Ideological Divisions Research Articles

Anthropology’s Science Wars

In recent decades the field of anthropology has been characterized as sharply divided between proscience and antiscience factions. The aim of this study is to empirically evaluate that characterization. We survey anthropologists in graduate programs in the United States regarding their views of science and advocacy, moral and epistemic relativism, and the merits of evolutionary biological explanations. We examine anthropologists’ views in concert with their varying appraisals of major controversies in the discipline (Chagnon/Tierney, Mead/Freeman, and Menchú/Stoll). We find that disciplinary specialization and especially gender and political orientation are significant predictors of anthropologists’ views. We interpret our findings through the lens of an intuitionist social psychology that helps explain the dynamics of such controversies as well as ongoing ideological divisions in the field.

Managing Political Polarization in Congress: A Case Study on the Use of the Hastert Rule

The rise of the Tea Party and the ideological divisions within the Republican Party created challenging conditions for Speaker Boehner. The strategic use of the “go-it-alone” Hastert Rule allowed Speaker Boehner to successfully navigate a treacherous political path of managing his divergent caucus, preserving his leadership position, and passing selective legislation when necessary even when the majority of his caucus did not support it. This manufactured procedural tool served substantive and political purposes. The routine use of the Hastert Rule strengthened the hand of the Tea Party members to influence legislation. At the same time, selectively ignoring the Hastert Rule allowed Speaker Boehner to relieve some of the political pressure that the Tea Party members exerted in an effort to preserve the future electoral viability of his party. The Hastert Rule, an informal but accepted practice in the House of Representatives, created the latitude for Speaker Boehner to maneuver through this difficult period. It is an example of the remarkable ability of Congress to adapt and address internal challenges and threats.

The rise of new populist political parties in Czech parliamentary elections between 2010 and 2017: the geography of party replacement

ABSTRACTThis article examines the territorialization of party replacement in the Czech Republic between 2010 and 2017. Using spatial analytical techniques, we found that despite the significant success of new populist parties, which considerably transformed the parliamentary strength of individual parties, the “new” geographical patterning of party support was far from real transformation. Historically, most of the rightist and center-right parties relied on higher support in areas with a high development potential and the developmental axes related to them, whereas established left-wing parties found support in areas with a low development potential. The elections of 2010 and 2013 were exceptions to this pattern, but the elections of 2017 interrupted this deviation when geographical support for some of the new populist parties (those which had succeed in 2013 already) moved mostly to underdeveloped areas. However, as the programmatics of most of the new populist parties are relatively unclear (especially on the left-right ideological division), one can hardly speak of class realignment, but rather of spatial re-stratification of Czech politics: traditionally leftist and rightist voters largely abandoned “their” (established) parties, but on the other hand, their voting mostly did not contravene the Czech spatial division between leftist and rightist regions.

Divisions and Unity of the Novy Urengoy Muslim Community

Novy Urengoy, in the oil-and-gas rich Yamalo-Nenets autonomous Okrug, became a central place for migrants, giving birth to an active Muslim community that found itself several times under the Russian media spotlight for its division and radicalization. The article looks first at institutional struggle to control the city’s Muslim community, before delving deeper into its ideological divisions and its unity in adapting practices to Far North. It concludes by discussing the arrival of new, power-related interactions between the North Caucasus and the largest Muslim community in Russia’s gas capital. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in March 2018.

The Chilean Moment in the Global Cold War: International Reactions to Salvador Allende's Victory in the Presidential Election of 1970

This article discusses the reactions of governments and political leaders around the world to the victory of Salvador Allende in the Chilean presidential election of 1970—reactions that were shaped by a combination of ideological considerations, the diplomatic interests of particular states in the context of the Cold War, and an image of Chilean democratic exceptionalism purveyed by Chilean diplomats and largely assumed by a surprising number of people abroad. Reactions to Allende's victory in 1970 reflected the ideological divisions in Chilean politics as well as the tensions and anxieties of an international order that was then beginning to experience a series of significant changes as a result of the East-West détente. Paradoxically, Allende's ideological foreign policy, one of the main reasons for which his election was both dreaded and welcomed in different parts of the world, foretold some of the changes that would take place in the international system in the 1970s.

