration on select dimensions of political immigration, neglecting the broader spectrum of ideological currents that influenced these movements. A case in point is the insufficiently examined narrative of Russian monarchist factions in Western Europe during the 1920s and early 1930s, and the subsequent evolution or dissolution of their ideological tenets. This research undertakes a historiographical analysis, a comprehensive review of both domestic and international scholarly literature, and a thorough evaluation of ancillary sources concerning the activities of Russian monarchist entities in Western Europe throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The study specifically accentuates the chronological segment of the 1920s within the history of the Russian monarchist movement, illuminating their concerted efforts to formulate a political doctrine that not only aimed at the reinstatement of monarchical governance but also sought to present a counter-narrative to the communist manifesto propagated by the Bolsheviks, thereby attempting to establish a more compelling and pragmatic alternative.

McCarthyism and American Cold War Ideology in Irish-American Autobiographical Writing

This article explores the various ways in which the protagonist of Frank McCourt’s autobiographical account ’Tis, A Memoir confronts the McCarthyite proceedings and their unsettling consequences at times of utmost conservatism in America. It addresses his negotiation of an ultimately alienated ethnic identity, arguing that the protagonist’s fractured self not only reflects the slippery ground upon which McCarthyite practices are founded, but is also brought about by it. Beyond this analysis, however, the article is set to problematize the very status of McCourt’s autobiographical writing by assessing the memoir’s narrative codes in association with its content and purported readership. Specifically, the proposal evaluates the fictional strategies on which it is constructed, as well as the inconsistencies inherent in the narrative depiction of the character’s partial assimilation into an eventual Irish-American national identity. The proposal ultimately assays McCourt’s memoir as a product and reworking of the ideological tenets characteristic of McCarthyism and the early Cold War period.

Mussolini’s Cesare

Abstract This article discusses the collaboration between Benito Mussolini and Giovacchino Forzano in the writing of three historical dramas, focusing on the third text of their collaboration, Cesare, which dates to 1939. Placing this partnership within the context of Fascism’s broader theatrical programming, the essay discusses the play as a model of Fascist theater, for its imparting of Fascist ideological tenets, propagandistic messages, and pedagogical aims. It focuses in particular on the ways in which the play uses the analogy between ancient Rome and Fascist Italy, and between Julius Caesar and Mussolini, embodying fascism’s poetics of history, contributing to the anthropological revolution, and overall demonstrating the ‘new fascist man’ through the character of Caesar/Mussolini.

Осовременивание российского уголовно-процессуального закона как жизненно важного инструмента правового регулирования

The reason for writing the article was the date – 20 years from the date
 of entry into force of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Russian Federation. This
 circumstance was used as a pretext to study the current state of its scope and the limits
 of legal regulation. Against the background of some historical generalizations and mention
 of radically changed fundamental provisions, he considered the theoretical concept and
 the most significant innovations of the Russian criminal procedure legislation, thanks
 to which changes in the content and forms of law enforcement activity could occur, as
 well as positive changes in the mechanism of observance of human and civil rights and
 freedoms in criminal proceedings. The criminal procedure legislation itself is regarded
 as the expected result of many years of scientific research and painstaking legislative
 work. It has everything necessary for public recognition for many years, and recognizes
 the absence of ideological dogmas, which were saturated with its predecessors, as an
 important stylistic innovation. We believe that the Code needs to improve its wording. It
 is difficult to use it because of the many references in one article to others, the lack of
 detail of individual regulations and a number of systemic shortcomings.

A critical analysis of horn of Africa’s drought-related metaphors: A socio-cognitive approach

The paper regulates a corpus-based analysis of Horn of Africa’s drought-related metaphorical schemas presented in 17 selected reports and appeals published in the official homepages of UNICEF and OCHA in the time span (2021-2023). The study follows Hart’s (2008 & 2010) theoretical framework of socio-cognitive critical metaphor analysis (SCCMT) which connects blending integration theory (BT) and the critical, social and ideological tenets of critical discourse analysis (CDA). The findings of the study show three recurrent metaphorical integration networks in the selected corpus and they are: DROUGHT is A KILLING MONESTER, DROUGHT is WAR/STRUGGLE and UNICEF/OCHA are BUILDERS/ANIMATE AGENTS. Consequently, some emergent scenarios are activated such as: fear, instability, blame, hope and ideological distinction of US and THEM, THE POOR and THE RICH, AFRICA and AMERICA & EUROPE. Moreover, four topoi are motivated: “topos of danger”, “topos of displacement”, “topos of number” and” topos of hope”. These topoi are entrenched in the selected corpus, thus explicating the conventionality of metaphor.

