Ideological Program Research Articles

«WEST – EAST» OPPOSITION IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY OF 1830–1850S:

The article is devoted to the problem of determining the basic parameters of the cultural and civilizational identity of the Russian national character (the “Russian soul”) on the basis of literature and philosophy of the 30–50s of the 19th century. This period was not chosen by chance: in it, with the greatest strength and clarity, the leading trends in the development of Russian social (socio-philosophical) thought were identified, which had a direct and indirect influence on the literary process of the 19th century. In this transitional era, for certain reasons, objective conditions were created for the development of cornerstone ideological programs that became the subject of intellectual polemics, sometimes sharp and fierce, in subsequent times and which have not lost their relevance until now, as can be judged by modern book production, developing at the philosophical level, the most important questions of the future of Russia as a civilizational “mainland”, and on those very topical discussions that are conducted in the media space (television, no). One of the vivid exponents of this dispute was Petr Chaadaev, whose views on the cultural and civilizational identity of Russia were distinguished by a deep originality, which was in contrast with the official world outlook trends of the era. In the 1830–1850s, a discussion arose between “Slavophiles” and “Westerners”, which was also conducted on the pages of fiction. Due to this, a deprived of monolithic, rather contradictory picture of the perception of the West and the East as civilizational landmarks of the “Russian soul” has developed in the Russian consciousness. So, the East acted not only as a standard of high and refined culture, a role model, but also as a synonym for ignorance and inertness – all that is recorded in the capacious word meaning “Asian”. In the same way, the West was both a model of enlightenment and technocratic progress, and a kind of form of spiritual dependence associated with the decay and decay of the national. Such judgments were characteristic not only of the Russian society of the 1830–1850ss. In one form or another, they met in previous periods of Russian history, and in those countries of the world where the modernization process was coupled with the westernization of the cultural environment.

Estudi comparat de les posicions a Twitter dels polítics espanyols sobre el feminisme

This research analyses feminism-related tweets produced over a period of two months by both a male representative and a female representative of each of the four principal political parties in Spain (PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos and Podemos). Although their behaviour on Twitter is similar, the differences found are more marked by ideology than by gender. A content analysis shows that the parties tend to reinforce their ideological programme on Twitter, which is corroborated as a space for disseminating topics related to feminism, but not as a space for debate. Men tend to publish more than women and on less controversial topics, which allows us to observe the reproduction of patriarchal roles in the net.

The Historian of Philosophy and His Experience: Within and Beyond the Realm of Philosophy

The article analyzes the intellectual experience of a historian of philosophy. This experience is formed by the ideological and the political factors that lays beyond the realm of the philosophy. The author demonstrates how nonphilosophical factors influence both philosophy itself and the activity of the historian of philosophy. If, since the Greek ancient epoch, the basis of the philosophy is the faith in the universal laws of the nature and their intelligible character, then the historian of philosophy relies on the faith into the intelligible laws of the development of the thought, derived from the historicism, which is a part of the ideological corpus of the Western Enlightenment. The history of philosophy in the modern state is a space where the activity of the historian of philosophy, emulating epistemological anarchism, in reality covers its bias by the political paradigm of Western civilization. As a result, the history of philosophy turns out to be a sphere of unfolding specific political and ideological programs, and the experience of the historian of philosophy is not only professional but also political work. This personal experience by its nature is decisive for the formation of the image of philosophy and the picture of its historical development. The author suggests to qualify the history of philosophy as a register of knowledge in which the central concepts and definitions should be constantly renewed. In the conclusion, the author proposes to acknowledge that the historian of philosophy, working with the corpus of philosophical texts and ideas, has far greater degree of creative freedom than it is traditionally assumed.

Osiedle mieszkaniowe budownictwa jednorodzinnego „Szadkowice–Ogrodzim” w gminie Szadek – geneza powstania i ocena założenia po 50 latach

Wybudowane w latach 1970–2018 osiedle budownictwa jednorodzinnego „Szadkowice–Ogrodzim” ze względu na swoją powierzchnię, liczbę i kubaturę budynków uważane jest za największą inwestycję mieszkaniową w gminie Szadek z okresu powojennego (po 1945 r.). Osiedle reprezentuje odmienny zespół wartości, wynikających z nieokreślonego dla całości programu ideowego, przyjmowanych w różnych okresach powstawania założeń układu przestrzennego. W niektórych fragmentach dążono do spójnej formy architektonicznej zabudowy i charakterystyki technicznej budynków. To znaczące dzieło przestrzenne okresu powojennego w sąsiedztwie małego miasta, jakim jest Szadek, jest cennym przykładem koncepcji urbanistycznej na terenach wiejskich obrzeży miast. Artykuł niniejszy ma na celu dokonanie szeroko rozumianej oceny stanu założenia, po prawie 50 latach od rozpoczęcia budowy.

