This article places temporality—the critical emphasis on time— as a critical yet understudied dimension in International Relations (IR). In order to make clear the value of a temporal framework, this study examines the protracted displacement of the Rohingya, a refugee community originating from Myanmar whose plight has emerged as a major regional issue across Southeast Asia. Traditional analyses tend to place the Rohingya crisis in a frame of forced migration and extended statelessness, one that is preoccupied with both short-term political or humanitarian intervention. In contrast, this article considers the Rohingya experience in interconnected dimensions of past, present, and future temporalities, revealing how historical legacies, current governance norms, and anticipations of an uncertain future shape policy interventions as well as everyday life experiences. The argument demonstrates how the inclusion of the concept of time in the study of international phenomena enhances the analytical lens of IR scholars, leading to enhanced understanding of long-term conflicts, the governance of migration, and refugee protection politics.

This paper analyses Kofi Annan's contribution as UN Secretary-General (1997-2006) to the prevention and resolution of international conflicts. The study focuses on hisdiplomatic initiatives, reform efforts within the UN system, and his personal approach to peacebuilding. It reviews selected cases such as Kosovo, Iraq and Darfur and discusses Annan's role in shaping global norms of multilateral diplomacy and humanitarian intervention. The article concludes that Kofi Annan has significantly changed the UN peace agenda by promoting human security and preventive diplomacy as central principles of global governance

ABSTRACT Because humanitarian military interventions declare their objective of ‘saving strangers’, yet occur in only 9% of intrastate conflicts, the question arises as to whether there are patterns to their occurrence. Insights into such patterns are relevant for assessing the credibility of such missions, while credibility influences how much support these operations receive. Moreover, such insights are needed to evaluate the impact of these interventions. Previous research either conflates humanitarian military interventions with other types of interventions or considers only a specific potential intervener. This study examines the selectivity of humanitarian military interventions without focusing on particular actors. It argues that decisions to intervene are based on both the need for intervention and the anticipated chance of success. Using event history analysis of conflict data from 1989 to 2022, it finds that a higher monthly average of conflict fatalities increases the rate of humanitarian military intervention. This holds when all deaths or only civilian fatalities are considered. Factors increasing intervention difficulty – extensive government forces, internationalized intrastate conflicts and large conflict areas – reduce the likelihood of intervention. Further analysis indicates that above a certain level of intervention need, intervention difficulty becomes the key factor shaping whether a humanitarian military intervention occurs.

ABSTRACT The Myanmar military coup in February 2021 exacerbated the existing severe humanitarian crisis, resulting in the displacement of over 3.5 million civilians as of June 2025. Additionally, 78,731 individuals sought asylum in neighboring India as of 2023, fleeing the persecution and armed conflict in their homeland. This qualitative study examines the lived experiences and coping mechanisms of Myanmar refugees in Mizoram, India, after the 2021 coup through interviews with camp leaders, refugees and camp helpers. This study findings highlight the challenges faced by displaced populations, including insufficient humanitarian assistance for basic needs, restricted livelihood opportunities, and barriers to accessing healthcare have worsened their psychological distress and well‐being. This study findings also revealed that due to lack of formal mental health support in refugee camps, refugees have to rely on religious coping strategies and communal gatherings as resilience mechanisms. This research findings underscore the need for structured humanitarian interventions, including the enhanced provision of essential services, COVID‐19 vaccination programs, and psychosocial support for displaced Myanmar populations in Mizoram. This study contributes to the refugee welfare discourse in conflict‐induced displacement settings by highlighting the role of international and local aid agencies in addressing asylum seekers' vulnerabilities.

ABSTRACT This study investigates the gendered aspects of post-displacement challenges in resettled communities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, an area that is becoming more susceptible to climate disasters. Through a qualitative approach guided by vulnerability theory, data from 25 key informant interviews reveal a stark divergence in how men and women experience and prioritise recovery. These results showed that men participants predominantly emphasised economic and housing-related stressors, identifying high rent, unemployment, and unsafe shelter as critical threats to their roles as providers. In contrast, women participants placed a high priority on health, safety, and social welfare, with a near-universal emphasis on the lack of medical care – particularly for maternal and child health – and the gendered risks of insecure shelter. The study concludes that effective humanitarian intervention and long-term resilience planning must be gender responsive. The study recommends targeted policies, such as gender-sensitive shelter programs, mobile health clinics, and livelihood support, designed within a framework that addresses these distinct, gendered architectures of vulnerability.