Regulating the Undesirable: Statusless Women in Israel

This paper explores how laws and procedures in Israel concerning various forms of legal status deem women foreigners to be “statusless.” In particular, it examines the treatment of three groups: Palestinian women residents of the Occupied Palestinian Territories who are married to Palestinian citizens of Israel; asylum-seeking women from Africa; and women from the former Soviet Union who have been trafficked by the sex industry, or who have lost their legal status after separating from an Israeli-citizen spouse. Drawing on various data sources—such as information and case studies published by aid organizations; legal proceedings; discussions held by parliamentary legislative committees; state officials’ commentaries in the media; and interviews with women and service providers—we map the policies that manage the entry and residence of foreigners, and explore their ideological tenets and specific impact on women. We argue that statuslessness is being justified by an ethnocratic discourse that demarcates foreigners as undesirable, and that it is maintained by hobbling existing infrastructures, such as the Convention on the Status of Refugees, family unification procedure, or the Protocol for the Prevention of Human Trafficking—and draining them of their meaning.

Educational policy agenda, ideological transformation and radical right populism: the case of the education-identity nexus of the Northern League in Italy, 1994-2018

ABSTRACT The study of the relationship between parties and education policies has so far largely disregarded populist parties. Despite the success of this party family, little attention has been paid to their proposals in terms of education and interpretation of the role of schools and higher education in society. The central research question of the paper concerns the development of the educational agenda of the Northern League party in Italy, from 1994 to 2018. If the general framework suggests that political parties are losing power and influence in education matters, Italy can be considered an interesting deviant case. Education policy is politically divisive, with multiple stakeholders, different ideological preferences and vested interests. It should therefore come as no surprise that a party, as deeply rooted in the Italian party and political system as the Northern League, has invested in positioning itself in education policies both in terms of identity and argumentative strategies associated with the use of political symbols. Against this background, the purpose of the paper is to study how the Northern League’s education agenda is shaped by symbolic frames and rhetorical narratives that illustrate and reflect the ideological tenets and evolution of the party over the last decades.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)

Abstract This article situates the largest political party in the world, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, within the literature on the populist radical right. After providing a brief overview of Hindutva ideology and organizations, with a particular focus on the BJP, it analyzes how nativism, populism, and authoritarianism are key defining elements in both theory and practice for the BJP. It further examines two important ideological tenets that go beyond these three defining attributes of the (European) populist radical right – anti-colonialism and neoliberalism – which lend towards the success of the BJP. Since holding a majority in national government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP has been able to implement its vision of creating a Hindustan, or Hindu ethnostate. Like other populist radical right parties in power, the BJP is more radical in deeds than in words, but the future of the party without Modi’s leadership is uncertain.

В.М. ХВОСТОВ И МОСКОВСКИЙ ИНСТИТУТ СОЦИАЛЬНОЙ ПСИХОЛОГИИ (1917-1922)

The article analyzes the little-studied documents on the history of the Moscow Institute of Social Psychology, founded on the initiative of Veniamin Mikhailovich Khvostov (1868–1920), a professor of Moscow University, a neo-Kantian philosopher, a doctor of Roman law, a sociologist; the paper also discusses his role in the development of sociology, the most important direction in the field of social sciences. The article was written on the basis of the documents that were retained by his collaborators Leonty Alekseevich Byzov (1886–1942) and his wife, Natalia Nikolaevna Fadeeva-Byzova (1892–1985). Currently, the records are kept in the Archives of the European University in St. Petersburg. After having ostentatiously left Moscow University in 1911 (the “Kasso Case”), just like many of his colleagues had done, he taught at Moscow Women’s Higher Courses and at Shanyavsky Moscow People’s University. In May 1917, during the rule of the Provisional Government, V.M.Khvostov managed to create the Moscow Institute of Social Psychology as part of the future Institute of Sociology, the main task of which was to carry out research on social processes and gradually turn sociology into an independent scientific discipline. The Institute existed for five years only (1917–1922), and the last two years – without V.M. Khvostov, who passed away at the beginning of 1920. V.M. Khvostov realized that without sociology, the science of social processes, the sprouts of which had just begun to appear in Russia, not only the social sciences, but the entire scientific community of the early twentieth century would lose out. He hoped that with the coming to power of the Provisional Government, the social life in all its manifestations would become an important phenomenon, including scientific research, free from ideological dogmas. Instead in October 1917, the country plunged into a different reality – the revolution and the victory of the Bolsheviks who gradually destroyed all illusions about the freedom of scientific choice. And nevertheless, the Institute continued to carry out a tremendous amount of research concerning the socio-psychological processes and phenomena in public life. The scope of that work could be perceived through many hours of meetings, questionnaires and survey forms, abstracts and reports, scientific disputes, practical work with the representatives of various social groups. However, gradually, the conditions imposed by the Soviet government turned out to become such a powerful irritant for V.M. Khvostov that the dream of forming sociology as an independent scientific discipline appeared to be unrealizable. And yet, the documents on the activities of the Moscow Institute of Social Psychology are of great historical and scientific value, their study and publication can contribute to the adding of the new pages in the history of Russian and Soviet science at the beginning of the 20th century.