Granice w wizji politycznej współczesnej skrajnej prawicy w Niemczech

Borders in the Political Vision of Contemporary Extreme Right in Germany
 The article deals with the issue of broadly defined borders in political and ideological programmes of selected extreme right organisations in contemporary Germany (AfD, NPD, IBD). The starting point for the textual and content analysis of actual programs of these organizations is the author’s reflection on the importance of dichotomy in the broader political view of the extreme right. The author claims that the considerably strong focus of the selected right‑wing organisations on the issue of physical or cultural borders does not only derive from the timing of their activism – the so called migration crisis. It is rather pre‑defined by the ideological features of the far right in general. The core ideological elements ascribed to the far right as a stream of political thought, such as nationalism or authoritarianism, are based on the dichotomy and influence on the far right perception of the world.

Science Education under a Totalitarian Theocracy:  Analyzing the ISIS Primary Curriculum

We conducted an unprecedented analysis of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) primary schoolscience curriculum. The research question focuses on the general scientific quality of the five documents examined,the integration of religious content and the possible tensions between science and religion that result from includingsuch material in the corpus. This content analysis also focuses on the ideological/political agenda that supports itscontent and structure. Conclusions argue that the ISIS science curriculum appears to be committed to anabsolutist/theocratic ideological program that, among other things, promotes a very inadequate concept of scientificactivity and content. Recommendations about secularization and the reconstruction of post-ISIS education systemsare formulated.

Distantly reading race in the contemporary ‘postrace’ novel

ABSTRACT Inspired by recent computationally assisted close readings undertaken by critics including Ryan Cordell, Paul Fleming, Michael Gavin, Matthew Jockers, Andrew Piper, Hoyt Long, Richard So, and Ted Underwood, this essay devises an account of Colson Whitehead’s genre-bending zombie thriller Zone One (2011) based on visualisations of the text’s lexical patterns, arguing that such an approach yields explanatory purchase on the relation between Zone One’s genre-fiction surface (i.e. its zombie plot and predominantly race-free lexicon) and what the majority of the novel’s critics have intuited to be its literary-allegorical core (i.e. the novel’s latent race-conscious ideological programme). Mobilising a low-tech, small-scale computational approach to Zone One’s distribution of explicit and implicit racial signifiers, I argue that attention to the novel’s patterns of form and language reveals a racial grammar lurking beneath its chiefly unmarked lexicon. Through its careful distribution of racialising terms, Zone One, I suggest, embodies a ‘viral’ intertextuality keyed to processes of racial formation occurring beneath the discourse of ‘postraciality’ and within the hidden technical registers of the networked global economy.

Analysis and comparison of «style» and «eclecticism» notions in the theory of architecture

The concepts of «style» and «eclecticism» in the theory of architecture are considered. It is shown that eclecticism can be understood as a phenomenon, style direction or creative professional method depending on the position of the researcher and the aspect of consideration. In the modern period between the concepts of «style» and «eclecticism» there is no longer a sharp antagonism. By some signs, eclecticism can be considered as a stylistic direction in which neo-stylistic movements coexist, revived according to the principle of «revival». The basis of the formation of the style is always a certain ideological program, the postulates of which influence the formation of the creative method

The experience of the historian of philosophy: on the non-philosophical origins of the philosophical practice