Abstract This article intervenes in discussions of the relationship between refugee camp and city by analyzing the now‐destroyed Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp in Damascus and the experiences of its former residents. Based on ethnographic, archival and digital research of Yarmouk, it argues that camp space ought to be understood as arising situationally and relationally—that is, as camps urbanize, those qualities that often characterize refugee camp space, such as legal exception, biopolitical management or humanitarian intervention, may recede. However, even if they slip into abeyance, they do not fully disappear. Rather, as Yarmouk shows, these qualities continue to arise in certain circumstances—with consequences for how the camp is experienced. In taking the refugee camp as situational and relational, this approach accounts for the inevitable dynamism that occurs throughout a single camp’s history and across camps in different contexts, showing how camps oscillate between urban exclusion and integration at different moments. Finally, in parsing the relationship between camp and city and the stakes of refugee camp space, the article demonstrates the need to hold on to camp and city as distinct analytical categories amid ever‐broadening theoretical applications of each.

To examine whether the association between child marriage and maternal healthcare utilization differs between conflict and non-conflict settings, and whether armed conflict amplifies the negative effects of child marriage on maternal healthcare utilization. Armed conflicts hinder progress in reproductive and maternal health, particularly in low- and lower-middle-income countries, by weakening health systems, disrupting access to care, and increasing gender-based vulnerabilities. Child marriage, which is common in such contexts, may further limit women's ability to seek adequate maternal healthcare. While both conflict exposure and child marriage are known to adversely affect maternal health outcomes, evidence on their intersection remains limited. Understanding their combined influence is essential for designing effective primary healthcare and humanitarian interventions. We used data from 82 Demographic and Health Surveys (1994-2020) across 49 countries, linked spatially and temporally with armed conflict information from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program. The sample included 452,192 women aged 15-49. Maternal healthcare utilization was measured using continuum-of-care indicators: at least one antenatal care (ANC) visit, four or more ANC visits, four or more ANC visits with institutional delivery, and four or more ANC visits with institutional delivery and postnatal care (PNC). Associations were estimated using binomial logistic regression models, with robustness checks including interaction effects, macro-level analyses, and mediation analyses. Women married before age 18 had significantly lower odds of utilizing maternal healthcare compared to those married at 18 or older. These disparities were strongest in conflict-affected areas, where child brides consistently showed the lowest utilization of ANC, institutional delivery, and PNC. Maternal education, household wealth, urban residence, and media exposure partially mitigated these associations. Additional analyses confirmed the robustness of findings across alternative model specifications, conflict measures, and subgroups.

This research examines counter-conflict reactions to the Israel-Palestine war, focusing on the escalation from October 2023 through 2025. Employing conflict transformation theory and realist security frameworks, the study analyzes strategic responses from primary belligerents, regional actors, and international institutions through qualitative content analysis. Findings reveal multidimensional counter-reactions characterized by military escalation, humanitarian intervention attempts, diplomatic fragmentation, and legal accountability mechanisms. Israel's security doctrine emphasizes preemptive defense and territorial control, while Palestinian resistance combines armed and political strategies. Regional powers pursue proxy engagement and normalization recalibration, whereas global institutions demonstrate selective enforcement of international law. The analysis identifies systemic failures in conflict resolution architecture and persistent power asymmetries. Recommendations include strengthening multilateral enforcement mechanisms, addressing root causes of occupation, and developing inclusive peace frameworks recognizing legitimate security concerns while upholding human rights and international humanitarian law.