Socio-economic Origins of the Apartheid Regime in South Africa

The aim of this article is to analyze the economic dimension of the apartheid regime in South Africa by studying the role of socio-economic processes in its formation and development. The author describes the situation on the labor market and in the economy of the country at the beginning of the XX century and covers the first steps of the white government to establish segregation of Africans in the economy before the official establishment of apartheid. Particular attention is paid to the problem of deep socio-economic contradictions within the white community (between Afrikaners and descendants of English colonists), which seriously motivated Boers with low education and qualifications to fight for political domination in the state to comply with their own economic interests. The author also highlights the role of the local population in the economic development of the country and labor migration processes in the context of the ongoing industrial transformation of the South African economy. On the example of the situation in education the beginning of the processes of forced emancipation of Africans is demonstrated, which, however, was a limited one. In conclusion, it was the economic (and not ideological or political) dimension of apartheid that was key in its development and largely determined the essence of the regime, designed to preserve the existing system of maintaining the economic potential of Afrikaners in confrontation with the non-white population (by restricting their rights and using them as cheap labor) and competing English-speaking residents of the country (by creating conditions for the redistribution of capital in favor of Afrikaners). At the same time, the priority of the economic motives of apartheid predetermined its well-known flexibility, manifested in the permissibility of moving away from following strict ideological constructs for the sake of economic expediency, which resulted in a certain gradual emancipation in the field of education of Africans and the inability to achieve complete segregation of racial groups. The more intensively the economy developed, the more significant the role of the black population in supporting its growth became, and the weaker the ideological dogma of the apartheid regime was.

THREE PARADOXES OF THE THEORY OF DEMOCRACY

The article analyzes three paradoxes of the theory of democracy, which testify to the crisis of this theory. The reasons for the aggravated paradoxical vision of democracy can be considered both contradictions in the very theory of democracy and contradictions in the political practice of democratic states. In accordance with the proposed author's approach to the analysis of the paradoxes of the theory of democracy, attention should be focused on the key problem for the social form of existence, the problem of the relationship between freedom, equality, and justice. The social exists as the intersection of the natural (necessary) and the conscious (free). Interests as motivators of behavior were placed in this "pause". The "superstructure" in the form of collective consciousness produces values ​​as regulators of behavior. And the balance of interests and values ​​becomes the main social problem, solved on the basis of the ratio of freedom and equality, which is assessed as fair or unfair. The latter is transferred to the specific embodiment of a just or unjust order in the person of the state.
 The socialist value of the state priority of "workers' equality" was devalued in the early 90s of the 20th century due to the obvious dissonance between the theory and practice of equality and the collapse of the state order that represented this value - the USSR. Therefore, in the modern world, democratic systems balance on a fluid balance of freedom and order in the form of neo-liberal or neo-conservative state policies. But the desovereignization of the state postulated in D. Rodrik's paradox, confirmed by other researchers, casts doubt on the effectiveness of this policy in the modern world.
 In order to comprehend the paradoxes of the theory of democracy, the author submits the following statements for consideration: 1. Democracy and the state are coexisting forms of social organization that can temporarily intersect and thus create the illusion of their consistent combination. The basis of this illusion was laid by the European interpretation of the direct democracy of antiquity. 2. Under the conditions of representative democracy, the illusion of a consistent combination of democracy and the state is stimulated through the propaganda mechanism of state self-identification of the population, based on a person's tendency to self-deceive and on the ideologies encouraged by the state that are relevant in a particular social system: nationalism, patriotism, socialism, liberalism, the rule of law. 3. It is necessary to recognize the existence in the conditions of a representative democracy of a “political class” that has a special economic and psychological motivation for behavior and therefore is interested in preserving and maintaining a special type of status (as a democratic variety of class) inequality, including through the propaganda of the ideological dogma of democracy.