The Resurgence of Ideology in Indonesia: Political Islam, Aliran and Political Behaviour

The 2019 Indonesian presidential elections indicate that ideology played an important role in voting behaviour, as aggregate subnational results seem to mirror the mid-1950s, when Indonesian politics was organised around ideological and partisan groups known as aliran. However, the extent to which these macro-level patterns are rooted in real ideological divisions among Indonesian voters is an open question. This article analyses an original survey specifically designed to measure aliran identities, ideological orientations and political preferences of ordinary Indonesians. Findings indicate that aliran identities are still present and associated with party choice but only loosely connected with political ideology. Most notably, however, political Islam is associated with important political attitudes and behaviours. Islamist Indonesians are less likely to support liberal understandings of democracy, more likely to see economic issues as policy priorities and more likely to support economic redistribution and regional autonomy. This suggests that ideology should receive greater attention in the study of Indonesian politics.

The Pope May Not Be Enough: How Emotions, Populist Beliefs, and Perceptions of an Elite Messenger Interact to Influence Responses to Climate Change Messaging

As a rise in anti-elite populist sentiment becomes an increasingly notable object of study in political realms, it is important to also consider how populism operates outside the electoral sphere. Americans’ support for climate change-related policy has been understood primarily in a political affiliation context, with Democrats likely to support such policy and Republicans likely not to. However, populist beliefs cross ideological divides. Study of the interaction of populist sentiment, perceived elitism of a climate messenger, and support for climate change-related policy sheds additional insights onto research about climate change communication and strategic message design. Furthermore, populist sentiment is tied strongly to two emotions empirically linked to climate change attitudes: anger and fear. Grounded in principles from the Elaboration Likelihood Model and the Appraisal Theory of Emotions, we conducted an online survey-experiment (N = 406) testing audience responses to climate change messages from Pope Francis and the American Association for the Advancement of Science, two messengers that have the potential to be perceived as elite. The data revealed an important interplay between populist sentiment, perceived elitism of a climate change messenger, and emotional responses to the message in shaping post-message support for climate change-related policy.

Coalitions for change in Egypt: Bridging ideological and generational divides in the revolution

ABSTRACT The Egyptian Movement for Change (Kifâya) was created in 2004 to raise ‘democratic’ demands voiced by a wide range of political actors: Islamists, radical leftists or liberals, as well as ‘independents’. Using a repertoire based on street demonstrations this movement centred its action on the issue of political change in Mubarak’s Egypt in the late 2000s. Focusing on the emergence and trajectory of this movement, this article discusses the following questions: How did different political actors get together and sustain collective action, despite their ideological divergences and distinct generational belongings? How has the presence of young activists within these movements challenged the elder generations’ political action before the revolution? How has the revolutionary event of 2011 blurred the line between the political generations? The article argues that generational differences were salient before 2011 and were reflected in different understandings of change. By contrast, the fall of Mubarak redefined these divisions along ideological orientations rather than generational lines. Two perspectives inform the issue of political change inside this coalition. Firstly, the contribution focuses on political change among cross-ideological networks and groups of politicians. Secondly, it underlines the definition of political change from the perspective of different generations of activists.