The review proposes the analyses of the intellectual experience of the historian of philosophy that is determined by the ideological and the political factors that lay behind the realm of the philosophy. The author proposes and arguments the theses about the mean role of the nonphilosophical origins of the influence as for the philosophy as itself both the activity of the historian of philosophy. From the Greek ancient epoch the basis of the philosophy is the faith in the universal laws of the nature and their intelligible character the historian of philosophy based on the faith into the intelligible laws of the development of the thought, and their origin is the historicism that is doctrinally birth by the ideological corpus of the Western Enlightenment. The history of philosophy in the modern state is a space in which unfolds the activity of the historian of philosophy, representing an epistemological anarchist, but in reality, masking it visible anarchism its bias by the political paradigm of Western civilization. As a result, the history of philosophy turns out to be a sphere of unfolding specific political and ideological programs, and the experience of the historian of philosophy is not narrowly professional, but political work. This personal experience by its nature is decisive for the formation of the image of philosophy and the picture of its historical development. Given this fact, the author suggests the need to qualify the history of philosophy as a register of knowledge, which is constantly renewed problematic the central concepts, marking the basic conceptual points and the definition of the general direction of thought. As a result, the author proposes to recognize the historian of philosophy as much as a greater degree of creative freedom than is assumed in the traditional way of the intellectual, working in a positive way with the corpus of philosophical texts and ideas.

A Leftist Theory of the Authoritarian Social-Democratic State

The article explores the notion of the State: first, as a philosophical concept; second, as a topic in the current socio-political discussion of democratization and globalization; and third, as a possible element of a left wing ideological program. In the prevailing understanding, the State is a regrettable technical necessity that should be kept to a minimum and that will gradually expire by itself. Both the orthodox and the Althusserian Marxists agree with liberals and neo-liberals on this. Their value preferences fuse with their diagnosis of actual tendencies. However, the article claims that, from the current leftist, social-democratic and post-Marxist point of view, the State is becoming stronger but there is nothing bad in that.This post-Marxist point of view coincides with the position of Karl Marx himself when he was a young man planning to write a critique of the State. That project was never completed, but what we have of it, A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, shows that a truly democratic state itself constitutes democratic society and thus forms a circle of mutual establishment and mutual authorization. The democratic form becomes the content; and everyone takes part in self-government, while socio-economic institutions in turn acquire a political nature. The article concludes with a brief account of the principles for the constitutional structure of such a state.

The role of the proletariat as a class in 1917 and at first after the October Revolution

The article examines the role of the proletariat in the preparation and implementation of the October Revolution of 1917. The author shows that after the revolution, the Bolsheviks had every reason to be disappointed in the proletariat as a class as they started decreasing in number rapidly due to the return of peasants to villages and difficulties in working in enterprises in cities. Much attention is paid in the article to the concept of "dictatorship of the proletariat", which has become the centre of the Bolshevik ideological programme. Due to the fact that the Marxist class analysis turned out to be inappropriate for Russian social reality, the Bolsheviks had to transform their initial ideas, develop a system of measures to educate the people and influence them. To maintain power after its seize, the Bolsheviks created the myth of an enemy class threatening the proletariat and of building a bright future.

Komparasi Teori Marketing Politik 4p Menurut Niffenegger dan 3p Menurut Adman Nursal

This study describe, as well as analyze Comparative Political Marketing Theory 4p According Niffenegger and 3p According to Adman Nursal. The first is the marketing of politics that uses the theory of market approach strategy (Nursal 2004) called 3P terms are Pull Marketing, Push marketing, and Pass marketing. Then the second is marketing politics using marketing mix or marketing mix (Niffenneger 1989), known as 4P, product, promotion, price and place. This article will discuss the differences and similarities of both theories. Political marketing has been used as a winning strategy. Many of these strategies have their own to be well received by the public. Marketing concepts adapted in politics used to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of ideological transfers and work programs, from contestants to the public in a campaign. In this study researchers used literature study method. The literature study used library data collection methods, reading and recording, as well as managing research materials. The results of the study show that both theories can complement each other in the field. Niffenneger's theory for understanding political marketing maps. While Adman Nursery's theory is more about candidate promotion techniques at the grassroots.

THE ALTERNATIVE

Information agencies set up for business-friendly opinion moulding in Sweden worked actively with similar organizations in the Nordic countries to formulate a pro-business ideological programme after the Second World War. The intent of this so called ‘Alternative’ was to counteract social democratic ideas of a more state-planned economy. This article contributes to earlier research on how business interest associations in corporatist countries responded to the development of the welfare state in the Keynesian era. Over time, the programme became less about taking an ideological stance in defence of free enterprise and more about dealing with the economic consequences of record growth. Business involvement in cartelization proved difficult to combine with arguments for free competition, free markets, and non-regulated prices. Collaboration as well as new institutions for both formal and informal discussions between labour and capital during the 1950s and 1960s, at least in Sweden, seems to have reduced the sense of urgency for an ideological programme for business. In the end, no Nordic business programme was ever realized.