Knowing you, knowing me: Identity, agency and the analyst’s discourse in the context of a South African university classroom

Language, as discourse, largely determines one's perception of the world, including one's own identity and the identity of others. As a subject of discourse, one is generally unaware of the manner in which ideological assumptions dictate one's thoughts and actions. It is only when underlying ideological tenets are made explicit that one is given the opportunity to evaluate the validity of such assumptions and, if desired, reposition oneself with regard to the discoursal context. The role of the analyst, explains Lacan, is to facilitate a journey of exposure in which the analysand is made aware of pertinent issues influencing their thought processes and behaviour, thus allowing them to assume agency in dealing with them. Along with Lacan, this article argues that the analyst's discourse can be initiated in the context of a larger group - in this case, a first-year university classroom. Student reflections accurately reflect that - as Lacan suggests - individuals as subjects of discourse are able to reposition themselves with regard to influential discourses in their contexts. The example discussed in this article proves that this process of change can be facilitated through activating the discourse of the analyst through the strategic compilation of a module or programme.

Contextualizing and historicizing the 1968 demonstrations in Kosova

The paper explores the ideological background and political goals of the Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of Albanians, and their role in the 1968 demonstration that took place in Kosova. The paper contextualizes and historicizes the event by placing it within a spatial and chronological timeframe. By drawing from a historical narrative that describes the position of Albanians within socialist Yugoslavia, the paper traces the formation of the Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of Albanians and their ideological tenets, and posits them within a global historical Zeitgeist of the 1968 worldwide demonstrations. The paper also trails how the events of 1968 in Kosova fueled the radicalization of dissident and anti-systemic movements in Kosova that would take a central role in the historical developments of the 1970s and 1980s.

‘In search of an identity’: Öcalan’s socialism

ABSTRACT The leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan or PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, initially described his movement as a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist organization. However, his perspective on socialism changed over the period between the founding of the PKK in 1978 and the present. After his imprisonment on the island of İmralı in 1999, Öcalan sought to reformulate the ideological tenets of the PKK. In so doing, he challenged both orthodox Marxism and the Marxist-Leninist legacy of the PKK. This challenge was accompanied by a new theoretical search that resulted in the emergence of a multi-layered paradigm that Öcalan called ‘democratic civilization.’ This new paradigm, which was based on a critique of state-centred political perspectives, was heavily inspired by the works of Murray Bookchin, the founding figure of social ecology. Öcalan’s paradigm reshaped not only the political discourse of the PKK but also its organizational structure. Using an interpretive-textual methodology, this paper presents an outline of Öcalan’s approach to socialism. It argues that the change in Öcalan’s perspective on socialism provides insight into his ability to adapt his leadership to different situations, the eclectic nature of his political thought and his search for a new ideological identity for the PKK.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE QUALITATIVE ENERGY DIPLOMACY OF THE US AND CHINA TOWARDS CENTRAL ASIA: BARRIERS TO PROTECT ENERGY INTERESTS

This study offers a critical analysis of how does energy impacts the foreign policy issues of the country. Its objective is to explores the dynamics of the US and Chinese energy diplomacy towards Central Asia in the context of interests versus ideology. It also provides imperative clue of pros and cons and limitations of preaching dogmatic ideology alone to secure energy interests abroad. The study adopted a well-structured analytical methodology to analyse their tactics of “Qualitative Energy Diplomacy” (QED) for advancing their energy and strategic interests. It is a qualitative study that utilizes content analysis approach. It concludes that tactics employed by the US and China to preach the dogmatic values in the region vary, with the efforts of the US relatively greater than the Chinese and when the dogmatic explanation of these qualitative tenets conflicts the same energy interests, both of them regard ideologies subservient to their interests. Keywords: Dogmatic Ideology; Energy Security; Limitations; Qualitative Energy Diplomacy; The US; China and Central Asia.

СОВЕТСКАЯ ИСТОРИОГРАФИЯ ПАРТИЗАНСКОГО ДВИЖЕНИЯ В СИБИРИ 1950—1980-Х ГОДОВ: ДОСТИЖЕНИЯ И ПРОСЧЕТЫ

The article presents an analysis of the Soviet historiography of the partisan movement in Siberia in the late 1950s–1980s. The processes of overcoming the consequences of the cult of personality in historical science, the revival and development of the Leninist concept of the Civil War are studied. Its influence on the content of research is characterized. Their main directions and results are identified. It is noted that a lot of work has been done to introduce new sources into scientific circulation. The scope of research has expanded, and the number of publications has significantly increased. Positive results were achieved in studying formation, structure, strength, deployment of partisan detachments and formations, their participation in warfare, authority organisation in partisan areas, and the struggle of political groups in the partisan movement. However, the preservation of ideological dogmas prevented objective and comprehensive studies of such a complex, multifaceted phenomenon as the partisan movement in Siberia. Contrary to reality, influence of the Bolshevik Party and the Bolshevik underground on formation and development of the movement was significantly exaggerated. The questions about partisan terror, criminal component of the movement, and relations between partisans and the indigenous population remained outside the scope of research. The partisans’ relations with the local population, their political moods and orientations were biased. Therefore, Soviet historians failed to create an objective and complete picture of the partisan movement in Siberia during the Civil War. At the same time, modern researchers should not ignore the Soviet legacy, they should rely on its positive results.