The Fascist Who Fought for World Peace: Conversions and Core Concepts in the Ideology of the Swedish Nazi Leader Sven Olov Lindholm

This article deals with the political conversion and ideological thought of the Swedish National Socialist Sven Olov Lindholm (1903–1998). Lindholm began his career as a fascist in the twenties, and became a member of Sweden’s main National Socialist party led by Birger Furugård, in the early thirties. Ideological divisions and a failed attempt to oust Furugård saw Lindholm found his own party in January 1933, the nsap (later renamed the sss). Previous research has often described this party as a left-wing Nazi alternative, but its ideological basis has never been thoroughly dissected. The present article uses a variety of archival collections, speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper articles to suggest a cluster of six interdependent core concepts in Sven Olov Lindholm’s ideological thought: anti-Semitism, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-materialism, the idealization of the worker, and the definition of Nazi Germany as a worker’s state. Lindholm underwent a second political awakening in the sixties, redefining himself as a communist, and thus the article also examines the ideological remains thereafter. It is found that anti-materialism, linked to a broad antipathy to modernity, was central throughout his career.

Italy-2018: The Triumph of Populism and Prospects of Exit from the Political Crisis

Introduction. The article is devoted to the origins, grounds and possible consequences of the political crisis in modern Italy. The paper shows that the Italian crisis has acquired a scale that challenges the interests of political establishment of the country and the very principles of the EU existence. Methods and materials. The authors seek a combination of General theoretical and special methods, focusing on the historical, socio-cultural and political analysis. They are based on the analysis of periodicals, as well as using articles and materials of researchers on the problems of political development in Italy. Analysis. The source of the crisis is the protest of citizens against the state authority and strategies of the political class of Italy, which is accompanied by the requirement of institutional reforms and socio-economic policy for benefit of the majority, in order to establish new political rules and form a truly legitimate political mechanism. These demands came from various social groups and led to a number of political and legal transformations, culminating in the “populist government”, which came to power as a result of the parliamentary elections of 2018. The “Populist government” intended to revise many previous approaches in domestic and foreign policy. It is the Alliance of the right-wing and left-wing populists that was entrusted by Italian society with necessary reforms. Results. According to the authors, it is political populism as a possible platform for social and political transformations, along with a number of possible risks, that contains a positive potential associated with the possibility of overcoming ideological divisions, corporate selfishness of Italian politicians and parties, as well as alienation in the relations of the power and society. This approach to resolving issues by the “populist government” will contribute to the gradual resolution of the problems that have caused the long-term political crisis in Italy.

Polityka narodowościowa i kolonialna Związku Radzieckiego w ujęciu historiografii amerykańskiej

Changes in American interpretations of Soviet nationality policies have reflected broader shifts in U.S. historiography of the former U.S.S.R. Notwithstanding pro-Soviet apologists, U.S. scholars initially viewed the Soviet expansion into neighboring non-Russian lands as forced and integral to the emergence of the Soviet “party-state.” In effect, the Soviet rule, in particular outside of ethnic Russia, was perceived as brutal and often colonial in nature. The fall of the Soviet empire and resulting political relaxation, however, presented a turning point for the field, ushering in the so-called “archival revolution.” Consequently, the topic literature increasingly interpreted Soviet policies no longer as necessarily colonial but instead responsible for generating modern nationalities, or at least national categories. At the same time, the Soviet-era ideological divisions among U.S. scholars have not completely disappeared, while the more recent postmodern tendencies have affected the field in both positive and negative ways. Theoretical approaches that encourage comparative analysis and the deconstruction of analytical categories are used productively to maintain critical distance but also carry the risk of moral relativism.

Debaty o pamięci w kontekście relacji polsko‑żydowskich ostatniego stulecia Rezonans medialny wzajemnych stosunków na tle obchodów 50.rocznicy wydarzeń marca 1968 na łamach tygodników „Polityka” i „Sieci”

