Currently, across all areas of societal organization and state activity in Russia, the rapid spread of innovative developments and digital technologies — automated data processing, cybernetics, and artificial intelligence — enabling high-speed information exchange makes it imperative to adopt digital transformation tools quickly and efficiently, not only for organizational functioning but also to support interaction among the main elements of the legal system. The fundamental concepts for the digital development of the judicial and law-enforcement systems, to be adopted in the near future, envisage interaction with civil society institutions — primarily human-rights organizations — to ensure the protection of citizens’ rights and freedoms and the interests of business entities. In the context of changing public relations, changes in legislation in the field of innovative and digital technologies, the trends in the development of modern judicial, as well as law enforcement and human rights systems in the field of integrated interaction will be directly related to their use for mutual exchange of experience, advanced training and ensuring intersystem interaction in the process of implementing the target functions provided for by legislation and fulfilling the tasks set by the state and society.

This article examines the creation of Memoria Abierta (MA) in Argentina as the outcome of strategic networking between local human rights organizations and international philanthropic foundations, notably the Ford Foundation. Drawing on primary sources, this analysis examines how transnational connections helped to establish MA as a regional model in the field of memory. The article argues that memory institutions cannot be understood solely through their mission, but also through the financial resources, transnational alliances, and negotiations that sustain them. It highlights the Ford Foundation’s role not just as a funder, but as a crucial agent and facilitator of transnational networks, shaping the memory and transitional justice agenda in Latin America.

Alex de Waal is the Executive Director of the World Peace Foundation and Professor at the Tufts University Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. He is one of the leading experts on Sudan and the Horn of Africa, having served on the mediation team for Darfur from 2005 to 2006 and on the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel for Sudan from 2009 to 2011. Professor de Waal has also worked for several human rights organizations and the Social Science Research Council. His 2017 book, “Starvation: The History and Future of Famine,” explores the weaponization of starvation as a war tactic through a close examination of the history of modern famines. He was included in Foreign Policy’s list of the 100 most influential public intellectuals in 2008 and named one of Atlantic Monthly’s 27 “brave thinkers” in 2009. Additionally, he received the Royal Anthropological Institute’s Huxley Medal in 2024.

The on going armed conflict in Sudan since April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has had a significant destructive impact on the country's cultural objects and historical heritage. In the context of international law, Sudan, as a state party to the 1954 Hague Convention on the Protection of Cultural Property in Armed Conflict, has a legal obligation to protect and respect its cultural heritage, both in peacetime and in times of conflict. This article analyzes Sudan's state responsibilities under the 1954 Hague Convention, focusing on three main aspects: (1) legal compliance and implementation of the convention's provisions in the current armed conflict, (2) challenges and obstacles in protecting cultural heritage amidst humanitarian crises, and (3) international accountability and the role of the global community in upholding legal protection for cultural objects. The analysis shows that although Sudan has formally ratified the 1954 Hague Convention and participated in various UNESCO initiatives related to the protection of cultural heritage, the implementation of these obligations remains normative and ineffective on the ground. Various international reports indicate serious violations, such as the looting of national museums, the destruction of archaeological sites, and the illegal trade in cultural artifacts. The main obstacles to implementing the convention in Sudan include weak institutional capacity, unstable security conditions, the government's lack of prioritization of cultural protection amidst the humanitarian crisis, and limited national legal mechanisms for prosecuting perpetrators. From an international accountability perspective, the 1999 Hague Convention and its Second Protocol provide space for individual and state criminal responsibility for serious violations of cultural property, but its implementation mechanisms in Sudan remain elusive. Support from the international community, including UNESCO, ICOMOS, and human rights organizations, is crucial for encouraging compliance and restoring cultural heritage affected by the conflict. Overall, this study confirms that Sudan's responsibilities for the protection of cultural objects have not been effectively implemented in accordance with international legal standards. Concrete steps are needed to strengthen national capacity, provide international technical cooperation, and establish clear accountability mechanisms so that cultural heritage protection can become an integral part of post-conflict peacekeeping and reconstruction efforts.

The article examines the acute problem of violations of religious rights in modern Ukraine, where after 2014 the religious issue turned from spiritual to political. Three key draft laws (№ 4128, № 4511, № 5309), aimed at limiting the activities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC), are analyzed in detail. The work cites many facts of discrimination against believers: the seizure of churches, illegal searches in diocesan offices and churches, harassment of the clergy — the things which make the Orthodox Christians live in constant fear of persecution. Special attention is paid to the social consequences of the polarization of society along religious lines and the growth of inter-confessional tensions. The article also provides an assessment of the positions of international human rights organizations (in particular, the UNO, OSCE and the General Assembly of UNO). The contradiction of the Ukrainian legislation to the main international human rights documents is emphasized.