Od powstania styczniowego do niepodległości. O lwowskiej inteligencji z powstańczą biografią w tle

Zasadniczym problemem badawczym podjętym w artykule jest charakterystyka środowiska lwowskiej inteligencji, współtworzonej w latach 1864–1918 przez kolejne generacje uczestników powstań narodowych, w tym przede wszystkim weteranów powstania styczniowego, zesłańców i emigrantów. Zaangażowani w sposób znaczący w ówczesnym życiu politycznym, w działalności organizacji i stowarzyszeń społecznych oraz organów samorządowych współtworzyli społeczno-polityczne oblicze Galicji w dobie autonomicznej. Odegrali znaczącą rolę w formułowaniu programów ideowych środowisk politycznych oraz wpływali na kształt głównych ośrodków prasowych („Gazety Narodowej”, „Ruchu Literackiego”, „Kuriera Lwowskiego”, „Dziennika Literackiego”, „Słowa Polskiego”). Wreszcie też angażowali się w życiu naukowym i kulturalnym Lwowa. Zagadnienia te omówione zostaną w szerszym kontekście losów zbiorowych oraz indywidualnych biografii przedstawicieli lwowskiej inteligencji o powstańczym rodowodzie, postaci znanych i zupełnie zapomnianych. Główne tezy referatu sformułowane zostały w oparciu o zbiory rękopiśmienne lwowskich archiwów i bibliotek.

Problem of Social Engagement of the Historical Avant-garde: Social Effectiveness of Art and the Artist’s Responsibility

.

РЕПРЕЗЕНТАЦИЯ МОНАРХИЧЕСКОЙ ВЛАСТИ В РУССКОМ ИСКУССТВЕ ВТОРОЙ ЧЕТВЕРТИ XIX ВЕКА

The article is devoted to the problem of studying the Russian art of the second quarter of the XIX century as a field of monarchy representation. The paper considers the embodiment of the idea of national identity and the establishment of autocracy as the basic postulates through the introduction of the elements of military aesthetics into various forms of art. The author makes an attempt to substantiate the implementation of the ideological program within the framework of two artistic movements - classicism and romanticism, which were worldview platforms, - as well as historicism as the fundamental principle of artistic consciousness and thinking. The listed categories act as the defining genre and stylistic features of the art of the period under consideration.

Karl Marks - Manifest, radikalna demokratija ili futuristička alhemija

The celebration of 200th anniversary of birth of Karl Marx, a renowned social theorist and the symbol of world revolution, not less an intellectual, as well as 170 years since publication of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, the foundation and the ideological programme of the liberation from capitalism movement, seems to bring Marx back into the heart of capitalism, extreme and arrogant liberalism. That is done in commercial, marketing and tourist way, turning him into a souvenir and 'the goods' of social system without an alternative, for which the term capitalism itself is dispensable. That way even Marx's criticism of capitalism is pacified through a kind of normalization of explosive potential, its contradictions (exploitation, poverty, inequality), reducing his deepest and the most mature analytic consideration of the structure of capitalist relations to a conservative implication. Such implication is more due to Marx's personality than the coherence of his writings, especially the Manifesto of the Communist Party, in which the first step towards the inescapable 'futuristic alchemy' of the communist revolution, i.e. 'proletariat organized into a ruling class', is a struggle for democracy. Paradoxically as it may sound, it even brought about the crash of communism, the unfinished vision of free society that is in the core of Marx's Manifesto. The question remains whether that vision would forever stay buried under these ruins or the necessity of its excavation would make Marx's ideas and work topical again.