This study critically examines the livelihood challenges confronting internally displaced women and children residing in camps within Yola South Local Government Area of Adamawa State, Nigeria. Amidst the global humanitarian crisis driven by violent conflict, terrorism, and environmental shocks, internal displacement has emerged as a pressing issue in sub-Saharan Africa. The research explores multidimensional aspects of deprivation including poor access to health care, inadequate nutrition, economic disenfranchisement, psychological trauma, and insufficient shelter and non-food items. Women and children, constituting the majority of displaced populations, are disproportionately affected due to structural and social vulnerabilities, further worsened by limited governmental and humanitarian interventions. The findings underscore the need for a more coordinated, inclusive, and sustainable humanitarian response that enhances material support, mental health services, and economic empowerment for displaced populations.

The 2011 international intervention in Libya constitutes a pivotal case in contemporary debates on the use of force, humanitarian intervention, and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973, the intervention was justified as a necessary measure to prevent imminent mass atrocities against civilians, particularly in the city of Benghazi. While the operation was widely regarded as legally grounded and normatively legitimate in its initial phase, its long-term consequences have generated sustained legal, political, and ethical controversy. This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the Libyan intervention by examining its legal basis, operational implementation, and the first decade following the collapse of the Gaddafi regime. It argues that although the intervention likely succeeded in averting an immediate humanitarian catastrophe, it failed to ensure sustainable post-conflict stabilization. The absence of a coherent strategy for institutional reconstruction, security sector reform, and political reconciliation contributed to prolonged state fragmentation, civil conflict, and regional destabilization, particularly in the Sahel. By situating the Libyan case within broader debates on R2P and collective security, the article highlights the risks associated with ambiguous Security Council mandates and premature international disengagement. It concludes that future humanitarian interventions must integrate a robust “Responsibility to Rebuild” in order to reconcile civilian protection with long-term peace and governance.

The right to education is a fundamental human right enshrined in international instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, armed conflicts pose severe threats to children's access to education, disrupting schooling infrastructure, displacing populations, and exposing students to violence and exploitation. This study examines the impact of armed conflicts on children's educational rights in conflict zones, analyzing how international human rights law addresses these challenges. Drawing on case studies from regions like Syria, Afghanistan, and Yemen, the research evaluates the effectiveness of legal frameworks, including the Geneva Conventions and UN Security Council resolutions, in protecting education during hostilities. It highlights barriers such as school attacks, child soldier recruitment, and resource shortages, while assessing state obligations and the role of non-state actors. The findings reveal significant gaps in enforcement and implementation, underscoring the need for stronger accountability mechanisms and humanitarian interventions. Ultimately, the study advocates for integrating education into peacebuilding efforts to ensure resilient, inclusive systems that uphold children's rights amid adversity. By bridging legal theory and practical realities, this work contributes to policy recommendations for safeguarding education in protracted conflicts.

The debate surrounding the hegemonic status of powerful African nations provides the context for this study, which re-evaluates Nigeria’s hegemonic status. Nigeria’s evolution from traditional humanitarian intervention to aligning with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine suggests a willingness to act as a stabilizing force in an unstable region. This role is a pressing regional concern and a matter of global interest. Essentially, the consolidation of a legitimate African hegemon could address regional instability and release substantial international humanitarian resources dedicated to the continent. The debate between proponents and opponents of Nigeria’s hegemony hinges on its historic commitment to peacekeeping and mounting domestic challenges. Using the Hegemonic Stability Theory (HST), this reviews the arguments around Nigeria’s hegemonic status. It draws on qualitative data from secondary sources and primary data from in-depth interviews with key informants from specialized agencies. The findings show that Nigeria’s commitment to regional stability through peacekeeping stems from its Afrocentric foreign policy and self-imposed sense of ‘manifest destiny’, but these efforts alone do not confirm hegemonic status. While Nigeria exhibits a measure of normative leadership expected of a hegemon, domestic pressures undermine its capacity to fully embody the role of a hegemon. The study concludes that Nigeria performs a ‘quasi-hegemonic’ function that has contributed to relative stability especially in West Africa. However, diminishing domestic capacities required for sustained regional leadership presents a significant constraint on Nigeria’s transformation into an effective African hegemon with critical implications for regional stability and international humanitarian financing.