This article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the legal mechanism for determining a child's nationality in light of constitutional guarantees and international human rights standards. The purpose of the study is to identify problems and systemic contradictions between the current norms of the national legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the international obligations of the state in the area of ensuring the child's right to ethnic self-identification. The analysis is based on the provisions of the Constitution, regulatory decisions of the Constitutional Court, the Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan «On Marriage (Matrimony) and Family», and international treaties ratified by the Republic of Kazakhstan. To ensure completeness and objectivity, the experience of the CIS countries and non-CIS countries was analysed, in particular, the legal consolidation of national identity in Israel and Bosnia and Herzegovina - countries in which constitutions formalize the special status of «titular» nations. The experience of Canada and Belgium was considered, whose legislative practice allows us to assess the risks of applying a similar model in multinational states, including Kazakhstan. The study found that the automatic determination of nationality based on the origin of parents creates the preconditions for discrimination, especially in relation to orphans and stateless persons, and substantiated that the existing regulatory model requires revision in order to ensure the voluntary nature of ethnic self-identification and prevent confusion between the concepts of nationality and citizenship. The study is based on a combination of general scientific and specialized methods: deduction, historical, comparative legal, and systemic analysis, case studies, and a doctrinal approach. The empirical basis was formed by the normative legal acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan, international legal documents (including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness), as well as decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and materials of law enforcement practice of the CIS states. The results of the study can be used for further reform of family and marriage legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The results of the conducted research may be useful for the scientific community, legislative bodies, and human rights organizations.

This article introduces a special issue marking the fiftieth anniversary of Argentina's 24 March 1976 coup, which inaugurated a brutal civic-military dictatorship and a program to reshape the state, economy, and society. Situating the coup within Argentina's long history of cycles of authoritarianism and democracy, escalating political violence, and regional patterns of military intervention, the special issue highlights both continuities and ruptures. The last dictatorship was exceptional in its systematic repression and state terrorism, as well as in its ambitious economic neoliberalization. Bringing together contributions from political, social, economic, and transnational history, this special issue contributes to the historiography on the interaction between domestic struggles and global forces: the regime's evolving relationship with Washington, the role of international financial institutions, the activism of exiles and human rights organizations, and the Cold War in Latin America. It revisits the dictatorship's ideological foundations, institutional reforms, social transformations, and strategies of international legitimization, while tracing the emergence of resistance and the eventual transition to democracy. Together, the essays underscore the long-term legacies of the dictatorship, including persistent tensions in civil–military relations, debates over memory and justice, and the question of the link between authoritarianism and neoliberalism.

The purpose of this article is to find out the Analysis of Strategic Communication Discourse for the Eradication of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) by TNI-POLRI Officials in Online Media News Framing. The theory used is Social Construction with a constructivist approach. Descriptive qualitative research method with analytical analysis referring to online media news texts. The research results show that strategic communication, TNI-POLRI received support from the Chairman of the MPR to carry out operations to eradicate OPM. Murder data in ( CNN Indonesia : 27: 12: 2023) states that the National Police recorded a total of 199 KKB attacks and 146 victims during 2023, while Jonh Roy Purba in detiknews (28/12/ 2022) stated that the Papua Regional Police recorded 90 cases of group crimes Armed criminals (KKB) will be handled throughout 2022. According to Johnson and Scholes (2005), strategy determines the direction and scope of an organization in the long term, and they say that it should determine how resources should be used and configured to meet market and stakeholder needs. Michael Porter, emphasizes the need for strategy to define and communicate an organization's unique position, and says that it must determine the organizational resources, skills, and competencies must be combined to create competitive advantage. Recommendations, further research Security Communication Discourse Analysis of the attitudes of Human Rights Organizations in Indonesia on OPM issues.