Chivalrous models of Patriot Kingship: Gilbert West, Lord Lyttelton and The Idea of a Patriot King

ABSTRACTThis article examines two explorations of the theory expounded in Lord Bolingbroke's The Idea of a Patriot King (written 1738, published 1749), Gilbert West's 1742 dramatic poem The Institution of the Order of the Garter and Lord Lyttelton's The History of the Life of Henry the Second (1767–1771). Both were associates of Bolingbroke's in the Patriot movement and were committed to his ideological programme, understanding its potential and appeal. They both recognised the significant potency in Bolingbroke's last and final theorem, that of the Patriot King, whose miraculous function it was to stamp out corruption, reform the state and rule as a father to his people. Yet they both reframe the theory, by providing relatable models of Patriot Kingship. The models West and Lyttelton provide are two historical English kings, Edward III and Henry II. By portraying these monarchs as Patriot Kings, both writers construct a mythopoeic idealisation of the English and British past, in which the manners of chivalry form the basis of Patriot Kingship. Both these works should also be understood within the context of an eighteenth-century tradition of using the English and British past to extol monarchy and reflect of contemporary politics and society.

EXISTENTIAL VACUUM AND IDENTITY CRISIS

It is shown that on way of forming the meaning of life the existential vacuum can get, mechanism of getting out of which must be sought in the service of an important cause, love for another human being, self-realization of man.Noted that it is necessary to demark it from the concept of «happiness» to analyze the meaning of life. In this context, it is necessary to indicate what goals we want to achieve when we talk about the realization of the «meaning of life», and also to determine condi- tions that are worthy of greater pride or admiration, as well as the values that determine them.Emphasized that the opposite concept of nihilism arises when we try to isolate the meaning of life and determine its characteristic features. Pessimism is often associated with extreme pessimism and radical skepticism. Nihilism aims at the destruction of moral, religious and metaphysical beliefs and can fuel an anthropological crisis. And falling into an existential vacuum – to find there fertile soil. Various types of nihilism are considered, such as: political nihilism, which is based on the belief that the destruction of all existing political, social and religious institutions is an indispensable condition for any further improvement of the political system; Ethical nihilism or moral nihilism, which rejects the possibility of absolute moral or ethical values (it is considered that it is not possible to distinguish between good and evil, because their demarcation is nothing more than a product of social and cultural context); Existential nihilism, which postulates the idea that life has no intrinsic meaning or value.Asserted that humanism confirms our ability to self-realization of the individual and responsibility for the sake of the common good for all people. The happiness of an indi- vidual is inseparably linked with the well-being of mankind as a whole, in part because we are «social animals» and develop in a «cultural context». Losing the meaning of life leads to a psychological crisis, internal conflict, loss of self-identity, which leads to a new crisis – the identity crisis. The crisis of identity is actualized against the background of the disorientation of its social role, continuity as a result of conflicting expectations and un- certainty about itself and its role in society. The identity crisis is generated by many factors, including economic instability, negative images in the media, as well as the lack of role models, clear ideological programs and blurred values.Reported that in the context of the developed multiculturalism in the globalization world, the question of the hierarchy of values and the system of personal identification becomes particularly difficult, since in recent years the identity crisis, instigated by social divisions, economic difficulties, cultural ill-treatment and political oppression, is becoming an actual problem requiring Attention. The various moods that arise in society, and emo- tional upheavals provoke an identity crisis in large-scale structures. By personal self- identification, it is suggested to understand the idea that people create meaning through social interaction with other people-that is, the position of symbolic interactionism, in which the individual’s identity acts as a social product formed as a result of social interac- tions within specific social contexts.

The Antwerp (stair) case: how a modernist architect staged his educational and ideological programme

This paper looks at the educational project of Belgium’s acclaimed socialist and modernist architect Renaat Braem (1910–2001). While Braem is foremost remembered as a militant opinion maker, his work as an educator and an artist has received little scrutiny. When Braem was appointed interim director at the Antwerp National Higher Institute for Architecture and Urban Planning (NHIBS) in 1962, his first action point was not to change the curriculum. He instead reconstructed the physical configuration of the school. With an eye-catching staircase painting, he accentuated an important passage in the school building: the one from the administrative offices and library to the architectural studios. Claiming a central position in the institute, the staircase functioned as a stage and an auditorium on which an ideological and educational programme was enacted in an implicit, yet very physical manner. This article not only looks at what the painting represents, but also at how it represents by applying Randolph Starn’s three categories of seeing: the glance, the measured view, and the scan. This threefold reading of the painting enables us to unpack (a) Braem’s educational project based on a socialist ideology and (b) the institutional climate of the 1960s. In the institutional debates, hovering between tradition and the rationalisation of education, Braem’s staircase painting proposed a third way. It revised the existing doctrines by reconciling the rational approach with a stronger focus on the human in the built environment.