ABSTRACT The armed conflict in Myanmar has escalated since the military coup in 2021. In this armed conflict, many civilian casualties have fallen and civilian facilities have been destroyed. This type of research is normative legal research with a descriptive prescriptive nature. This scientific article consists of three sub-discussions. First, this scientific article discusses international regulations governing the protection of Myanmar civilians when a non-international armed conflict is taking place. Second, it discusses gross human rights violations committed by the Military Junta against Myanmar civilians when in conflict with the Rebel Forces. Third, it discusses international mechanisms that can be carried out to resolve the conflict and protect Myanmar civilians. The results of this study state that the armed conflict between the Rebel Forces fighting against the military junta in Myanmar territory meets the elements of a Non-International Armed Conflict as stipulated by International Humanitarian Law. Since the 2021 military coup, there have been many gross human rights violations by the military junta, including attacks on demonstrators, torture, cutting off access to aid, and indiscriminate airstrikes. International mechanisms that can be used to resolve this problem include conducting diplomatic intervention and international community political resolution, implementing accountability for enforcing international legal instruments, and conducting humanitarian intervention and civil protection.

Objective of the study: to assess the impact of environmental factors, namely the war in Ukraine and the COVID-19 pandemic, on the reproductive health of refugee and internally displaced women, taking into account the roles of chronic stress and restricted access to healthcare.Materials and methods. The study included 100 Ukrainian women aged 18–49 who experienced displacement between 2022 and 2024 years. Study participants were stratified into two groups: Group 1 (n = 50) included women who were directly located in active combat zones (e.g., along the frontlines); Group 2 (n = 50) comprised those who were preemptively displaced or relocated from areas without active combat. Quantitative measures, including menstrual cycle disturbances, pregnancy complications, and contraceptive use, were obtained via structured questionnaires supplemented by mental health assessments (depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder). In-depth qualitative interviews explored barriers to healthcare access, levels of chronic stress, and the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic on daily life among refugee and internally displaced women.Results. Women who remained in active combat zones exhibited a higher prevalence of menstrual cycle disturbances (55% vs. 24%), pregnancy complications (18% vs. 8%), and unmet contraceptive needs (40% vs. 20%) compared to those relocated prior to hostilities. Mental health indicators were also significantly worse: depression (66% vs. 30%), anxiety (60% vs. 26%), and post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms (76% vs. 36%). Logistic regression analysis confirmed significant associations between chronic stress and adverse reproductive health outcomes (adjusted OR = 3.2) as well as poor mental health outcomes (adjusted OR = 4.5). Additionally, low COVID-19 vaccination coverage (30% vs. 50%) and limited access to healthcare services further exacerbated the vulnerability of these populations.Conclusions. The research demonstrated the profound impact of both the war in Ukraine and the COVID-19 pandemic on reproductive and mental health among refugee and internally displaced women. These findings underscore the urgent need to improve healthcare access, implement gender-sensitive humanitarian interventions, launch targeted vaccination programs, and provide comprehensive support to mitigate chronic stress and facilitate health restoration in vulnerable groups.

The world's biggest concentration of wars is found on the African continent, and there is a positive association between the rise in intra- and interstate conflicts and humanitarian crisis in the continent. Currently, the conflict in Sudan has killed about 12000 people and displaced 6.1 million, while the ongoing conflict in Somalia area has resulted in severe human rights violations and mass displacement. To effectively address these humanitarian crises, AU established department of Health, Humanitarian Affairs & Social Development (HHS). This study critically examines AU’s humanitarian interventions in Somalia and Sudan. By focusing on the complexities of these crises and the limitations inherent in the AU’s approach, the study highlights the key factors that have hindered the organization’s ability to deliver effective and sustainable humanitarian responses.

The present study analyzes the crisis of legitimacy and effectiveness of the United Nations (UN), stemming from its outdated institutional architecture, with a focus on the Security Council and the veto power of the permanent members. It is demonstrated that the veto functions as a mechanism of paralysis that compromises conflict resolution, the application of international law, and the effectiveness of judicial bodies such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). The analysis also addresses the tension between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention, exemplified by the selective application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Through case studies, it is evidenced how selectivity and geopolitical interests weaken the organization’s authority. It is concluded that the UN’s structural flaws undermine the normative force of International Law, making the organization’s reform a legal necessity for the preservation of a rule-based global order.of autonomous coercive mechanisms to enforce their rulings. The study also addresses the complex legal dilemma between the principle of state sovereignty and the imperative of humanitarian intervention, tracing the doctrinal evolution of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept.