Objective – To examine Serbia's deployment of Chinese-supplied surveillance technologies and assess the implications for democracy, privacy, and civil liberties in the context of Serbia's deteriorating freedom indices and EU accession aspirations. Goal – To analyse the technological cooperation between China and Serbia in surveillance infrastructure, evaluate the transparency and accountability of Serbian institutions in implementing these systems, review the legal framework governing digital surveillance, and assess local and international responses to this deployment. Methodology – This study employs a qualitative research approach based on document analysis from diverse, highly reliable sources. The methodology prioritises relevance, reliability, and diversity, integrating academic publications, reports from established human rights organisations, investigative journalism, and official government documents. The 41 sources were selected to ensure comprehensive coverage of technological, legal, political, and social dimensions of surveillance deployment in Serbia. Findings – The research reveals that Serbia has significantly expanded its state surveillance capabilities through a strategic partnership with China, particularly with Huawei, deploying thousands of cameras equipped with facial and license plate recognition across major cities. The findings demonstrate a troubling lack of transparency and accountability, with agreements classified as confidential and explicit references to Chinese involvement deliberately obscured. Serbia's legal framework for digital surveillance remains underdeveloped, lacking adequate oversight mechanisms and privacy protections. Locally, concerns persist about the political misuse of surveillance for control rather than public safety. Internationally, the EU has expressed alarm over Chinese technological penetration and its implications for Serbia's EU accession goals.

The article explores judicial lawmaking as one of the key tools for ensuring justice in the context of transitional justice a legal model that has gained particular relevance in light of the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. It is argued that in post-conflict societal transformation, courts play an important role not only as law-enforcing bodies but also as lawmaking institutions capable of compensating for legislative gaps by introducing new legal provisions through interpretation of legal norms, concretization of legal categories, adaptation of international standards, and the development of consistent judicial practice. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms for implementing such principles of transitional justice as the right to justice, the right to truth, reparation, and guarantees of non-repetition. The role of the judiciary in ensuring legal certainty, unification of judicial lawmaking practices, fostering respect for the law, and restoring the legitimacy of state authority is highlighted. It is established that judicial lawmaking performs not only an enforcement function but also acts as an active agent of legal reconstruction, taking into account both legal and moral-ethical dimensions of justice. Key aspects of judicial lawmaking are disclosed, including addressing legislative gaps, forming unified law enforcement practices, implementing international standards, reconstructing justice-related concepts, and ensuring non-repetition. Based on an analysis of national and international experience including UN reports and recommendations of human rights organizations the article substantiates that it is through active judicial lawmaking that legal voids are bridged, domestic law is aligned with international norms, and the effective operation of transitional justice mechanisms in Ukrainian society’s transformation is ensured.

ABSTRACT Since 7 October 2023, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have engaged in genocide against the Palestinian people of Gaza, based on accepted international definitions, and affirmed by analysis of the facts by preeminent human rights organizations. Irrefutable elements of the IDFs genocide against Palestinians include ‘killing or causing serious physical or mental harm to members of a group and deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.’ This genocide is supported by the U.S. Government despite legal prohibitions against funding nations who are committing human rights violations. Social work professional organizations state fighting oppression and promoting social justice are central to our profession’s values and ethics. The social work education accrediting body asserts that anti-racism and anti-colonialism are core education standards. Nonetheless, social work organizations have remained silent about the genocide in Palestine acquiesce to, rather than challenge, prohibitions against speech on college campuses about the genocide. If social work organizations continue to remain silent, and therefore complicit, with the oppressive status quo it will reveal that the values and standards espoused by social work organizations remain performative words that are devoid of action.

ABSTRACT Race is a politically sensitive topic in Malaysia, as it is inextricably linked to partisan politics as well as contentious politics. The socio‐cultural composition and demographics of the state indicates Malays as the majority race, Chinese, Indians and “Others” as the minorities. Race and racialization of post‐colonial Malaysia, dominates the social, political and legal narratives in both scholarly and non‐scholarly writings. Despite the dominant role of race in Malaysia, the link between race and criminal justice in Malaysia is understudied and often ignored. This article reviews the research and recent debates surrounding the links between race and criminal justice in Malaysia, by drawing from scholarly literature, human rights reports produced by civil society organizations and international organizations, as well as media reports. The article observes how scholars have not addressed the role of race and racialization within the criminal justice system in Malaysia ‐ indicating a lack of studies on issues such as overrepresentation of racial minorities in drug crimes and death row, despite key data released by human rights organizations.

During the Second Karabakh War (September 27 - November 10, 2020), Azerbaijani authorities accused Armenia of deploying child soldiers in the conflict. However, current international reports do not substantiate these claims. UNICEF, other UN bodies, and major human rights organizations (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch) have documented multiple serious violations during the hostilities, notably the targeting of civilian settlements, indiscriminate shelling, and use of prohibited munitions, yet none have confirmed the use of child soldiers. Armenia, in official communications to the UN Secretary-General, rejected Azerbaijan’s allegations as “groundless.” Legally, Article 8(2)(d)(vii) of the Rome Statute classifies the involvement of children under 15 in armed conflict, whether direct or indirect, as a war crime. Armenia is not a State Party to the Rome Statute, which means the International Criminal Court lacks direct jurisdiction. Nevertheless, other mechanisms such as the UN Human Rights Council or the European Court of Human Rights could, in theory, investigate such allegations. Currently, the lack of independently corroborated and institutionally credible evidence precludes the formal attribution of legal accountability under international law. For such claims to acquire juridical validity, they must be supported by systematically collected visual or audio-visual documentation, corroborated witness statements, and authenticated official records—each subjected to rigorous scrutiny by impartial and qualified experts. In the absence of this evidentiary process, the allegations remain situated within the domain of political narrative and do not give rise to enforceable legal obligations or consequences.