Marksismi retseptsioon ja dogmaatilise marksismi kriitika Eesti alal aastatel 1905–16

In Estonian historiography, the revolutionary year of 1905 has been described as a starting point for subsequent political changes in 1917 and 1918. Hence many authors have highlighted the importance of political development that led to the foundation of the first Estonian political parties in 1905. However, the ideological differentiation of Estonian political thought between the revolutionary years of 1905 and 1917 has been studied less. The aim of this article is to analyse the political debates on Marxist theory that took place in the Estonian area of the Baltic provinces from 1905 to 1916.
 The leaders of the Estonian socialist movement first became acquainted with Marxist theory through German and Russian socialist literature. Since 1905, various texts by socialist authors were also available to a wider audience in Estonian. First and foremost, the works of German social democrats were published in Estonian. During 1910–14, the first volume of Karl Marx’s Capital was translated into Estonian. While it had often previously been argued that socialism benefits all oppressed people, Marxist ideology was now presented as a scientific theory that explained economic development and protected the interests of industrial workers in a class society.
 The article claims that during the period from 1905 to 1916, recognised experts on Marxist ideology emerged among Estonian socialists. In addition to Marxist tactics, Estonian socialist authors discussed theoretical issues such as the material conception of history. In these discussions, the personal conflicts between Estonian socialists as well as their ideological disagreements became evident. More broadly, these discussions were shaped by earlier ideological debates among European socialists at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.
 The article also argues that during the period considered, several Estonian left-wing thinkers questioned the validity of Marxism. Influenced by Bernstein’s revisionist ideas, these thinkers criticised Marxism as a one-sided and dogmatic ideology. They claimed that Marxism was just another theory with both strengths and weaknesses. However, Estonian social democrats who embraced Marxism as a scientific theory responded to such criticism and defended the materialist view of society.
 The debates on Marxist theory considered here provide evidence of the ideological differentiation of Estonian left-wing political thought. From 1905 to 1916, numerous socialist texts in Estonian presented various approaches for understanding Marxist ideology. Thus, one can witness an intensified reception of Marxism in the Estonian area during that period. More specifically, these ideological debates reveal new facets of the political views of Estonian socialists who later affected the course of Estonian history as communist revolutionaries or as members of the Estonian Constituent Assembly.

Ideological Disputes of the Russian Diaspora: Eurasians and Westerners

The article examines the causes of ideological disputes between Eurasians and Western Constitutional Democrats. Pavel N. Milyukov, the head of the Constitutional Democrats, also known as the Cadet party, has been selected as the representative figure of the main ideological tenets and criticism directed against Eurasianism. The author of the article suggests the existence of three main phases or generations of Western-ideologues in Russia – the first Westerners of the classical period, then of the pre-revolutionary and revolutionary era, and finally modern post-Soviet ultra-liberals. The article presents the main ideas that unite all three generations, as well as the differences that exist between the first two generations of Western-ideologues and modern post-Soviet ultra-liberals of today. Eurasianism is shown in the article as the successor of the Slavophil movement, although with significant changes due to the revolution of 1917. The conflict between Western-ideologues and Slavophils of the “Futurist era”, that is, between the Cadets and Eurasians, took the form of disputes between different generations, each of which had its own unique historical and psychological experience.

“Selling Their Jobs?” Thatcherism, Voluntary Redundancy and Worker Resocialisation

The election of Margaret Thatcher’s government in 1979 is widely regarded as a watershed in British history, credited with transforming the country’s socioeconomic traditions, as well as helping to inspire a global turn towards neoliberal political economy. Thatcher’s project sought not only to promote free market economics, but also propel its accompanying underpinning ideological tenets, such as individualism, competition, enterprise, and consumerism, to primacy in societal discourse. The subjugation of trade union influence was also a fundamental component of the emerging program, and the prevailing narrative is that this was achieved through microeconomic and legislative reform. However, often underplayed is how voluntary severance schemes were used to undermine notions of collectivism, forcing workers to reassess preconceptions regarding the nature of employment and unionism. This article seeks to reposition voluntary redundancy as a key element of the raft of measures that changed the face of the British society.