ABSTRACT The 2023 Hamas attack on Israel and the ensuing war in Gaza brought the humanitarian response into the spotlight, alongside the international community’s inability to deal with political obstacles in the humanitarian response. However, humanitarian interventions in the Gaza Strip and their effectiveness have long been debated by scholars and practitioners, even before October 2023, mainly from the perspective of Western donors, with little focus on regional ones. This article develops the concept of Gaza’s ‘humanitarian exceptionalism’, reflecting the unique nature of aid delivery and implementation structures and analyses Qatar and the United Arab Emirates’ foreign aid from 2017 to 2023, demonstrating how the aid policies of these two regional donors are tied to this exceptionalism, despite their opposing approaches. Considering Qatar’s formal relation with Hamas – along with its role as a mediator – and the United Arab Emirates’ efforts towards the normalization process with Israel, this research addresses the following questions: How did these two donors fund and implement aid in Gaza? Which factors have influenced their aid strategies during the period under consideration? These questions guide the analysis towards a deeper understanding of these two Gulf donors’ identities within the complex framework of aid delivery and management in Gaza.

Background: Humanitarian surgical missions play a critical role in addressing health disparities, particularly in low-resource settings where conditions such as cleft lip and palate (CL/P) are prevalent. The success of these missions relies heavily on the commitment of volunteers, including healthcare professionals and logistical personnel. While their contributions are widely acknowledged, the psychological and emotional impact of participating in such missions remains underexplored. Objective: This study protocol aims to explore the lived experience of volunteers involved in humanitarian surgical missions. Materials and Methods: A qualitative study, using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), will be conducted. Semi-structured interviews will be carried out with volunteers who have participated in at least one humanitarian surgical mission. Interviews will be audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed to identify emerging themes. Data collection will continue until saturation is reached. The reporting of this study will follow the COREQ guidelines. Expected Results: This study is expected to provide a deeper understanding of the emotional and professional experiences of volunteers in surgical missions. Expected results include identifying key themes related to motivation and preparation, on-site engagement, field experience, interpersonal relationships and group dynamics, and personal reflections. These results will inform strategies to enhance the effectiveness of missions, improve volunteer support, and ensure the sustainability of humanitarian interventions. Additionally, these findings will contribute to the broader field of international health volunteering and support future program development. Conclusions: This protocol outlines a rigorous qualitative approach to investigating the lived experience of volunteers in humanitarian surgical missions. The anticipated findings are expected to inform targeted training, psychological support, and organizational strategies, ultimately improving the effectiveness and sustainability of future missions and the well-being of volunteers.

Enhancing seed, land and water management in humanitarian interventions for urban areas under siege

ABSTRACT In the aftermath of the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan 1979, more than 3 million people fled to Pakistan, another 2.3 million Afghans fled into the Islamic Republic of Iran. Through the end of the 1980s and beyond, the Middle East had become an area with one of the largest refugee populations worldwide. With a focus on Afghan refugees and based on archival research, the paper investigates the structures, actors and practices of the global refugee regime since the 1980s against the backdrop of Cold War History. First, the broad international context as well as the politicisation, ‘Islamisation’ and militarisation of Afghan refugee society will be outlined. Second, actors and practices of humanitarian aid in the Afghan-Pakistani borderlands will be analysed. The main focus here will be on the work of the UNHCR and European NGOs, especially West German organisations, their links with Afghan diaspora networks as well as their cooperation with French and Swedish partners. Their strategies for transnational networking, cooperation and competition will be examined, along with their attitude towards attempts to exercise political and ideological influence. Third, the paper will look at how individual actors and personal and institutional networks have sought to channel the lessons learned from their work in the refugee camps into the global discourse surrounding the root causes of refugee movements, prevention strategies and internationally binding rules governing the deployment of aid organisations in war zones. My paper concludes with the proposition that the history of humanitarian interventionism, was moved on significantly, both politically and legally, as a result of this.