This article examines the restorative approach adopted within Colombia’s transitional justice framework, focusing on the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) and its response to enforced disappearances reported by the Movement of Victims of State Crimes (MOVICE) and other human rights organizations. Drawing on a critical analysis of the adoption of the precautionary measures ordered by the Section on Absence of Recognition of Truth and Responsibility for Acts and Conduct (SAR) of the JEP in the case of La Escombrera, the article explores how restorative justice principles were incorporated into judicial proceedings, participatory practices and reparative orders aimed at safeguarding suspected burial sites containing the remains of the disappeared. The active involvement of victims and their organizations has been central to this process, as their persistent advocacy has led to the implementation of precautionary measures and the recognition of their rights, in particular the guarantee of the right to search. The analysis reveals how these measures prompted a comprehensive state response, following decades of inefficient and inadequate responses from the state. However, the article also highlights ongoing challenges, such as limited resources, institutional resistance and difficulties in coordinating institutions, as well as issues with the participation and inclusion of victims. It concludes that although the JEP’s restorative approach is a significant development, meaningful progress is driven by the continued engagement and leadership of victims. Sustained political will and institutional commitment are essential to supporting this long-term process and ensuring that the victims’ rights remain at the centre of Colombia’s search for justice.

This article examines the gendered dimensions of torture and ill-treatment perpetrated by Israeli Forces against Palestinians from Gaza following the escalation of hostilities after 7 October 2023. It investigates whether gender is a secondary feature of the violence or rather a central mechanism through which suffering, intentionality and purpose are inflicted. It probes into whether traditional legal analyses of torture and other ill-treatment often overlook how gender shapes both the method and impact of torture and other ill-treatment, leading to gaps in recognition, documentation, and accountability. The article adopts a legal-analytical methodology grounded in international criminal, human rights, and humanitarian law. It first evaluates the legal framework on torture through a gender-competent lens to surface how the legal elements of torture may be perpetrated and experienced along gendered identities and modes of power. It applies this gender-competent lens to factual findings from United Nations investigative bodies and human rights organisations detailing the types and modes of harm experienced by Palestinians in Gaza post-7 October 2023. This analysis focuses on three domains where gendered torture and ill-treatment have been most evident: arrest and detention, technology-facilitated abuse, and reproductive violence. Each domain is assessed for patterns of torture and ill-treatment that exploit culturally and socially defined gender roles. The findings demonstrate that Palestinian men and boys have been systematically emasculated through forced nudity, sexual violence, and digitally broadcast humiliation. Women and girls have been sexualized, exposed, and denied basic reproductive dignity through invasive searches, lack of menstrual hygiene, and the collapse of maternity care. These practices amount to torture and other ill-treatment under international law, not merely because of their physical or psychological severity, but because they are deliberately gendered in design and effect. A gender-competent application of torture law is essential to capture the full scope of harm experienced by Palestinians in Gaza. The article calls for legal frameworks and accountability mechanisms to incorporate gender not as a modifier, but as a core analytic of torture itself.

This study examines how nongovernmental human rights organizations that advocate to end torture strategize around their relationship with government. These strategies are categorized into upstream, midstream, or downstream prevention approaches and by whether the NGOs have a collaborative, combative, or covert interaction with government. Where civil society is allowed to operate freely, NGOs prefer to have a collaborative relationship with government, but they can change to combative strategies when governments refuse to cooperate. Where governments greatly restrict civil society space, most anti-torture NGOs are forced to close down, operate covertly, or go into exile.