Celem podjętym w artykule jest przedstawienie w bardzo ogólnym zarysie stosunków polsko‑żydowskich w latach 1918—2018 oraz ich współczesnego obrazu kształtowanego w ramach dwubiegunowo prowadzonej narracji politycznej, określanej jako heroiczno‑nostalgiczna oraz krytyczna. Postaram się wykazać, że opowieści o wspólnych losach, wywierające wpływ na kształtowanie wizerunku naszego narodu, stały się obecnie kolejną linią ideologicznego podziału społeczeństwa polskiego. Trwa nieustający spór o różnym natężeniu na temat występowania antysemityzmu w dziejach niepodległej Polski, a intensywności nabiera przy okazji przywołujących ten problem bieżących wydarzeń, takich jak np. nowelizacja ustawy o Instytucie Pamięci Narodowej, obchody rocznic wyzwolenia obozu koncentracyjnego w Oświęcimiu, powstania w getcie warszawskim, wydarzeń polskiego Marca 1968 roku. W artykule przedstawię punkty sporne w historiografii wspólnych, polsko‑żydowskich, doświadczeń oraz analizę rezonansu medialnego niechlubnych wypadków marcowych, jaki — na łamach tygodników opinii „Polityka” i „Sieci” — powstał wiosną 2018 roku przy okazji obchodów 50. rocznicy tych wydarzeń.

Libya – Road to Dysfunctionality

The developments of the Arab Spring of 2011 extended, among others, to Libya. As a consequence of the armed anti-government uprising supported militarily by the air forces of the Western powers (under the auspices of NATO), the regime of Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, who has controlled the state since the 1969 military coup, was overthrown. The collapse of the current regime has initiated the path to the social, political and economic transformation of the Libyan state. However, the rivalry of local political forces which is a reflection of tribal, regional and ideological divisions, prevented the emergence of an effective political system. As a result, Libya has evolved into a dysfunctional state and the processes of internal destabilization and lack of state borders control generate threats also for the international environment of the country (West Africa, East Africa, Europe).

Reproducing patriotism: An exploration of ‘freedom’ in US history textbooks

This is an exploratory study investigating the production of the meaning of ‘freedom’ in US history textbooks used in high schools across America. Responding to current ideological division, this article investigates the production of American patriotism and identity. This study uses methods from critical discourse analysis to dissect how the language used in the textbooks produces a meaning of ‘freedom’. It then explores the production of patriotic citizens through history/civic education and questions the meaning of ‘freedom’ as a value that sits at the heart of American identity and rhetoric. The quantitative and qualitative results show that the story of ‘freedom’ in the textbooks aims to pacify the violent ruptures of history while instilling in students a sense of duty to ‘freedom’ as a cause and value worth furthering – even if its meaning is not fully explained.

Perceived Social Consensus Can Reduce Ideological Biases on Climate Change

It is well established that conservatives in the United States are substantially less likely than liberals to accept that climate change is happening and is human caused and are less supportive of policies to limit climate change. However, it is likely that ideological differences in climate change beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences are smaller when people have close friends and family members who care about climate change. Here, we use nine nationally representative survey samples (total N = 16,168) to evaluate this claim and test if perceived social consensus predicts a smaller difference in climate change beliefs between liberals and conservatives. We find that social consensus plays an important role in climate change beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences for people across the ideological spectrum, but especially among conservatives. These findings provide important insights on how to bridge ideological divides in large social dilemmas such as climate change.

Metagraph: Innovations in Form and Content

In her well-researched book Harambee City: The Congress of Racial Equality in Cleveland and the Rise of Black Power Populism and Web site Harambee City, Nishani Frazier uses a variety of primary sources, including archival documents, memoirs, and oral histories, to chart the history of the Congress of Racial Equality (Core). Her print work and electronic work examine the organization's genesis and development, the relationship between the national office and local chapters, and the ideological divisions that permeated its ranks. Frazier approaches her subject through multiple perspectives: “I am an oral historian, black freedom scholar, and my mother's child,” she declares in the book's preface (p. xix). Consequently, her research and writing methods are grounded in her scholarly training and her personal biography. These perspectives help illuminate the complicated history of the black freedom struggle in the 1960s; but they also conflict, as is evident in the book and on the Web site. Frazier's work presents new interpretations of Core while raising interesting questions about the role of history and historians in fomenting change and the obligations of scholars engaged in historical production.