This study carries out a retrospective analysis of the central elements of Dutertismo—Rodrigo Duterte's brand of populism during his presidency in the Philippines from 2016 to 2022. Utilizing Paul Taggart's framework to analyze relevant literature, the paper discusses how Duterte leveraged populism to consolidate power, framing entities like the Liberal Party, the media, the Roman Catholic Church, and drug users as adversaries of the State. It highlights Duterte's responses to international scrutiny from bodies like the International Criminal Court and human rights organizations, which he accused of infringing on Philippine sovereignty. The research further explores Duterte’s portrayal of the drug issue as a national crisis, his manipulation of public opinion through surveys and social media, and his implementation of vague policies and agenda. Additionally, the paper analyzes the chameleonic nature of Duterte’s politics, evidenced by his alliances with traditionally liberal institutions such as the Philippine National Police and the Armed Forces, along with his interactions with the Communist Left. This analysis offers a deeper understanding how Duterte's leadership style has shaped the country's political dynamics and how it resonates with or differs from other populist movements globally.

The study aimed to identify and systematise the main standards of procedural fairness developed in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights concerning the procedures for limitation of legal capacity and guardianship, with a subsequent analysis of the peculiarities of their implementation in the national legal systems of European States. The study was conducted using a comprehensive methodological approach that combined a systematic method for analysing the interrelationships between the elements of procedural justice, a comparative legal method for comparing the approaches of different European legal systems, a case law analysis method for systematising key decisions, and a structural and functional analysis for studying the functioning of guardianship models. As a result of the systematisation of case law, five fundamental standards of procedural fairness were identified: the obligation to ensure personal participation or proper representation of a person in court proceedings, the application of an individual approach to the assessment of legal capacity and ensuring the proportionality of restriction measures, guaranteeing periodic review of decisions on the restriction of legal capacity, taking into account the will and preferences of the person in decision-making, and ensuring independent legal assistance. A comparative analysis of the implementation of the standards in the three countries under study revealed significant differences: the progressive Betreuung system in Germany with support without deprivation of rights, the decision-making support system in Finland without transfer of rights and the limited compliance of Ukrainian legislation with European requirements due to the lack of mandatory personal participation of a person in court hearings and mechanisms for periodic review of decisions. The practical significance of the study is determined by the creation of a methodological framework for assessing the effectiveness of national legal systems and developing practical recommendations for legislative reforms in the field of guardianship and incapacity. The findings of the study can be used by judicial authorities, legislators and human rights organisations to improve procedural safeguards and transition from traditional models of full guardianship to modern decision-making support mechanisms that respect the principles of human dignity and autonomy of persons with disabilities

The article examines the stages of the formation of a legal culture of intolerance to domestic violence in Ukraine in historical and modern dimensions. It is shown that for a long time the problem of domestic violence remained outside the attention of state policy, since patriarchal traditions dominated society and justified cruel treatment within the family. It is highlighted that only in the second half of the twentieth century, under the influence of international legal acts, such as the UN Charter, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and later the Istanbul Convention, did the formation of institutional principles for combating domestic violence begin. It is noted that the active participation of civil society, human rights organizations and international institutions contributed to the gradual reform of Ukrainian legislation in the direction of protecting victims, criminalizing violence and increasing the responsibility of perpetrators. The article analyzes key regulatory legal acts of Ukraine, in particular the laws of 2001 and 2017, as well as the consequences of the ratification of the Istanbul Convention in 2022. In addition, a comparative legal analysis of approaches to combating domestic violence in France, Great Britain, Austria, Norway, Greece, Bulgaria and Argentina is carried out. The specifics of legal mechanisms, preventive measures, practices of protecting victims, criminalizing coercive control and violent actions are outlined. The conclusion is made about the need to further borrow the positive experience of foreign countries and improve the national system of preventing domestic violence through the development of interagency cooperation, increasing the legal culture of the population and introducing zero tolerance to violence as a social norm. The role of education, media and law enforcement practice in the formation of a new public consciousness focused on the protection of human dignity, security and equality in family relations is also emphasized.

During the 1990s, the band Los Caballeros de la Quema supported the fight for human rights, participating in activities organized by organizations such as the Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and CORREPI. With their reunion in 2017, the band once again participated in commemorative festivals and concerts. Addressing the links between rock and human rights organizations, this article seeks to analyze the bond and commitment the band has forged with the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and CORREPI, seeking common ground, changes, and ruptures. I ask myself: How have the links between the band and human rights organizations been reconfigured? What does support for human rights mean in different sociopolitical contexts? I believe that the band's actions have sought to intervene in the production of meaning, seeking to denaturalize some hegemonic ideas and position others; however, this involvement has been conditioned by the different sociopolitical contexts. To achieve the stated objectives, I conducted interviews and analyzed data published in various online sources (newspaper articles, websites, and social media). Participant observation at concerts (during the band's second period) also informed and analyzed the information. This article seeks to contribute to studies on art, culture, and human rights through an interdisciplinary approach that articulates the social studies of music and perspectives that address the social and political uses of art and culture.