Privatized corrections in the 21st century

Research SummaryGovernments historically have relied on private organizations to assist with the provision of correctional punishment and services. This reliance continues but has engendered considerable debate that stems from ideological divides. Debate stems as well from a disjuncture between the limited evidence about privatization and calls for evidence‐based policy. In this article, we present a conceptual framework for identifying what is and is not known about privatization and for guiding scholarship and policy. We then discuss key issues that must be addressed to advance knowledge about privatization and productively inform policy debates.Policy ImplicationsIn our review, we highlight that little is known not only about the benefits and harms of private corrections but also about the operations, impacts, and cost efficiency of public corrections. Scholarship on privatization can be used to shed light on contemporary punishment practices and how they impact individuals and influence corrections systems and society.

Judicial Ideology Emerges, At Last, In Second Amendment Cases

Americans seem increasingly divided along party lines when asked general questions of value regarding gun policy. Partisan divides are sometimes smaller for relatively specific policy questions, interestingly, but gaps can be found either way. One might also expect ideological divides when judges decide constitutional claims to gun rights. Those claims are not governed by any rigid and comprehensive doctrine. And yet, in an earlier study of federal circuit court cases decided from 2008 through early 2016, no ideological divide between judges was apparent. With more recent data, however, we cannot as easily suggest that judges are special in the struggle over gun policy. For 2016–2018, three different proxies for judge ideology are significant predictors of judge votes in civil gun rights cases. We estimate a 21-point gap between Republican and Democratic appointees in the probability of supporting a claim during that timeframe. Moreover, the gap appears to result primarily from Democratic appointees becoming less likely to support gun rights claims over time. The explanation for this shift does not appear to be new judges, however. On average, President Obama’s appointees do not seem to vote differently from other Democratic appointees. The best explanation for the change is not yet known. Possibilities include new judicial attitudes, new issues arising from post-Newtown firearms regulation, and a new political environment initiated by the 2016 presidential campaign. In any event, judicial review in gun rights cases is beginning to look more like larger disagreements in this country over concrete gun policy proposals—disagreements with which we are quite familiar.

Representing the compromise: How institutions serve government support coalitions in European Union policy making

AbstractThis article presents an original model of policy making by multiparty coalitions at the international level. Specifically, it analyses how domestic institutions serve parties in enforcing policy compromises onto national ministers negotiating legislation in the European Union (EU). In contrast to existing research on coalition politics, the model accounts for the benefits of not only legislative but also executive institutions and incorporates opposition parties as pivotal actors under minority governments. Ministers propose policy positions at the EU level that represent domestic coalition compromises when cabinet participation, executive coordination and parliamentary oversight of EU affairs make it cheap for coalition partners to challenge the minister's position and when ideological divisiveness increases the incentive to do so. Statistical analyses of 1,694 policy positions taken by ministers from 22 member states in the Council of the EU provide strong empirical evidence for the model. The results support the claim of executive dominance in EU policy making but also highlight that, where institutions are strong, ministers represent domestic coalition compromises rather than their own positions.

The Political Impact of Social Insecurity in France

Drawing on the case of France during the 2017 presidential election, which was marked by the victory of the centrist Emmanuel Macron and the surge of the populist radical right (Marine Le Pen) and left (Jean-Luc Melenchon), this paper analyses the impact of social insecurity on voting, using a multidimensional indicator of that combines measures of economic hardship and social and cultural isolation. On the basis of the 2017 French Election Study, a series of logistic regressions estimate the impact of precariousness on individual vote choice (including abstention) in both rounds, controlling for socio-demographic and attitudinal variables. Precariousness mainly has a strong negative impact on turnout, silencing the most deprived. Among those who vote, it has a strong negative impact on support for Emmanuel Macron. It also has a positive impact on support for the populist radical right and, to a lesser extent, on support for the populist radical left when controlling for socio-demographic variables. But this effect practically disappears after controlling for attitudes. Social insecurity does not necessarily breed populism. Ideological divisions make the difference, especially attitudes towards the European Union, immigration, and the left-right divide.